Zeno opens his school.
81.When Zeno definitely accepted the teaching of Heraclitus, he felt bound to break finally with the school of Polemo, and he founded soon after 300B.C.a school of his own, which was rapidly crowded. His followers were at first called Zenonians, but afterwards Stoics, from the ‘picture porch’ (so called because it was decorated with paintings by Polygnotus) in which he delivered his lectures. He now applied himself afresh to the problem of ethics. Whilst still adhering to the Cynic views that ‘virtue is the only good,’ and that ‘example is more potent than precept,’ he entirely rejected the intuitional basis which the Cynics had accepted, deciding in favour of the claims of reason. He found his ideal in ‘consistency’ (ὁμολογία,convenientia)[70]; as the Logos or Word rules in the universe, so should it also in the individual. Those who live by a single and harmonious principle possessdivine favour and an even flow of life[71]; those that follow conflicting practices are ill-starred[72]. In this consistency there is found virtue, and (here again he follows the Cynics) virtue is sufficient for happiness[73], and has no need of any external support.
His theory of virtue.
82.But whilst the virtue of the Cynics is something detached and self-contained, and is ‘natural’ only in the sense that it is not determined by custom or authority, that of Zeno is bound up with the whole scheme of the universe. For the universe puts before men certain things, which though rightly named ‘indifferent’ by the Cynics, and wrongly named ‘good’ by the Academics, have yet a certain value (ἀξία,aestimatio), and are a natural goal for men’s actions[74]. Such are health, prosperity, good name, and other things which the Academics named ‘things according to nature’ (τὰ κατὰ φύσιν). These Zeno took over, not as a part of his theory of virtue, but as the basis of it[75]; and for things having value introduced the term ‘of high degree’ (προηγμένα), and for their opposites the term ‘of low degree’ (ἀποπροηγμένα), these terms being borrowed from court life. Thus virtue alone is queen, and all things naturally desired are subject to her command[76]. The end of life is therefore to live consistently, keeping in view the aims set before us by nature, or shortly, to live ‘consistently with nature.’ Our authorities do not agree as to whether Zeno or Cleanthes was the first to use this phrase[77]; but there can be no doubt that the doctrine is that of Zeno, that it is a fundamental part of the Stoic system, and that it was maintained unaltered by all orthodox Stoics. On the other hand theAcademics and Peripatetics ridiculed these new and barbarous terms προηγμένα and ἀποπροηγμένα, and their view has generally been supported both in ancient and modern times[78]. We cannot however question the right of Zeno to reserve a special term for that which is morally good; he was in fact feeling his way towards the position, still imperfectly recognized, that the language of common life is inadequate to the exact expression of philosophic principles[79].
Zeno’s syllogisms.
83.In expounding his system Zeno made much use of the syllogism, thereby laying the foundations of a new style of oratory, consisting of short and pointed clauses, which became a characteristic of his school[80]. He no doubt regarded this form as a sure method of attaining truth; but even at the present day the principle that truth can only be reached from facts and not from words is not everywhere admitted. The syllogisms of Zeno have all their weak points, and as a rule the term which is common to the major and minor premisses suffers a shift of meaning. These syllogisms can no longer convince us, and even in antiquity they were severely criticized. But they are excellent aids to the memory, and so serve the same end as the catechisms of the Reformation period. Amongst the syllogisms attributed to Zeno are these: ‘That which has reason is better than that which has not reason; but nothing is better than the universe; therefore the universe has reason[81].’ ‘No one trusts a secret to a drunken man; but one trusts a secret to a good man; therefore a good man will not be drunken[82].’ ‘No evil is accompanied by glory; but death is accompanied by glory; therefore death is no evil[83].’ Such syllogisms were embedded in the numerous works of Zeno, ofwhich many were certainly extant as late as the time of Epictetus[84].
Epicurus and Arcesilaus.
