CHAPTER XVI.STOICISM IN ROMAN HISTORY AND LITERATURE.

Spread of Stoicism.

422.Although up to this point it has been our main purpose to set forth the doctrines of Stoicism, we have seen incidentally that these came to exercise a wide influence in Roman society, and that the later teachers are far less occupied in the attainment of truth than in the right guidance of disciples who lean upon them. In the present chapter we propose to describe more particularly the practical influence of Stoicism. Our information, whether drawn from history or from poetry, refers generally to the upper classes of Roman society; as to the influence of the sect amongst the poor we have no sufficient record. But although it is very generally held that the Stoics made no effort to reach the working classes of Rome, or met with no success in that direction[1], the evidence points rather to an opposite conclusion, at any rate as regards all that development of the system which was coloured by Cynism, the philosophy of the poor[2]. Our actual records are therefore rather of the nature of side-lights upon the system; the main stream of Stoic influence may well have flowed in courses with which we are imperfectly acquainted, and its workings may perhaps come to light first in a period of history which lies beyond our immediate scope.

Conversion direct and indirect.

423.Individual Romans who professed themselves disciples of the Porch owed their allegiance to the sect to two causes, in varying proportion. On the one hand they had attended lectures or private instruction given by eminent Stoic teachers, or had immersed themselves in Stoic literature. This influence was in almost all cases the influence of Greek upon Roman, and the friendship between the Stoic Panaetius and Scipio Aemilianus was the type of all subsequent discipleship. Scipio himself did not perhaps formally become a Stoic, but he introduced into Roman society the atmosphere of Stoicism, known to the Romans ashumanitas; this included an aversion to war and civil strife, an eagerness to appreciate the art and literature of Greece, and an admiration for the ideals depicted by Xenophon, of the ruler in Cyrus, and of the citizen in Socrates[3]. All the Stoic nobles of the time of the republic are dominated by these feelings. On the other hand individuals were often attracted by the existence of a society which proclaimed itself independent of the will of rulers, and offered its members mutual support and consolation. Such men were often drawn into Stoicism by the persuasion of friends, without being necessarily well-grounded in philosophical principle; and in this way small groups or cliques might easily be formed in which social prejudice or political bias outweighed the formal doctrine of the school. Such a group was that of the ‘old Romans’ of the first century of the principate; and with the spread of Stoicism this indirect and imperfect method of attachment constantly grows in importance as compared with direct discipleship.

The Scipionic circle.

424.Of the first group of Roman Stoics the most notable wasC. Laelius, the intimate friend of Scipio, who became consul in 140B.C.In his youth he had listened to the teaching of Diogenes of Babylon, in later life he was the friend of Panaetius[4]. He was in his time anotable orator with a quiet flowing style[5]; his manners were cheerful[6], his temper was calm[7]; and, as we have seen[8], he seemed to many the nearest of all the Romans to the ideal of the Stoic sage. He is brought on as the chief speaker in Cicero’sde Amicitia. Another close friend of Africanus wasSp. Mummius, the brother of the conqueror of Achaia; his oratory was marked by the ruggedness characteristic of the Stoic school[9]. Passing mention may be made ofL. Furius Philus, consul in 136B.C., and a member of the same group, though his philosophical views are not known to us[10].

The Gracchan period.

425.From the ‘humane’ movement sprang the Gracchan reforms, which all alike aimed at deposing from power the class to which the reformers by birth belonged. To the temper of mind which made such a desire possible Stoic doctrine had largely contributed. The Greeks had taught their Roman pupils to see in the nascent Roman empire, bearing the watchword of the ‘majesty of the Roman name’ (maiestas nominis Romani), at least an approximation to the ideal Cosmopolis: and many Romans so far responded to this suggestion as to be not unfriendly towards plans for extending their citizenship and equalizing the privileges of those who enjoyed it.C. Blossiusof Cumae, a pupil of Antipater of Tarsus, went so far as to instigate Tiberius Gracchus to the schemes which proved his destruction[11]; whilst other Stoics, equally sincere in their aims, disagreed with the violence shown by Tiberius in his choice of method. Amongst the latter wasQ. Aelius Tubero, a nephew of Africanus[12], who became consul in 118B.C.He devoted himself day and night to thestudy of philosophy[13], and though of no mark as an orator, won himself respect by the strictness and consistency of his life[14]. Panaetius, Posidonius, and Hecato all addressed treatises to him[15]; and he is a leading speaker in Cicero’sRepublic.

