[516]The Papal Court was attacked by him; but none other that I can discover. The only Prince who felt the rough side of his tongue was the Farnese:Impara tu, Pierluigi ammorbato,Impara, Ducarel da sei quattrini,Il costume d'un Rè si onorato.Cardinal Gaddi and the Bishop of Verona were pretty roughly treated. So was Clement VII. But all these personages made their peace with Aretino, and paid him homage.
[516]The Papal Court was attacked by him; but none other that I can discover. The only Prince who felt the rough side of his tongue was the Farnese:
Cardinal Gaddi and the Bishop of Verona were pretty roughly treated. So was Clement VII. But all these personages made their peace with Aretino, and paid him homage.
[517]See the curious epistle written to Messer Pompeo Pace by the Conte di Monte Labbate, and included among theLettere all'Aretino, vol. iv. p. 385. Speaking of Aretino's singular worth and excellent qualities, it discusses the question of the terror he inspired, which the author attributes to a kind of justifiablechantage. That Aretino was the inventor of literarychantageis certain; but that it was justifiable, does not appear.
[517]See the curious epistle written to Messer Pompeo Pace by the Conte di Monte Labbate, and included among theLettere all'Aretino, vol. iv. p. 385. Speaking of Aretino's singular worth and excellent qualities, it discusses the question of the terror he inspired, which the author attributes to a kind of justifiablechantage. That Aretino was the inventor of literarychantageis certain; but that it was justifiable, does not appear.
[518]Aretino made no secret of his artificial method of flattery. In a letter to Bembo (Lettere, ii. 52), he openly boasts that his literary skill enables him to "swell the pride of grandees with exorbitant praises, keeping them aloft in the skies upon the wings of hyperboles." "It is my business," he adds, "to transform digressions, metaphors, and pedagogeries of all sorts into capstans for moving and pincers for opening. I must so work that the voice of my writings shall break the sleep of avarice; and baptize that conceit or that phrase which shall bring me crowns of gold, not laurels."
[518]Aretino made no secret of his artificial method of flattery. In a letter to Bembo (Lettere, ii. 52), he openly boasts that his literary skill enables him to "swell the pride of grandees with exorbitant praises, keeping them aloft in the skies upon the wings of hyperboles." "It is my business," he adds, "to transform digressions, metaphors, and pedagogeries of all sorts into capstans for moving and pincers for opening. I must so work that the voice of my writings shall break the sleep of avarice; and baptize that conceit or that phrase which shall bring me crowns of gold, not laurels."
[519]As a sample of his begging style, we may extract the following passage from a letter (1537), referring to the king of France (Lettere, i. 111): "I was and ever shall be the servant of his Majesty, of whom I preached and published what appears in all my utterances and in all my works. But since it is my wonted habit not to live by dreams, and since certain persons take no care for me, I have with glory to myself made myself esteemed and sought by those who are really liberal. The chain was three years delayed, and four have gone without so much as a courtesy to me from the King's quarter. Therefore I have turned to one who gives without promising—I speak of the Emperor. I adored Francis; but never to get money from the stirring of his liberality, is enough to cool the furnaces of Murano."
[519]As a sample of his begging style, we may extract the following passage from a letter (1537), referring to the king of France (Lettere, i. 111): "I was and ever shall be the servant of his Majesty, of whom I preached and published what appears in all my utterances and in all my works. But since it is my wonted habit not to live by dreams, and since certain persons take no care for me, I have with glory to myself made myself esteemed and sought by those who are really liberal. The chain was three years delayed, and four have gone without so much as a courtesy to me from the King's quarter. Therefore I have turned to one who gives without promising—I speak of the Emperor. I adored Francis; but never to get money from the stirring of his liberality, is enough to cool the furnaces of Murano."
[520]See Cromwell's letter, in theLettere all'Aretino, vol. ii. p. 15.
[520]See Cromwell's letter, in theLettere all'Aretino, vol. ii. p. 15.
[521]Lettere all'Aretino, vol. i. p. 245; vol. iv. pp. 281, 289, 300, contain allusions to this project, which is said to have originated with the Duke of Parma. The first citation is a letter of Titian's.
[521]Lettere all'Aretino, vol. i. p. 245; vol. iv. pp. 281, 289, 300, contain allusions to this project, which is said to have originated with the Duke of Parma. The first citation is a letter of Titian's.