84.At the very time when Zeno was elaborating the doctrines of the Porch, another school of equal eminence was established at Athens byEpicurus(341-270B.C.) in his Gardens. Epicurus combined the ethical principle of the Cyrenaics, that pleasure is the end of life, with the atomistic philosophy of Democritus; he had no respect for the study of dialectic, but placed the criterion of truth in the observations of the senses, leaving little room for the participation of mind or will. Thus in every part of philosophy his teaching was opposed to that of Zeno, and the two schools during their whole existence were in the sharpest conflict. We may nevertheless notice some points of contact between them. Both founded, or conceived that they founded their ethical doctrine upon physical proofs; that is, both maintained that the end of life which they put forward was that prescribed by natural law. As a consequence, they agreed in removing the barrier which Socrates had set up against the pursuit of natural science. Both again were positive teachers, or (in the language of the ancients) propounders of dogmas; and here they came into conflict with the Academic school, which maintained, and was soon about to emphasize, the critical spirit of Socrates and Plato. For in the last years of Zeno’s life his old fellow-pupil Arcesilaus became head of the Academic school (270B.C.), and at once directed his teaching against Zeno’s theory of knowledge[85]. Following the practice of Socrates and of Plato’s dialogues, he argued against every point of view presented, and concluded that certain truth could not be known by man[86]. He pressed Zeno closely as to his definition of ‘comprehension,’ and induced him to add a clause which, in the opinion of his opponent, shewed the worthlessness of the wholedoctrine[87]. Thus was raised the question of the κριτήριον or test of truth, which for at least a century to come sharply divided the schools[88].
Zeno at Athens.
85.The conflict between these three schools, which from this time on greatly surpassed all others in importance, did not embitter the political life of Athens. The citizens watched with amusement the competition of the schools for numbers and influence, and drew their profit from the crowds of foreigners who were drawn to Athens by its growing fame as a centre of adult education. To the heads of the schools they were ready to pay every mark of respect. With Zeno they deposited the keys of their gates, and they awarded him during his lifetime a gold crown and a bronze statue. His fame spread abroad, and those of his fellow-citizens of Citium who were then resident at Sidon claimed a share in it. In his old age the high-minded Antigonus Gonatas (who occupied the throne of Macedonia with varying fortune from 278 to 239B.C.) looked to him for advice and help. But no offers of public employment could draw Zeno himself from his simple life and the young companions who surrounded him: like Socrates, he thought that he could best serve the State by sending out others to take part in its duties[89]. He died in the year 264B.C.[90], having been engaged in teaching for more than 30 years from the time when he ‘discovered the truth[91].’
Honours paid to him.
86.The vote which the Athenians passed in honour of Zeno, shortly before his death, deserves record by its contrast with that by which their predecessors had condemned Socrates. It ran somewhat as follows:
‘Whereas Zeno the son of Mnaseas from Citium has spent many years in this city in the pursuit of philosophy; and has been throughout a good man in all respects; and has encouraged the young men who resorted to him in virtue and temperance, and has sped them on the right path; and has made his own life an example to all men, for it has been consistent with the teaching he has set forth;Now it seems good to the people of Athens to commend Zeno the son of Mnaseas from Citium, and to crown him with a golden crown (in accordance with the law) for his virtue and temperance, and to build him a tomb on the Ceramicus at the public expense. And the people shall elect five Athenian citizens to provide for the making of the crown and the building of the tomb. And the town clerk shall engrave this vote on two pillars, and shall set up one in the Academy, and one in the Lyceum. And the treasurer shall make due allotment of the expense, that all men may see that the people of Athens honours good men both in their life time and after their death[92].’
‘Whereas Zeno the son of Mnaseas from Citium has spent many years in this city in the pursuit of philosophy; and has been throughout a good man in all respects; and has encouraged the young men who resorted to him in virtue and temperance, and has sped them on the right path; and has made his own life an example to all men, for it has been consistent with the teaching he has set forth;
Now it seems good to the people of Athens to commend Zeno the son of Mnaseas from Citium, and to crown him with a golden crown (in accordance with the law) for his virtue and temperance, and to build him a tomb on the Ceramicus at the public expense. And the people shall elect five Athenian citizens to provide for the making of the crown and the building of the tomb. And the town clerk shall engrave this vote on two pillars, and shall set up one in the Academy, and one in the Lyceum. And the treasurer shall make due allotment of the expense, that all men may see that the people of Athens honours good men both in their life time and after their death[92].’