Laelius to Lucilius.

426.After the fall of the Gracchi the Stoic nobles continued to play distinguished and honourable parts in public life. A family succession was maintained through two daughters of Laelius, so that here we may perhaps recognise the beginning of the deservedly famous ‘Stoic marriages.’ Of the two ladies the elder was married toQ. Mucius Scaevola, known as ‘the augur,’ who was consul in 117B.C.He was a devoted friend of Panaetius, and famous for his knowledge of civil law[16]. The younger daughter was married toC. Fannius, who obtained some distinction as a historian[17]. InC. Luciliuswe find the Latin poet of Stoicism; the views which he expresses in his satires on religion and ethics are in the closest agreement with the teaching of Panaetius[18], and the large circulation of his poems must have diffused them through wide circles[19]. At the same time his attacks on the religious institutions of Numa and his ridicule of his own childish beliefs may well have brought philosophy into ill odour as atheistic and unpatriotic: and we find the statesmen of the next generation specially anxious to avoid any such imputations.

Scaevola ‘the pontifex.’

427.A dominating figure is that ofQ. Mucius Scaevola, commonly called ‘the pontifex,’ who was a nephew of his namesake mentioned above, and derived from him his interest in civil law; he was consul in 95B.C.He overcame the difficulty about the popular religion by distinguishingon Stoic lines three classes of deities, (i) mythical deities, celebrated by the poets with incredible and unworthy narrations[20]; (ii) philosophical deities, better suited for the schools than for the market-place; (iii) civic deities, whose ceremonies it is the duty of state officials to maintain[21], interpreting them so as to agree with the philosophers rather than with the poets[22]. In this spirit he filled the position of chief officer of the state religion. He was however no time-server; for being appointed after his consulship to be governor of Asia, he joined with his former quaestorP. Rutilius Rufusin the design of repressing the extortion of thepublicani. A decisive step taken by him was to declare all dishonourable contracts invalid[23]; and more than a generation later his just and sparing administration was gratefully remembered both at Rome and in the provinces[24]. Theequitestook their revenge not on Scaevola but on Rutilius[25], whom they brought to trial in 92B.C., when Scaevola pleaded his cause in a simple and dignified way that became a Stoic, but did not exclude some traces of elegance[26]. He is regarded as the father of Roman law, for he was the first to codify it, which he did in eighteen volumes[27]. He also wrote a special work on definitions, which no doubt reflected the interest which the Stoics took in this part of logic.

The Stoic lawyers.

428.It seems beyond dispute that the systematic study of law, which developed in later centuries into the science of Roman jurisprudence, and as such has exercised a weighty influence on the development of Western civilisation, had its beginnings amongst a group of men profoundly influenced by Stoic teaching. It does nottherefore follow that the fundamental ideas expressed by such terms asius gentium,lex naturae, are exclusively Stoic in origin. The former phrase appears to have been in common use at this time to indicate the laws generally in force amongst the peoples that surrounded Rome; the latter is a philosophical term derived from the Greek, denoting an ideal law which ought to exist amongst men everywhere[28]. The principle of obedience to nature is not peculiar to the Stoic philosophy, but belongs to the common substratum of all philosophical thought. It does however seem to be the case that the Stoic theory of the ‘common law’ (κοινὸς νόμος) was in fact the stimulus which enabled the Romans to transform their system of ‘rights,’ gradually throwing over all that was of the nature of mechanical routine or caste privilege, and harmonizing contradictions by the principle of fairness. The successor of Scaevola wasC. Aquilius Gallus, praetor in 66B.C.with Cicero, of whom it is specially noted that he guided his exposition of law by the principle of equity[29]; and after himS. Sulpicius Rufus, the contemporary and intimate friend of Cicero. We do not know that he was a Stoic, but he was a student of dialectic underL. Lucilius Balbus, who as well as his brother belonged to this school[30]; and he followed Stoic principles in studying oratory just enough to make his exposition clear[31]. He was the acknowledged head of his profession, and compiled 180 books on law[32]. In the civil war he took sides with Caesar[33].

Stoics of the Sullan period.