[522]"Divino," "Divinissimo," "Precellentissimo," "Unichissimo," "Onnipotente," are a few of the epithets culled from the common language of his flatterers.
[522]"Divino," "Divinissimo," "Precellentissimo," "Unichissimo," "Onnipotente," are a few of the epithets culled from the common language of his flatterers.
[523]I will translate passages from two letters, which, by their very blasphemies, emphasize this contradiction. "One might well say that you, most divine Signor Pietro, are neither Prophet nor Sibyl, but rather the very Son of God, seeing that God is highest truth in heaven, and you are truth on earth; nor is any city but Venice fit to give you harborage, who are the jewel of the earth, the treasure of the sea, the pride of heaven; and that rare cloth of gold, bedecked with gems, they place upon the altar of S. Mark's, is naught but you" (Lettere scritte a P. Aretino, vol. iii. p. 176). The next is more extraordinary, since it professes to be written by a monk: "In this our age you are a column, lantern, torch and splendor of Holy Church, who, could she speak, would give to you the revenues of Chieti, Farnese, Santa Fiore, and all those other idlers, crying out—Let them be awarded to the Lord Pietro, who distinguishes, exalts and honors me, in whom unite the subtlety of Augustine, the moral force of Gregory, Jerome's profundity of meaning, the weighty style of Ambrose. It is not I but the whole world that says you are another Paul, who have borne the name of the Son of God into the presence of kings, potentates, princes of the universe; another Baptist, who with boldness, fearing naught, have reproved, chastised, exposed iniquities, malice, hypocrisy before the whole world; another John the Evangelist, for exhorting, entreating, exalting, honoring the good, the righteous, and the virtuous. Verily he who first called you Divine, can claim the words Christ spake to Peter: Beatus es, quia caro et sanguis non revelavit tibi, sed Pater noster qui in cœlis est" (Ibid.p. 142).
[523]I will translate passages from two letters, which, by their very blasphemies, emphasize this contradiction. "One might well say that you, most divine Signor Pietro, are neither Prophet nor Sibyl, but rather the very Son of God, seeing that God is highest truth in heaven, and you are truth on earth; nor is any city but Venice fit to give you harborage, who are the jewel of the earth, the treasure of the sea, the pride of heaven; and that rare cloth of gold, bedecked with gems, they place upon the altar of S. Mark's, is naught but you" (Lettere scritte a P. Aretino, vol. iii. p. 176). The next is more extraordinary, since it professes to be written by a monk: "In this our age you are a column, lantern, torch and splendor of Holy Church, who, could she speak, would give to you the revenues of Chieti, Farnese, Santa Fiore, and all those other idlers, crying out—Let them be awarded to the Lord Pietro, who distinguishes, exalts and honors me, in whom unite the subtlety of Augustine, the moral force of Gregory, Jerome's profundity of meaning, the weighty style of Ambrose. It is not I but the whole world that says you are another Paul, who have borne the name of the Son of God into the presence of kings, potentates, princes of the universe; another Baptist, who with boldness, fearing naught, have reproved, chastised, exposed iniquities, malice, hypocrisy before the whole world; another John the Evangelist, for exhorting, entreating, exalting, honoring the good, the righteous, and the virtuous. Verily he who first called you Divine, can claim the words Christ spake to Peter: Beatus es, quia caro et sanguis non revelavit tibi, sed Pater noster qui in cœlis est" (Ibid.p. 142).
[524]Her letter may be read in theLettere all'Aretino, vol iii. p. 28.
[524]Her letter may be read in theLettere all'Aretino, vol iii. p. 28.
[525]Lettere, ii. 9.
[525]Lettere, ii. 9.
[526]She wrote to him again in 1539; seeLettere all'Aretino, vol. iii. p. 30. The series of letters from the virtuous Veronica Gambara are equally astonishing (ib.vol. i. pp. 318-333).
[526]She wrote to him again in 1539; seeLettere all'Aretino, vol. iii. p. 30. The series of letters from the virtuous Veronica Gambara are equally astonishing (ib.vol. i. pp. 318-333).
[527]Lettere all'Aretino, vol. ii. p. 335.