We have no reason to doubt the sincerity of this tribute. It is true that all the charges brought against Socrates hold even more forcibly as against Zeno. But the spirit of political and religious independence was now dead, and the advantage of the philosophical schools to the fame and business interests of the city had become clearer; so that nothing prevented any longer the open recognition of Zeno’s virtues and eminence. Who will may also read in the decree a belated mark of respect to the memory of Socrates.
Zeno’s breadth of view.
87.In this sketch of the life of Zeno no attempt has been made to give a complete view of his philosophy; but a few landmarks have been indicated, by which it may be possible to distinguish which parts of it were his own, which were taken over from others, and how all were gradually combined in one whole. Zeno had not the kind of originality which begins by assuming a general principle, and then explains all things human and divine by deductions from it. Instead of this he gathered together (as Aristotle had done before, but with a very different bias) what seemed most sound and illuminating in the teaching of all the schools which surrounded him. He did this in a positive spirit, feeling assured that truth exists and is discernible, and must be consistent in all its parts. We seem unable to say that in his writings he attained to this consistency,but at least he worked steadily towards it. The effort for consistency led him in the direction of monistic principle, though his points of departure both in physics and in ethics are dualistic. But the teaching of Zeno does not lend itself to that kind of study which assigns all new facts to compartments of thought ready labelled in advance, nor can it be summarized by any of the technical terms which are in use in modern philosophical thought. Enough has perhaps been said to shew that, great as was the debt of Zeno to his predecessors, he was no mere imitator or plagiarist; the history of the following centuries will shew that he had in some sense touched the pulses of human life more truly than any of his contemporaries.
FOOTNOTES[1]Thucydides,passim.[2]Mahaffy,Greek Life and Thought, ch. 1.[3]‘Plato combined the various elements, the, so to speak, prismatically broken rays of the Socratic spirit in a new, higher, and richer unity’ Ueberweg, Eng. transl. i p. 89.[4]‘The philosophy of Greece reached its highest point in Plato and Aristotle’ Zeller,Stoicsetc., p. 11. ‘The bloom of Greek philosophy was short lived’ib.p. 10.[5]The phrases ‘cum Platone errare,’ ‘amicus Plato, magis amica veritas’ agree in expressing the general incredulity with which Platonism was received in the ancient world. In our own days an ill-balanced sympathy for Platonic dogma is often a serious hindrance to philosophic progress.[6]See further, §284.[7]See below, §179.[8]Aristotle,Physics, ii 7.[9]See below, §173.[10]εἰ δ’ ἐν ζῴῳ τοῦτο δυνατὸν γενέσθαι, τί κωλύει τὸ αὐτὸ συμβῆναι καὶ κατὰ τὸ πᾶν; εἰ γὰρ ἐν μικρῷ κόσμῳ γίνεται, καὶ ἐν μεγάλῳ Ar.Phys.viii 2, 252 b.[11]See Ueberweg’s note, i (Eng. trans., pp. 178-180; tenth German edition, pp. 238-240), and below, §362.