429.Amongst men of high rank definitely pledged to Stoicism in the generation preceding Cicero are furtherL. Aelius Stilo(circ. 145-75B.C.)[34], who devoted himself to Roman grammar and antiquities, and wasthe teacher of both Cicero and Varro;Q. Lucilius Balbus, whose knowledge of this philosophy rivalled that of his Greek teachers[35], and who is the exponent of the Stoic view in Cicero’sde Natura Deorum, the scene of which takes us back to about 76B.C.;Sextus Pompeius, uncle of Pompey the Great, and distinguished both as a philosopher and as a jurist[36]; and more particularlyP. Rutilius Rufus, to whom we have already referred[37]. A pupil and devoted admirer of Panaetius[38], a trained philosopher[39], and a sound lawyer[40], he brought his career at Rome to an abrupt end by his firm resistance to thepublicani, as already recounted[41]. With true cosmopolitanism he retired to Smyrna, and accepted the citizenship of that town. His stern principles did not prevent him from saving his life in the massacre ordered by Mithradates, by assuming Greek dress[42]; the massacre itself was the ripe fruit of the abuses which he had endeavoured to repress. He is one of the characters in Cicero’sde Republica.

Cato.

430.Of the Stoics of Cicero’s time the most eminent wasM. Porcius Cato(95-48B.C.). In him Stoicism received a special colouring by association with the traditions of ancient Roman manners. In his early years he became a pupil of Antipater of Tyre[43], and so far adopted the Cynic ideal as to train himself for public life by freely submitting to hunger, cold, and hardship[44]. After a period of service in the army he made a journey to Asia to secure the companionship of Athenodorus the elder[45]. He became a practised speaker; and though he adhered firmly to the Stoic tradition of plain language and short sentences[46], yet could become eloquent on the greatthemes of his philosophy[47], and could win the approval of the people even for its paradoxes[48]. He was resolutely opposed to bribery and extortion. As quaestor inB.C.66 he introduced reform into the public finances, and put an end to embezzlements by officials. His popularity became very great, and he was elected tribune of the plebs towards the end of the year 63B.C., when his voice decided the senators to decree the death of the associates of Catiline. With his subsequent policy Cicero finds fault, because Cato refused to connive at the extortions of thepublicani: and from Cicero’s criticisms has arisen the accepted view that Cato was an unpractical statesman. On the other hand it may well be held that if the Roman aristocracy had included more men like Cato, the republic might have been saved: and towards the end of his life Cicero bitterly lamented that he had not sufficiently valued the sincere friendship which Cato offered him[49]. In the year 54B.C.the candidates for the office of tribune paid him a singular compliment; each deposited with him a large sum of money, which he was to forfeit if in Cato’s opinion he was guilty of bribery[50]. His whole political life was guided by the strictest moral principle[51]; even in so unimportant a matter as Cicero’s request for a triumph he would do nothing to oblige a friend[52]. In private life he attempted to put into practice the principle of the community of women taught in Zeno’sRepublic. He had married Marcia, daughter of Philippus, and had three children by her: in 56B.C.he gave her up to his friend C. Hortensius, whose family was in danger of becoming extinct: finally on the threatening of the civil war inB.C.50 he took her back to his own home. At a time when the marriage bond was lightly treated by many of his contemporaries he at least rose above petty motives. In the civilwar he took sides strongly against Caesar, his old political opponent. His self-sought death after Pharsalia won him a distinction which he had earned better by his life: and the unmeasured praise bestowed upon him a century later is perhaps due more to political bias than to philosophical respect[53]. The few words with which Virgil honours his memory are more effective, when he pictures Cato as chosen to be a judge in the world of the blest[54]. Cato represents the Stoic view as to thesummum bonumin Cicero’sde Finibus.

Varro, Brutus and Porcia.

431.Contemporary with Cicero and Cato wasM. Terentius Varro(B.C.116-28). In his public career and political principles he was not unlike Cato; in his literary activity he more resembled Cicero. Both Varro and Cicero were deeply influenced by Stoic teaching, but as they were by no means professed adherents of this philosophy[55], they may be here passed by. In the next generationM. Junius Brutus(85-42B.C.) concerns us more: for by his marriage withPorcia, Cato’s daughter and an ardent Stoic, he came into a family connexion with the sect, with which his personal views, as we have seen, were not entirely in agreement[56]. Still Brutus was not altogether unfitted to play the part of Cato’s successor; he was no mean orator[57], and wrote more than one philosophical treatise[58]; whilst Cicero dedicated several of his philosophical works to him[59]. But the practical Stoicism of Porcia, who stabbed herself in the thigh to show that she was fit to be trusted with a political secret, shines out more brightly than the speculations of her husband. In her honour Martialhas written one of the few epigrams in which he allows himself to be caught in a mood of admiration: yet his story of Porcia’s death must be rejected as unhistorical[60].