[527]Lettere all'Aretino, vol. ii. p. 335.
[528]Giorgio Vasari, the common friend of Pietro Aretino and M.A. Buonarroti, had no doubt something to do with the acquiescent courtesy of the latter.
[528]Giorgio Vasari, the common friend of Pietro Aretino and M.A. Buonarroti, had no doubt something to do with the acquiescent courtesy of the latter.
[529]The adulation with which all the chief literary men of Italy greeted Aretino, is quite incredible. One must read their letters in theLettere all'Aretinoto have any conception of it. See in particular those of Varchi (ib.vol. ii. pp. 186-202), of Dolce (vol. ii. pp. 277-295), of Paolo Giovio (vol. iii. pp. 59-64), of Niccolò Martelli (vol. iii. pp. 116-125), of Annibale Caro (ib.p. 163), of Sperone (ib.pp. 324-330), of Firenzuola (ib.p. 345), of Doni (vol. iv. p. 395). Molza, terrified by one of Aretino's threats, cringes before him (vol. i. p. 340). Doni signs himself "Il Doni dell'Aretino," and Vergerio, Bishop of Capo d'Istria, "Il Vescovo dell'Aretino." Even the excellent Bishop of Fossombrone pays him courtly compliments (vol. ii. pp. 61-67). The pitch attained by these flatteries may be understood from this opening of a letter: "Bella armonia, e soave concento, dovea essere nel cielo, Signor Pietro divino, e fra le stelle amiche, il dì, che Iddio e la Natura di voi fece altero dono a questa nostra etade," etc.ad. inf.(vol. iv. p. 269). Here is another fragment: "Manifestamente si vede e si conosce che da Iddio per conservazione de la sua gloria e per utilità del mondo v'abbi fra tanti avversari," etc. (vol. iv. p. 398).
[529]The adulation with which all the chief literary men of Italy greeted Aretino, is quite incredible. One must read their letters in theLettere all'Aretinoto have any conception of it. See in particular those of Varchi (ib.vol. ii. pp. 186-202), of Dolce (vol. ii. pp. 277-295), of Paolo Giovio (vol. iii. pp. 59-64), of Niccolò Martelli (vol. iii. pp. 116-125), of Annibale Caro (ib.p. 163), of Sperone (ib.pp. 324-330), of Firenzuola (ib.p. 345), of Doni (vol. iv. p. 395). Molza, terrified by one of Aretino's threats, cringes before him (vol. i. p. 340). Doni signs himself "Il Doni dell'Aretino," and Vergerio, Bishop of Capo d'Istria, "Il Vescovo dell'Aretino." Even the excellent Bishop of Fossombrone pays him courtly compliments (vol. ii. pp. 61-67). The pitch attained by these flatteries may be understood from this opening of a letter: "Bella armonia, e soave concento, dovea essere nel cielo, Signor Pietro divino, e fra le stelle amiche, il dì, che Iddio e la Natura di voi fece altero dono a questa nostra etade," etc.ad. inf.(vol. iv. p. 269). Here is another fragment: "Manifestamente si vede e si conosce che da Iddio per conservazione de la sua gloria e per utilità del mondo v'abbi fra tanti avversari," etc. (vol. iv. p. 398).
[530]Lettere, v. 184. The above is only a condensed paraphrase of a very long tirade.
[530]Lettere, v. 184. The above is only a condensed paraphrase of a very long tirade.
[531]Lettere, ii. 242.
[531]Lettere, ii. 242.
[532]Lettere, i. 123.
[532]Lettere, i. 123.
[533]Lettere, ii. 182.
[533]Lettere, ii. 182.
[534]Lettere, i. 210.
[534]Lettere, i. 210.
[535]Lettere, i. 143.
[535]Lettere, i. 143.
[536]Lettere, iii. 84. Letter at the end of theTalanta.
[536]Lettere, iii. 84. Letter at the end of theTalanta.
[537]Lettere, i. 99.
[537]Lettere, i. 99.
[538]Lettere, vi. 4.
[538]Lettere, vi. 4.
[539]SeeLettere, ii. 168, iii. 169, for his method of composing these books.
[539]SeeLettere, ii. 168, iii. 169, for his method of composing these books.