[12]‘vitae autem degendae ratio maxime quidem illis [Peripateticis] placuit quieta, in contemplatione et cognitione posita rerum; quae quia deorum erat vitae simillima, sapiente visa est dignissima’ Cic.Fin.v 4, 11.[13]See note 15, below.[14]Clem.Strom.ii p. 419 a.[15]‘honeste autem vivere, fruentem rebus eis, quas primas homini natura conciliet, et vetus Academia censuit (ut indicant scripta Polemonis), et Aristoteles eiusque amici huc proxime videntur accedere’ Cic.Ac.ii 42, 131. Here Prof. J. S. Reid suggests that Polemo may merely have used the phrase κατὰ φύσιν ζῆν, as opposed to κατὰ θέσιν (conventionally).[16]‘quem [sc.Arcesilan] ferunt ... primum instituisse, non quid ipse sentiret ostendere, sed contra id, quod quisque se sentire dixisset, disputare’ Cic.de Or.iii 18, 67. ‘Arcesilas negabat esse quidquam quod sciri posset, ne illud quidem ipsum, quod Socrates sibi reliquisset’Ac.i 12, 45.[17]‘[cuius] ratio probabilis possit reddi’ Cic.Fin.iii 17, 58. See further below, §§105,332.[18]See especially §§113and123.[19]Cic.Fin.iv 28, 79.[20]‘non dolere ... Hieronymus summum bonum esse dixit’ib.v 25, 73.[21]‘at vero Callipho, et post eum Diodorus, cum alter voluptatem adamavisset, alter vacuitatem doloris: neuter honestate carere potuit, quae est a nostris laudata maxime’ib.[22]ib.25, 75.[23]Off.i 1, 1.[24]‘[Stoici] quidem non unam aliquam aut alteram a nobis, sed totam ad se nostram philosophiam transtulerunt. atque, ut reliqui fures, earum rerum, quas ceperunt, signa commutant, sic illi, ut sententiis nostris pro suis uterentur, nomina, tanquam rerum notas, mutaverunt’Fin.v 25, 74.[25]Ζήνωνα τὸν Φοίνικα, Athen.Deipnos.xiii 2; ‘tuus ille Poenulus,’ ‘e Phoenicia profecti’ Cic.Fin.iv 20, 56.[26]Diog. L. vii 31 and 32.[27]‘nuntiato naufragio Zeno noster, cum omnia sua audiret submersa: iubet, inquit, me fortuna expeditius philosophari’ Sen.Dial.ix 14, 3.[28]Diog. L. vii 3.[29]Diog. L. vi 96 and 97.[30]ib.vii 4.[31]ἀντέγραψε πρὸς τὴν Πλάτωνος Πολιτείαν Plut.Sto. rep.8, 2 (Arnim i 260).[32]This doctrine can be traced back to Diogenes and even to Socrates: see below, §303.[33]τὰς πόλεις κοσμεῖν οὐκ ἀναθήμασιν, ἀλλὰ ταῖς τῶν οἰκούντων ἀρεταῖς Stob. iv 1, 88.[34]See below, §305.[35]παριστάντα πολίτας τοὺς σπουδαίους μόνον Diog. L. vii 33.[36]See below, §318.[37]§306.[38]§307.[39]§§296,297.[40]§304.[41]§315.[42]See above, §56.[43]He said ‘O Crates, the best handle of philosophers is that by the ear; persuade me if you can, and lead me that way; if you use violence, my body will stay with you, but my soul will be with Stilpo’ Diog. L. vii 24.[44]‘errorem autem et temeritatem et ignorantiam et opinationem et suspicionem et uno nomine omnia, quae essent aliena firmae et constantis adsensionis, a virtute sapientiaque [Zeno] removebat’ Cic.Ac.i 11, 42.[45]‘hoc quidem Zeno gestu conficiebat. nam cum extensis digitis adversam manum ostenderat, ‘visum,’ inquiebat, ‘huiusmodi est.’ deinde cum paulum digitos contraxerat, ‘adsensus huiusmodi.’ tum cum plane compresserat pugnumque fecerat, comprehensionem illam esse dicebat; cum autem laevam manum admoverat et illum pugnum arte vehementerque compresserat, scientiam talem esse dicebat: cuius compotem nisi sapientem esse neminem’ Cic.Ac.ii 47, 145.[46]See below, §188.[47]So the Megarians were commonly called on account of their disputatious methods.[48]As for instance Arcesilaus; Ἀρκεσίλαος ὁ ἐκ τῆς Ἀκαδημίας, Ζήνωνος τοῦ Κιτιέως συσχολαστὴς παρὰ Πολέμωνι Strabo xiii p. 614 (Arnim i 10).[49]Diog. L. iv 18.[50]ib.20.[51]ib.[52]Diog. L. vii 25.[53]See below, §189.[54]See §268, note 2.[55]οἵ γε ἀπὸ Χρυσίππου καὶ Ζήνωνος φιλόσοφοι καὶ πάντες ὅσοι σῶμα τὴν ψυχὴν νοοῦσι Iamb.de an.(Stob. i 49, 33).[56]Ζήνων ὁ Στωϊκὸς ὀκταμερῆ φησιν εἶναι τὴν ψυχήν Nemes.nat. hom.p. 96 (Arnim i 143).[57]οἱ ἀπὸ Ζήνωνος ὀκταμερῆ τὴν ψυχὴν διαδοξάζουσι, περὶ [ἣν] τὰς δυνάμεις εἶναι πλείονας, ὥσπερ ἐν τῷ ἡγεμονίκῳ ἐνυπαρχουσῶν φαντασίας συγκαταθέσεως ὁρμῆς λόγου Iamb.de an.(Arnim i 143). See below, §270.[58]τῶν προειρημένων ἤκουσεν ἕως ἐτῶν εἴκοσιν· ἵνα καί φασιν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν· νῦν εὐπλόηκα, ὅτε νεναυάγηκα Diog. L. vii 4. It must not however be assumed that Zeno himself used the phrase in this sense: see the other references in Arnim i 277.[59]‘iam Polemonem audiverant adsidue Zeno et Arcesilas. Sed Zeno cum Arcesilam anteiret aetate, valdeque subtiliter dissereret et peracute moveretur, corrigere conatus est disciplinam’ Cic.Ac.i 9, 34 and 35.[60]ἐπεὶ συμφοιτῶντες παρὰ Πολέμωνι ἐφιλοτιμήθησαν ἀλλήλοις, συμπαρέλαβον εἰς τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους μάχην ὁ μὲν Ἡράκλειτον καὶ Στίλπωνα ἅμα καὶ Κράτητα Euseb.Praep. ev.xiv 5, 11 (quoting Numenius) (Arnim i 11).[61]Zeno often calls itaether: ‘Zenon ... aethera ... interim vult omnium esse principium’ Min. Felix xix p. 58: Cleanthes calls itspirit, see below, §100. ‘The fire of Heraclitus becomes aether or πῦρ τεχνικόν—for this distinction is unknown to the Ephesian—and is thereby spiritualised and rarefied’ Pearson,Fragments, Intr. pp. 22, 23.[62]See below, §196.[63]See above, §39.[64]Stein,Psychologie, i 62 sqq.[65]Χρύσιππος καὶ Ζήνων ὑπέθεντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀρχὴν μὲν θεὸν τῶν πάντων, σῶμα ὄντα τὸ καθαρώτατον Hippolyt.Philos.21, 1 (Arnim i 153).[66]‘rationem quandam per naturam omnem rerum pertinentem vi divina esse affectam putat’ Cic.N. D.i 14, 36.[67]‘Zeno [deum nuncupat] naturalem divinamque legem’ Lact.Div. inst.i 5, 20.[68]ἄλλοι δέ τινες τῶν ἀρχαιοτέρων Στωϊκῶν τὸν ὀρθὸν λόγον κριτήριον ἀπολείπουσιν, ὡς ὁ Ποσειδώνιος ἐν τῷ περὶ κριτηρίου φησί Diog. L. vii 54 (quoting Diocles Magnes). It is much disputed who the authorities are to which Posidonius here refers.[69]‘Zeno naturalem legem divinam esse censet eamque vim obtinere recta imperantem prohibentemque contraria’ Cic.N. D.i 14, 36.[70]τὸ δὲ τέλος ὁ μὲν Ζήνων οὕτως ἀπέδωκε, τὸ ὁμολογουμένως ζῆν· τοῦτο δ’ ἐστὶ καθ’ ἕνα λόγον καὶ σύμφωνον ζῆν, ὡς τῶν μαχομένως ζώντων κακοδαιμονούντων Stob. ii 7, 6 a. ‘summum bonum, quod cum positum sit in eo, quod ὁμολογίαν Stoici, nos appellemus convenientiam’ Cic.Fin.iii 6, 21.[71]εὐδαιμονία δ’ ἐστὶν εὔροια βίου Stob. ii 7, 6 e.[72]See note 70 above.