Horace.

432.After the death of Brutus Stoicism ceases for a while to play a prominent part in Roman history; but its indirect influence is very marked in the two great poets of the Augustan epoch, Horace and Virgil. Of theseHoraceis in the main an Epicurean, and as such is quite entitled to use the Stoic paradoxes as matter for ridicule, and even to anticipate dangerous consequences from their practical application[61]. But in fact his works show a constantly increasing appreciation of the ethics of Stoicism. He recognises the high ideals and civic activity of its professors[62], and he draws a noble picture of the Stoic sage, confident in his convictions, and bidding defiance to the crowd and the tyrant alike[63]. Of that practical wisdom and genial criticism which has made Horace the favourite poet of so many men eminent in public life, no small part consists of Stoic principles deftly freed from the paradoxical form in which they were conveyed to professed adherents.

Virgil.

433.With this picture of Stoicism seen from without we must contrast that given us byVirgil, who inherited the Stoic tradition from Aratus[64], his model for theGeorgics. Virgil’s mind is penetrated by Stoic feeling, and his works are an interpretation of the universe in the Stoic sense; but like so many of his contemporaries he holds aloof from formal adherence to the sect, and carefully avoids its technical language. Quite possibly too he incorporated in his system elements drawn from other philosophies. In physics he accepts the principle that the fiery aether is the source of all life[65]; it is identical with the divine spirit[66]and the all-informing mind[67]. From this standpoint he is led on to the doctrine of purgatory[68],and from that he looks forward to the time of the conflagration, when all creation will be reconciled by returning to its primitive unity in the primal fire-spirit[69]. Still Virgil’s picture must be regarded rather as an adaptation than as an exposition of Stoicism; it lacks the sharp outlines and the didactic tone of the poetry of Cleanthes or Lucretius, and other interpretations are by no means excluded.

Virgil’s theology.

434.With the problem of the government of the universe Virgil’s mind is occupied throughout theAeneid. He is constantly weighing the relative importance of the three forces, fate, the gods, and fortune, precisely as the philosophers do. To each of the three he assigns a part in the affairs of men; but that taken by fate is unmistakably predominant. The individual gods have very little importance in the poem; they are to a large extent allegorical figures, representing human instincts and passions; they cannot divert destiny from its path, though with their utmost effort they may slightly delay its work or change its incidence. Above all these little gods Jove towers aloft, a power magnificent and munificent; at his voice the gods shudder and the worlds obey. But the power of Jove rests upon his complete acceptance of the irrevocable decrees of fate[70]. The critic may even describe him as a puppet-king, who wears an outward semblance of royalty, but is really obedient to an incessant interference from a higher authority. Virgil however appears truly to hold the Stoic principle that Fate and Jove are one; he thus takes us at once to the final problem of philosophy, the reconciliation of the conceptions of Law formed on the one hand by observing facts (the modern ‘Laws of Nature’) and on the other hand by recognising the moral instinct (the modern ‘Moral Law’). As we have seen, a reconciliation of these two by logic is intrinsically impossible. Virgil however shows us how they may be in practice reconciled by a certain attitude of mind; and because that attitude is one of resignation to and cooperation with the supreme power, itwould seem right to place Virgil by the side of Cleanthes as one of the religious poets of Stoicism.

Virgil’s ethics.

435.Virgil’s conception of ethics is displayed in the character of Aeneas. Much modern criticism revolts against the character of Aeneas exactly as it does against that of Cato, and for the same reason, that it is without sympathy for Stoic ethics. To understand Aeneas we must first picture a man whose whole soul is filled by a reverent regard for destiny and submission to Jove, who represents destiny on its personal side. He can therefore never play the part of the hero in revolt; but at the same time he is human, and liable to those petty weaknesses and aberrations from which even the sage is not exempt. He can hesitate or be hasty, can love or weep; but the sovereignty of his mind is never upset. In a happy phrase Virgil sums up the whole ethics of Stoicism:

‘Calm in his soul he abides, and the tears roll down, but in vain[71].’

In contrast to Aeneas stands Dido, intensely human and passionate, and in full rebellion against her destiny. She is to him Eve the temptress, Cleopatra the seducer; but she is not destined to win a final triumph. A modern romance would doubtless have a different ending.

Ovid.