[540]I have purposely chosen an extract where the style is keen and mobile. Had I taken examples from the Letters, I could have produced a far closer parallel to Lilly's rhetoric.
[540]I have purposely chosen an extract where the style is keen and mobile. Had I taken examples from the Letters, I could have produced a far closer parallel to Lilly's rhetoric.
[541]See the article on Albicante in Mazzuchelli'sScrittori Italiani, vol. i.
[541]See the article on Albicante in Mazzuchelli'sScrittori Italiani, vol. i.
[542]For what follows see Tiraboschi, tom. vii. part 3, lib. iii.
[542]For what follows see Tiraboschi, tom. vii. part 3, lib. iii.
[543]These lines have been, without authority, ascribed to Giovio; they may thus be rendered:Here lieth Aretine, in prose and poemWho spake such ill of all the world but Christ,Pleading for this neglect, I do not know him.Giovio, we may remember, styled Aretinodivino,divinissimo,unichissimo,precellentissimo, in his letters.
[543]These lines have been, without authority, ascribed to Giovio; they may thus be rendered:
Giovio, we may remember, styled Aretinodivino,divinissimo,unichissimo,precellentissimo, in his letters.
[544]Among the many flatteries addressed to Aretino none is more laughable than a letter (Lettere all'Aretino, vol. iii. p. 175) which praises his physical beauty in most extravagant terms: "Most divine Lord Peter; if, among the many and so lovely creatures that swinish Nature sends into this worst of worlds, you alone are of such beauty and incomparable grace that you combine all qualities the human frame can boast of: for the which cause there is no need to wonder that Titian, when he seeks to paint a face that has in it true beauty, uses his skilled brush in only drawing you," etc. etc. The period is too long to finish.
[544]Among the many flatteries addressed to Aretino none is more laughable than a letter (Lettere all'Aretino, vol. iii. p. 175) which praises his physical beauty in most extravagant terms: "Most divine Lord Peter; if, among the many and so lovely creatures that swinish Nature sends into this worst of worlds, you alone are of such beauty and incomparable grace that you combine all qualities the human frame can boast of: for the which cause there is no need to wonder that Titian, when he seeks to paint a face that has in it true beauty, uses his skilled brush in only drawing you," etc. etc. The period is too long to finish.
[545]I should not be surprised to see an attempt soon made to whitewash Aretino. Balzac, in hisCatherine de Médicis, has already indicated the line to be followed: "L'Arétin, l'ami de Titien et le Voltaire de son siècle, a, de nos jours, un renom en complète opposition avec ses œuvres, avec son caractère, et que lui vaut une débauche d'esprit en harmonie avec les écrits de ce siècle, où le drolatique était en honneur, où les reines et les cardinaux écrivaient des contes, dits aujourd'hui licentieux."
[545]I should not be surprised to see an attempt soon made to whitewash Aretino. Balzac, in hisCatherine de Médicis, has already indicated the line to be followed: "L'Arétin, l'ami de Titien et le Voltaire de son siècle, a, de nos jours, un renom en complète opposition avec ses œuvres, avec son caractère, et que lui vaut une débauche d'esprit en harmonie avec les écrits de ce siècle, où le drolatique était en honneur, où les reines et les cardinaux écrivaient des contes, dits aujourd'hui licentieux."
[546]I will only refer to a very curious epistle (Lettere a P. Aretino, vol. iii. p. 193), which appears to me genuine, in which Aretino is indicated as the poor man's friend against princely tyrants; and another from Daniello Barbaro (ibid.p. 217), in which the Dialogue on Courts is praised as a handbook for the warning and instruction of would-be courtiers. The Pornographic Dialogues made upon society the same impression as Zola'sNanais now making, although it is clear to us that they were written with a licentious, and not an even ostensibly scientific, intention.
[546]I will only refer to a very curious epistle (Lettere a P. Aretino, vol. iii. p. 193), which appears to me genuine, in which Aretino is indicated as the poor man's friend against princely tyrants; and another from Daniello Barbaro (ibid.p. 217), in which the Dialogue on Courts is praised as a handbook for the warning and instruction of would-be courtiers. The Pornographic Dialogues made upon society the same impression as Zola'sNanais now making, although it is clear to us that they were written with a licentious, and not an even ostensibly scientific, intention.