[73]See below, §322.[74]For a fuller treatment see below, §§319-321.[75]οὐχὶ καὶ Ζήνων τούτοις (sc. Peripateticis) ἠκολούθησεν ὑποτιθέμενοις στοιχεῖα τῆς εὐδαιμονίας τὴν φύσιν καὶ τὸ κατὰ φύσιν; Plut.comm. not.23, 1; ‘[a Polemone] quae essent principia naturae acceperat’ Cic.Fin.iv 16, 45.[76]τὰ μὲν [οὖν] πολλὴν ἔχοντα ἀξίαν προηγμένα λέγεσθαι, τὰ δὲ πολλὴν ἀπαξίαν ἀποπροηγμένα, Ζήνωνος ταύτας τὰς ὀνομασίας θεμένου πρώτου τοῖς πράγμασι Stob. ii 7, 7 g; see also below, §320.[77]Diogenes Laertius says distinctly that Zeno used the phrase, and names the book in which he found it; Diog. L. vii 87. On the other hand Stobaeus (ii 7, 6 a) attributes it to Cleanthes.[78]‘Zeno Citieus, advena quidam et ignobilis verborum opifex’ Cic.Tusc.v 12, 34.[79]See below, §165.[80]‘illa vetus Zenonis brevis, et ut tibi videbatur, acuta conclusio’ Cic.N. D.iii 9, 22.[81]τὸ λογικὸν τοῦ μὴ λογικοῦ κρεῖττόν ἐστιν· οὐδὲν δέ γε κόσμου κρεῖττόν ἐστιν· λογικὸν ἄρα ὁ κόσμος Sext.math.ix 104 (Arnim i 111); see also below, §202.[82]‘ebrio secretum sermonem nemo committit; viro autem bono committit; ergo vir bonus ebrius non erit’ Sen.Ep.83, 9; for the original see Arnim i 229.[83]‘nullum malum gloriosum est; mors autem gloriosa est; mors ergo non est malum’ Sen.Ep.82, 9.[84]‘If you would know, read Zeno’s writings, and you will see’ Epict.Disc.i 20, 14.[85]‘cum Zenone, ut accepimus, Arcesilas sibi omne certamen instituit’ Cic.Ac.i 12, 44.[86]‘Arcesilas primum ... ex variis Platonis libris sermonibusque Socraticis hoc maxime arripuit, nihil esse certi quod aut sensibus aut animo percipi possit’ Cic.de Or.iii 18, 67.[87]‘hic Zenonem vidisse acute, nullum esse visum quod percipi posset, si id tale esset ab eo, quod est, ut eiusdem modi ab eo, quod non est, posset esse. recte consensit Arcesilas; ad definitionem additum [sc. quale non possit esse a falso]. incubuit autem in eas disputationes, ut doceret nullum tale esse visum a vero, ut non eiusdem modi etiam a falso posset esse’ Cic.Ac.ii 24, 77.[88]See below, §157.[89]‘compositus sequor Zenona Cleanthen Chrysippum, quorum tamen nemo ad rempublicam accessit, et nemo non misit’ Sen.Dial.ix 1, 10; see also viii 6, 4.[90]Pearson,Introd.p. 1.[91]προσεμαρτύρησ[εν ἑαυτῷ] τὴν εὕρεσιν τῆς ἀληθείας Sext.math.vii 321. Pearson,Introd.p. 4.[92]Diog. L. vii 10 and 11.
[1]Thucydides,passim.
[1]Thucydides,passim.
[2]Mahaffy,Greek Life and Thought, ch. 1.
[2]Mahaffy,Greek Life and Thought, ch. 1.
[3]‘Plato combined the various elements, the, so to speak, prismatically broken rays of the Socratic spirit in a new, higher, and richer unity’ Ueberweg, Eng. transl. i p. 89.
[3]‘Plato combined the various elements, the, so to speak, prismatically broken rays of the Socratic spirit in a new, higher, and richer unity’ Ueberweg, Eng. transl. i p. 89.
[4]‘The philosophy of Greece reached its highest point in Plato and Aristotle’ Zeller,Stoicsetc., p. 11. ‘The bloom of Greek philosophy was short lived’ib.p. 10.
[4]‘The philosophy of Greece reached its highest point in Plato and Aristotle’ Zeller,Stoicsetc., p. 11. ‘The bloom of Greek philosophy was short lived’ib.p. 10.