436.Amongst writers who adopted much of the formal teaching of Stoicism without imbibing its spirit we may reckonOvid(43B.C.-18A.D.). Not only does he accept the central idea of Stoicism, that it is the divine fire by virtue of which every man lives and moves[72], but he opens his greatest work by a description of the creation[73]which appears to follow Stoic lines, and in which the erect figure of man is specially recognised as the proof of the preeminence which Providence has assigned to him over all the other works of the Creator[74]. But the tales related in theMetamorphosesshow notrace of the serious religious purpose of Virgil; and the society pictured in Ovid’s love poems gives only a caricature of the Stoic doctrines of the community of women, the absence of jealousy, and outspokenness of speech. Finally the plaintive tone of theTristiashows how little Ovid was in touch with Stoic self-control amidst the buffetings of fortune.

Cremutius Cordus.

437.In the time of the nextprincepswe first find Stoicism associated with an unsympathetic attitude towards the imperial government. There was nothing in Stoic principles to suggest this opposition. Tiberius himself had listened to the teaching of the Stoic Nestor, and the simplicity of his personal life and the gravity of his manners might well have won him the support of sincere philosophers. But if Stoicism did not create the spirit of opposition, it confirmed it where it already existed. The memory of Cato associated Stoic doctrines with republican views: vague idealisations of Brutus and Cassius suggested the glorification of tyrannicide.Cremutius Cordus(ob.A.D.25) had offended Seianus by a sarcastic remark: for when Tiberius repaired the theatre of Pompey, and the senate voted that a statue of Seianus should be erected there, Cordus said that this meant really spoiling the theatre[75]. Seianus then dropped a hint to his client Satrius, who accused Cordus before the senate of writing a history in which he highly praised Brutus, and declared Cassius to have been ‘the last of the Romans.’ A word of apology would have saved the life of Cordus; he resolved to die by his own act[76], to the great annoyance of his prosecutors[77]. From this time on suicide became an object of political ambition. The Stoic tradition continued in the family of Cordus, and to his daughter Marcia, as a fellow-member of the sect, Seneca addressed the well-knownConsolatio[78]; but the title of ‘old Romans’describes far better the true leanings of the men of whom Cordus was the forerunner.

Kanus Iulius.

438.In the reign of Gaius (Caligula) we first find philosophers as such exposed to persecution; and we may infer that, like the Jews, they resisted tacitly or openly the claim of the emperor to be worshipped as a god.Iulius Graecinus, according to Seneca, was put to death for no other reason than that he was a better man than a tyrant liked to see alive[79].Kanus Iuliusreproved the emperor to his face, and heard with calmness his own doom pronounced. During the ten days still left to him he went quietly on with his daily occupations; he was engaged in a game of chess when the centurion summoned him. ‘After my death,’ he said to his opponent, ‘do not boast that you won the game.’ His philosopher accompanied him, and inquired how his thoughts were occupied. ‘I propose,’ said Kanus, ‘to observe whether at the last moment the soul is conscious of its departure. Afterwards, if I discover what the condition of departed souls is, I will come back and inform my friends[80].’

Arria the elder.

439.In the reign of Claudius we find Stoics engaged in actual conspiracy against the emperor. The name ofPaetus Caecinaintroduces us to a famous Stoic family, for his wife wasArriathe elder. Pliny tells us, on the authority of her granddaughter Fannia, how when her husband and son both fell sick together, and the latter died, she carried out the whole funeral without her husband’s knowledge; and each time that she entered his sick chamber, assumed a cheerful smile and assured him that the boy was much better. Whenever her grief became too strong, she would leave the room for a few minutes to weep, and return once more calm. When Scribonianus in Illyria rebelled against Claudius, Paetus took his side; upon his fall he was brought a prisoner to Rome. Arria was not allowed to accompany him, but she followed him in a fishing boat. She encouraged him to face death by piercingher own breast with a dagger, declaring ‘it doesn’t hurt[81],’ and upon his death she determined not to survive him. Thrasea, her son-in-law, tried to dissuade her. ‘If I were condemned, would you,’ said he, ‘wish your daughter to die with me?’ ‘Yes,’ said Arria, ‘if she had lived with you as long and as happily as I with Paetus.’ Here we have a deliberate justification of the Hindu practice of the Satī.

Seneca.