[547]While these sheets are passing through the press, I see announced a forthcoming work by Antonio Virgili,Francesco Berni con nuovi documenti. We may expect from this book more light upon Aretino's relation to the Tuscan poet.
[547]While these sheets are passing through the press, I see announced a forthcoming work by Antonio Virgili,Francesco Berni con nuovi documenti. We may expect from this book more light upon Aretino's relation to the Tuscan poet.
[548]Age of the Despots, chaps. v. and vi.
[548]Age of the Despots, chaps. v. and vi.
[549]"Mi è parso più conveniente andare dietro alla verità effettuale della cosa che all'immaginazione di essa" (Principe, cap. xv.).
[549]"Mi è parso più conveniente andare dietro alla verità effettuale della cosa che all'immaginazione di essa" (Principe, cap. xv.).
[550]The section on the types of commonwealths in theDiscorsi(cap. ii.) comes straight from Polybius. But I am not aware of any signs in Machiavelli of a direct study of the elder Greek philosophical writings.
[550]The section on the types of commonwealths in theDiscorsi(cap. ii.) comes straight from Polybius. But I am not aware of any signs in Machiavelli of a direct study of the elder Greek philosophical writings.
[551]I refer to theOpere Inedite. In theIsteria d'Italia, Guicciardini's style is inferior to Machiavelli's.
[551]I refer to theOpere Inedite. In theIsteria d'Italia, Guicciardini's style is inferior to Machiavelli's.
[552]I cannot refrain from translating a paragraph in Spaventa's Essay upon Bruno, which, no less truly than passionately, states the pith of this Italian tragedy. "The sixteenth century was the epoch, in which the human spirit burst the chains that up to then had bound it, and was free. There is no more glorious age for Italy. The heroes of thought and freedom, who then fought for truth, were almost all her sons. They were persecuted and extinguished with sword and fire. Would that the liberty of thought, the autonomy of the reason, they gave to the other nations of Europe, had borne fruit in Italy! From that time forward we remained as though cut off from the universal life; it seemed as if the spirit which inspired the world and pushed it onward, had abandoned us" (Saggi di Critica, Napoli, 1867, p. 140).
[552]I cannot refrain from translating a paragraph in Spaventa's Essay upon Bruno, which, no less truly than passionately, states the pith of this Italian tragedy. "The sixteenth century was the epoch, in which the human spirit burst the chains that up to then had bound it, and was free. There is no more glorious age for Italy. The heroes of thought and freedom, who then fought for truth, were almost all her sons. They were persecuted and extinguished with sword and fire. Would that the liberty of thought, the autonomy of the reason, they gave to the other nations of Europe, had borne fruit in Italy! From that time forward we remained as though cut off from the universal life; it seemed as if the spirit which inspired the world and pushed it onward, had abandoned us" (Saggi di Critica, Napoli, 1867, p. 140).
[553]Epistolæ Angeli Poliziani, lib. ix. p. 269 (ed. Gryphius, 1533).
[553]Epistolæ Angeli Poliziani, lib. ix. p. 269 (ed. Gryphius, 1533).
[554]Laurentius Valla: Opera omnia, Basileæ, 1465. The "De Voluptate" begins at p. 896 of this edition.
[554]Laurentius Valla: Opera omnia, Basileæ, 1465. The "De Voluptate" begins at p. 896 of this edition.
[555]"Uterque pro se de laudibus Voluptatis suavissime quidem quasi cantare visus est; sed Antonius hirundini, Nicolaus philomelæ (quam lusciniam nominant) magis comparandus" (ib.lib. iii. p. 697).
[555]"Uterque pro se de laudibus Voluptatis suavissime quidem quasi cantare visus est; sed Antonius hirundini, Nicolaus philomelæ (quam lusciniam nominant) magis comparandus" (ib.lib. iii. p. 697).
[556]"Meâ quidem sententiâ odiosus est si quis in mœchos, si rerum naturam intueri volumus, invehat" (ib.lib. i. cap. 38). "Quisquis virgines sanctimoniales primus invenit, abominandum atque in ultimas terras exterminandum morem in civitatem induxisse.... Melius merentur scorta et postribula quam sanctimoniales virgines ac continentes" (ib.lib. i. cap. 43).