[5]The phrases ‘cum Platone errare,’ ‘amicus Plato, magis amica veritas’ agree in expressing the general incredulity with which Platonism was received in the ancient world. In our own days an ill-balanced sympathy for Platonic dogma is often a serious hindrance to philosophic progress.
[5]The phrases ‘cum Platone errare,’ ‘amicus Plato, magis amica veritas’ agree in expressing the general incredulity with which Platonism was received in the ancient world. In our own days an ill-balanced sympathy for Platonic dogma is often a serious hindrance to philosophic progress.
[6]See further, §284.
[6]See further, §284.
[7]See below, §179.
[7]See below, §179.
[8]Aristotle,Physics, ii 7.
[8]Aristotle,Physics, ii 7.
[9]See below, §173.
[9]See below, §173.
[10]εἰ δ’ ἐν ζῴῳ τοῦτο δυνατὸν γενέσθαι, τί κωλύει τὸ αὐτὸ συμβῆναι καὶ κατὰ τὸ πᾶν; εἰ γὰρ ἐν μικρῷ κόσμῳ γίνεται, καὶ ἐν μεγάλῳ Ar.Phys.viii 2, 252 b.
[10]εἰ δ’ ἐν ζῴῳ τοῦτο δυνατὸν γενέσθαι, τί κωλύει τὸ αὐτὸ συμβῆναι καὶ κατὰ τὸ πᾶν; εἰ γὰρ ἐν μικρῷ κόσμῳ γίνεται, καὶ ἐν μεγάλῳ Ar.Phys.viii 2, 252 b.
[11]See Ueberweg’s note, i (Eng. trans., pp. 178-180; tenth German edition, pp. 238-240), and below, §362.
[11]See Ueberweg’s note, i (Eng. trans., pp. 178-180; tenth German edition, pp. 238-240), and below, §362.
[12]‘vitae autem degendae ratio maxime quidem illis [Peripateticis] placuit quieta, in contemplatione et cognitione posita rerum; quae quia deorum erat vitae simillima, sapiente visa est dignissima’ Cic.Fin.v 4, 11.
[12]‘vitae autem degendae ratio maxime quidem illis [Peripateticis] placuit quieta, in contemplatione et cognitione posita rerum; quae quia deorum erat vitae simillima, sapiente visa est dignissima’ Cic.Fin.v 4, 11.
[13]See note 15, below.
[13]See note 15, below.
[14]Clem.Strom.ii p. 419 a.
[14]Clem.Strom.ii p. 419 a.
[15]‘honeste autem vivere, fruentem rebus eis, quas primas homini natura conciliet, et vetus Academia censuit (ut indicant scripta Polemonis), et Aristoteles eiusque amici huc proxime videntur accedere’ Cic.Ac.ii 42, 131. Here Prof. J. S. Reid suggests that Polemo may merely have used the phrase κατὰ φύσιν ζῆν, as opposed to κατὰ θέσιν (conventionally).
[15]‘honeste autem vivere, fruentem rebus eis, quas primas homini natura conciliet, et vetus Academia censuit (ut indicant scripta Polemonis), et Aristoteles eiusque amici huc proxime videntur accedere’ Cic.Ac.ii 42, 131. Here Prof. J. S. Reid suggests that Polemo may merely have used the phrase κατὰ φύσιν ζῆν, as opposed to κατὰ θέσιν (conventionally).
[16]‘quem [sc.Arcesilan] ferunt ... primum instituisse, non quid ipse sentiret ostendere, sed contra id, quod quisque se sentire dixisset, disputare’ Cic.de Or.iii 18, 67. ‘Arcesilas negabat esse quidquam quod sciri posset, ne illud quidem ipsum, quod Socrates sibi reliquisset’Ac.i 12, 45.
[16]‘quem [sc.Arcesilan] ferunt ... primum instituisse, non quid ipse sentiret ostendere, sed contra id, quod quisque se sentire dixisset, disputare’ Cic.de Or.iii 18, 67. ‘Arcesilas negabat esse quidquam quod sciri posset, ne illud quidem ipsum, quod Socrates sibi reliquisset’Ac.i 12, 45.
[17]‘[cuius] ratio probabilis possit reddi’ Cic.Fin.iii 17, 58. See further below, §§105,332.