440.In the reign of Nero the Stoics are still more prominent, and almost always in opposition.Seneca, of course, the emperor’s tutor and minister, is on the government side; and from his life we can draw the truest picture of the imperial civil servant in high office. We shall certainly not expect to find that Seneca illustrated in his own life all the virtues that he preached; on the other hand we shall not readily believe that the ardent disciple of Attalus[82]and affectionate husband of Paulina was a man of dissolute life or of avaricious passions. Simple tastes, an endless capacity for hard work, and scrupulous honesty were the ordinary marks of the Roman official in those days, as they are of members of the Civil Service of India to-day[83]. Seneca is often accused of having been too supple as a minister; but he was carrying out the principles of his sect better by taking an active part in politics than if he had, like many others, held sullenly aloof[84]. He did not indeed imitate Cato or Rutilius Rufus, who had carried firmness of principle to an extent that laid them open to the charge of obstinacy; but in submitting frankly to power greater than his own he still saw to it that his own influence should count towards the better side. For the story of his political career we cannot do better than to refer to the latesthistorian of his times[85]; of his work as a philosopher, to which he himself attributed the greater importance, a general account has been given above[86]and more particular discussions form the central theme of this book.

Persius and Lucan.

441.From Seneca we pass naturally to some mention of the poets Persius and Lucan.A. Persius Flaccus(34-62A.D.) became at 16 years of age the pupil and companion of the Stoic philosopher Cornutus: he was also a relative of the Arriae already mentioned. He gives us a charming picture of his teacher’s ways of life, which were doubtless typical[87]: and his summary view of the scope of philosophy well indicates how its proportions had shrunk at this period. Dialectic is not mentioned, and physics has interest only in its bearing upon the position and duty of the individual.

‘Go, study, hapless folk, and learn to knowThe end and object of our life—what are we;The purpose of our being here; the rankAssigned us at the start, and where and whenThe turn is smoothest round the perilous post;The bounds of wealth; life’s lawful aims; the useOf hoards of coin new-minted; what the claimsOf fatherland and kinsfolk near and dear;The will of God concerning thee, and whereThou standest in the commonwealth of man[88].’

‘Go, study, hapless folk, and learn to know

The end and object of our life—what are we;

The purpose of our being here; the rank

Assigned us at the start, and where and when

The turn is smoothest round the perilous post;

The bounds of wealth; life’s lawful aims; the use

Of hoards of coin new-minted; what the claims

Of fatherland and kinsfolk near and dear;

The will of God concerning thee, and where

Thou standest in the commonwealth of man[88].’

His contemporaryM. Annaeus Lucanus(39-65A.D.), a nephew of Seneca, plunged more deeply both into philosophy and into politics. In both he displayed ardour insufficiently tempered with discretion; he had a far keener sense of his personal grievances than became a Stoic, and was much more of a critic than of a reformer. Yet hardly any writer expresses more forcibly the characteristic doctrines of Stoicism, as they seized the imagination of young Romans of the upper classes.Amongst such doctrines that of the conflagration was clearly prominent.

‘So when this frame of things has been dissolved,And the world’s many ages have receivedTheir consummation in one final hour,Chaos recalled shall gain his utmost seat,The constellations in confusion direHurled each on each together clash; the starsFlaming shall fall into the deep; the earthNo longer shall extend her barrier shores,And fling the waters from her; and the MoonShall meet the Sun in fratricidal war[89].’

‘So when this frame of things has been dissolved,

And the world’s many ages have received

Their consummation in one final hour,

Chaos recalled shall gain his utmost seat,

The constellations in confusion dire

Hurled each on each together clash; the stars

Flaming shall fall into the deep; the earth

No longer shall extend her barrier shores,

And fling the waters from her; and the Moon

Shall meet the Sun in fratricidal war[89].’

‘One pyre awaits the Universe; in ruin’Twill mix with bones of men the heavenly spheres[90].’

‘One pyre awaits the Universe; in ruin

’Twill mix with bones of men the heavenly spheres[90].’

Lucan emphasizes the pantheistic interpretation of the divine nature;

‘God is all eye can see or heart can feel[91].’

‘The powers of heaven are round about us all;And though from out the temple come no voice,Nought can we do without the will of God[92].’

‘The powers of heaven are round about us all;

And though from out the temple come no voice,

Nought can we do without the will of God[92].’

To the idealized Cato he addresses the noblest praises;

‘For sure a consecrated life is thine,The laws of heaven thy pattern, God thy guide[93].’

‘For sure a consecrated life is thine,

The laws of heaven thy pattern, God thy guide[93].’

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