[556]"Meâ quidem sententiâ odiosus est si quis in mœchos, si rerum naturam intueri volumus, invehat" (ib.lib. i. cap. 38). "Quisquis virgines sanctimoniales primus invenit, abominandum atque in ultimas terras exterminandum morem in civitatem induxisse.... Melius merentur scorta et postribula quam sanctimoniales virgines ac continentes" (ib.lib. i. cap. 43).
[557]"Quod natura finxit atque formavit id nisi sanctum laudabileque esse non posse" (ib.lib. i. cap. 9).
[557]"Quod natura finxit atque formavit id nisi sanctum laudabileque esse non posse" (ib.lib. i. cap. 9).
[558]For the following sketch of Pomponazzi's life, and for help in the study of his philosophy, I am indebted to Francesco Fiorentino'sPietro Pomponazzi, Firenze, Lemonnier, 1868, 1 vol. I may here take occasion to mention a work by the same author,Bernardino Telesio,ibid.1872, 2 vols. Together, these two books form an important contribution to the history of Italian philosophy.
[558]For the following sketch of Pomponazzi's life, and for help in the study of his philosophy, I am indebted to Francesco Fiorentino'sPietro Pomponazzi, Firenze, Lemonnier, 1868, 1 vol. I may here take occasion to mention a work by the same author,Bernardino Telesio,ibid.1872, 2 vols. Together, these two books form an important contribution to the history of Italian philosophy.
[559]It will be remembered that in the controversy between Galileo and the Inquisition, the latter condemned Copernicus on the score that he contradicted Aristotle and S. Thomas of Aquino.
[559]It will be remembered that in the controversy between Galileo and the Inquisition, the latter condemned Copernicus on the score that he contradicted Aristotle and S. Thomas of Aquino.
[560]These are the words: "Hoc sacro approbante Concilio damnamus et reprobamus omnes asserentesanimam intellectivam mortalem esse, autunicam in cunctis hominibus, et hæc in dubium vertentes, cum illa non solum vere per se et essentialiter humani corporis forma existat ... verum et immortalis, et pro corporum quibus infunditur multitudine, singulariter multiplicabilis et multiplicata et multiplicanda sit."
[560]These are the words: "Hoc sacro approbante Concilio damnamus et reprobamus omnes asserentesanimam intellectivam mortalem esse, autunicam in cunctis hominibus, et hæc in dubium vertentes, cum illa non solum vere per se et essentialiter humani corporis forma existat ... verum et immortalis, et pro corporum quibus infunditur multitudine, singulariter multiplicabilis et multiplicata et multiplicanda sit."
[561]Cap. viii. "Cum et Aristoteles dicat, necesse esse intelligentem phantasma aliquod speculari." Again,ibid.: "Ergo in omni suo intelligere indiget phantasia, sed si sic est, ipsa est materialis; ergo anima intellectiva est materialis." Again,ibid.: "Humanus intellectus corpus habet caducum, quare vel corrupto corpore ipse non esset, quod positioni repugnat, vel si esset, sine opere esset, cum sine phantasmate per positionem intelligere non posset et sic otiaretur."
[561]Cap. viii. "Cum et Aristoteles dicat, necesse esse intelligentem phantasma aliquod speculari." Again,ibid.: "Ergo in omni suo intelligere indiget phantasia, sed si sic est, ipsa est materialis; ergo anima intellectiva est materialis." Again,ibid.: "Humanus intellectus corpus habet caducum, quare vel corrupto corpore ipse non esset, quod positioni repugnat, vel si esset, sine opere esset, cum sine phantasmate per positionem intelligere non posset et sic otiaretur."
[562]Cap. ix. "Et sic medio modo humanus intellectus inter materialia et immaterialia est actus corporis organici." Again,ibid.: "Ipse igitur intellectus sic medius existens inter materialia et immaterialia." Again,ibid.: "Homo est medius inter Deos et bestias, quare sicut pallidum comparatum nigro dicitur album, sic homo, comparatus bestiis, dici potest Deus et immortalis, sed non vere et simpliciter."
[562]Cap. ix. "Et sic medio modo humanus intellectus inter materialia et immaterialia est actus corporis organici." Again,ibid.: "Ipse igitur intellectus sic medius existens inter materialia et immaterialia." Again,ibid.: "Homo est medius inter Deos et bestias, quare sicut pallidum comparatum nigro dicitur album, sic homo, comparatus bestiis, dici potest Deus et immortalis, sed non vere et simpliciter."
[563]Cap. viii. "Vixque sit umbra intellectûs." Again, cap. ix.: "Cum ipsa sit materialium nobilissima, in confinioque immaterialium, aliquid immaterialitatis odorat, sed non simpliciter."
[563]Cap. viii. "Vixque sit umbra intellectûs." Again, cap. ix.: "Cum ipsa sit materialium nobilissima, in confinioque immaterialium, aliquid immaterialitatis odorat, sed non simpliciter."
[564]See (cap. viii.) the passage which begins "Secundò quia cum in ista essentia."
[564]See (cap. viii.) the passage which begins "Secundò quia cum in ista essentia."
[565]See the passages quoted above; and compareDe Nutritione, lib. i. cap. 11, which contains Pomponazzi's most mature opinion on the material extension of the soul, which he calls, in all its faculties,realiter extensa.
[565]See the passages quoted above; and compareDe Nutritione, lib. i. cap. 11, which contains Pomponazzi's most mature opinion on the material extension of the soul, which he calls, in all its faculties,realiter extensa.
[566]De Immortalitate, cap. xiv. After demonstrating that theintellectus practicus, as distinguished from thespeculativusand thefactivus, is the special property of man, and that consequently in Ethics we have the true science of humanity, he lays down and tries to demonstrate the two positions that (1) "præmium essentiale virtutis est ipsamet virtus quæ hominem felicem facit;" (2) "pœna vitiosi est ipsum vitium, quo nihil miserius, nihil infelicius esse potest."
[566]De Immortalitate, cap. xiv. After demonstrating that theintellectus practicus, as distinguished from thespeculativusand thefactivus, is the special property of man, and that consequently in Ethics we have the true science of humanity, he lays down and tries to demonstrate the two positions that (1) "præmium essentiale virtutis est ipsamet virtus quæ hominem felicem facit;" (2) "pœna vitiosi est ipsum vitium, quo nihil miserius, nihil infelicius esse potest."
[567]For this argument he refers to Plato in cap. xiv.: "Sive animus mortalis sit, sive immortalis, nihilominus contemnenda est mors, neque alio pacto declinandum est a virtute quicquid accidat post mortem."
[567]For this argument he refers to Plato in cap. xiv.: "Sive animus mortalis sit, sive immortalis, nihilominus contemnenda est mors, neque alio pacto declinandum est a virtute quicquid accidat post mortem."
[568]See especially the exordium to cap. viii.
[568]See especially the exordium to cap. viii.
[569]Ritter,Geschichte der Christlichen Philosophie, part v. p. 426, quoted by Fiorentino,op. cit.
[569]Ritter,Geschichte der Christlichen Philosophie, part v. p. 426, quoted by Fiorentino,op. cit.
[570]De Incant.cap. 3.
[570]De Incant.cap. 3.
[571]Ibid.cap. 4.
[571]Ibid.cap. 4.
[572]Ibid.cap. 12.
[572]Ibid.cap. 12.
[573]Peroration ofDe Incant.
[573]Peroration ofDe Incant.
[574]De Incant.cap. 12.
[574]De Incant.cap. 12.
[575]De Fato, lib. iii. cap. 7.
[575]De Fato, lib. iii. cap. 7.
[576]An interesting description of a humanist opening his course at Padua, and of the excitement in the town about it, is furnished by the anonymous Maccaronic poet who sang the burlesque praises ofVigonça. See Delepierre,Macaronéana Andra, London, 1862. Above,p. 331.
[576]An interesting description of a humanist opening his course at Padua, and of the excitement in the town about it, is furnished by the anonymous Maccaronic poet who sang the burlesque praises ofVigonça. See Delepierre,Macaronéana Andra, London, 1862. Above,p. 331.
[577]He makes these assertions in a treatiseDe Mente Humanâ.
[577]He makes these assertions in a treatiseDe Mente Humanâ.
[578]In the peroration of his treatise on Incantation, Pomponazzi says: "Habes itaque, compater charissime, quæ, ut mea fert opinio, Peripatetici ad ea quæ quæsivisti, dicere verisimiliter haberent. Habes et quæ veritati et Christianæ religioni consona sunt."
[578]In the peroration of his treatise on Incantation, Pomponazzi says: "Habes itaque, compater charissime, quæ, ut mea fert opinio, Peripatetici ad ea quæ quæsivisti, dicere verisimiliter haberent. Habes et quæ veritati et Christianæ religioni consona sunt."
[579]From mySonnets of Michael Angelo and Campanella, p. 119.
[579]From mySonnets of Michael Angelo and Campanella, p. 119.
[580]Ibid.p. 123.
[580]Ibid.p. 123.
[581]Ibid.p. 174.
[581]Ibid.p. 174.
[582]It may be worth reminding the reader that Pomponazzi died in 1525, and Machiavelli in 1527—the year of Rome's disaster. Their births also were nearly synchronous. Pomponazzi was born in 1462, Machiavelli in 1469.
[582]It may be worth reminding the reader that Pomponazzi died in 1525, and Machiavelli in 1527—the year of Rome's disaster. Their births also were nearly synchronous. Pomponazzi was born in 1462, Machiavelli in 1469.
[583]I need hardly guard this paragraph by saying that I speak within the limits of the Renaissance.
[583]I need hardly guard this paragraph by saying that I speak within the limits of the Renaissance.
[584]Those who are curious in such matters, may be referred to the following works by Giustiniano Nicolucci:La Stirpe Ligure in Italia, Napoli, 1864;Sulla Stirpe Iapigica, Napoli, 1866;Sull'Antropologia delta Grecia, Napoli, 1867;Antropologia dell'Etruria, Napoli, 1869;Antropologia del Lazio, Napoli, 1873. Also to Luigi Calori'sDel Tipo Brachicefalo negli Italiani odierni, Bologna, 1868, and a learned article upon this work by J. Barnard Davis in theJournal of the Anthropological Institute, Jan. July, 1871. Nicolucci's and Calori's researches lead to opposite results regarding the distribution of brachycephalic skulls in Italy. Nicolucci adopts in its entirety the theory of an Aryan immigration from the North; Barnard Davis rejects it. It seems to me impossible in our present state of knowledge to draw conclusions from the extremely varied and interesting observations recorded in the treatises cited above.
[584]Those who are curious in such matters, may be referred to the following works by Giustiniano Nicolucci:La Stirpe Ligure in Italia, Napoli, 1864;Sulla Stirpe Iapigica, Napoli, 1866;Sull'Antropologia delta Grecia, Napoli, 1867;Antropologia dell'Etruria, Napoli, 1869;Antropologia del Lazio, Napoli, 1873. Also to Luigi Calori'sDel Tipo Brachicefalo negli Italiani odierni, Bologna, 1868, and a learned article upon this work by J. Barnard Davis in theJournal of the Anthropological Institute, Jan. July, 1871. Nicolucci's and Calori's researches lead to opposite results regarding the distribution of brachycephalic skulls in Italy. Nicolucci adopts in its entirety the theory of an Aryan immigration from the North; Barnard Davis rejects it. It seems to me impossible in our present state of knowledge to draw conclusions from the extremely varied and interesting observations recorded in the treatises cited above.
[585]That theÆneidwas still the Italian Epos is proved by the many local legends which connected the foundation of cities with the Trojan wars.
[585]That theÆneidwas still the Italian Epos is proved by the many local legends which connected the foundation of cities with the Trojan wars.
[586]It is enough to mention a few names—Gregory the Great, Lanfranc, S. Anselm, Peter the Lombard, Hildebrand, S. Thomas Aquinas, Accursius, Bartolus—to prove how strong in construction, as opposed to criticism, were the Italian thinkers of the middle ages.
[586]It is enough to mention a few names—Gregory the Great, Lanfranc, S. Anselm, Peter the Lombard, Hildebrand, S. Thomas Aquinas, Accursius, Bartolus—to prove how strong in construction, as opposed to criticism, were the Italian thinkers of the middle ages.
[587]"Roma, caput mundi," is a significant phrase. It marks the defect of Italian nationality as distinguished from cosmopolitan empire.
[587]"Roma, caput mundi," is a significant phrase. It marks the defect of Italian nationality as distinguished from cosmopolitan empire.