[17]‘[cuius] ratio probabilis possit reddi’ Cic.Fin.iii 17, 58. See further below, §§105,332.
[18]See especially §§113and123.
[18]See especially §§113and123.
[19]Cic.Fin.iv 28, 79.
[19]Cic.Fin.iv 28, 79.
[20]‘non dolere ... Hieronymus summum bonum esse dixit’ib.v 25, 73.
[20]‘non dolere ... Hieronymus summum bonum esse dixit’ib.v 25, 73.
[21]‘at vero Callipho, et post eum Diodorus, cum alter voluptatem adamavisset, alter vacuitatem doloris: neuter honestate carere potuit, quae est a nostris laudata maxime’ib.
[21]‘at vero Callipho, et post eum Diodorus, cum alter voluptatem adamavisset, alter vacuitatem doloris: neuter honestate carere potuit, quae est a nostris laudata maxime’ib.
[22]ib.25, 75.
[22]ib.25, 75.
[23]Off.i 1, 1.
[23]Off.i 1, 1.
[24]‘[Stoici] quidem non unam aliquam aut alteram a nobis, sed totam ad se nostram philosophiam transtulerunt. atque, ut reliqui fures, earum rerum, quas ceperunt, signa commutant, sic illi, ut sententiis nostris pro suis uterentur, nomina, tanquam rerum notas, mutaverunt’Fin.v 25, 74.
[24]‘[Stoici] quidem non unam aliquam aut alteram a nobis, sed totam ad se nostram philosophiam transtulerunt. atque, ut reliqui fures, earum rerum, quas ceperunt, signa commutant, sic illi, ut sententiis nostris pro suis uterentur, nomina, tanquam rerum notas, mutaverunt’Fin.v 25, 74.
[25]Ζήνωνα τὸν Φοίνικα, Athen.Deipnos.xiii 2; ‘tuus ille Poenulus,’ ‘e Phoenicia profecti’ Cic.Fin.iv 20, 56.
[25]Ζήνωνα τὸν Φοίνικα, Athen.Deipnos.xiii 2; ‘tuus ille Poenulus,’ ‘e Phoenicia profecti’ Cic.Fin.iv 20, 56.
[26]Diog. L. vii 31 and 32.
[26]Diog. L. vii 31 and 32.
[27]‘nuntiato naufragio Zeno noster, cum omnia sua audiret submersa: iubet, inquit, me fortuna expeditius philosophari’ Sen.Dial.ix 14, 3.
[27]‘nuntiato naufragio Zeno noster, cum omnia sua audiret submersa: iubet, inquit, me fortuna expeditius philosophari’ Sen.Dial.ix 14, 3.
[28]Diog. L. vii 3.
[28]Diog. L. vii 3.
[29]Diog. L. vi 96 and 97.
[29]Diog. L. vi 96 and 97.
[30]ib.vii 4.
[30]ib.vii 4.
[31]ἀντέγραψε πρὸς τὴν Πλάτωνος Πολιτείαν Plut.Sto. rep.8, 2 (Arnim i 260).
[31]ἀντέγραψε πρὸς τὴν Πλάτωνος Πολιτείαν Plut.Sto. rep.8, 2 (Arnim i 260).
[32]This doctrine can be traced back to Diogenes and even to Socrates: see below, §303.
[32]This doctrine can be traced back to Diogenes and even to Socrates: see below, §303.
[33]τὰς πόλεις κοσμεῖν οὐκ ἀναθήμασιν, ἀλλὰ ταῖς τῶν οἰκούντων ἀρεταῖς Stob. iv 1, 88.
[33]τὰς πόλεις κοσμεῖν οὐκ ἀναθήμασιν, ἀλλὰ ταῖς τῶν οἰκούντων ἀρεταῖς Stob. iv 1, 88.
[34]See below, §305.
[34]See below, §305.
[35]παριστάντα πολίτας τοὺς σπουδαίους μόνον Diog. L. vii 33.
[35]παριστάντα πολίτας τοὺς σπουδαίους μόνον Diog. L. vii 33.
[36]See below, §318.
[36]See below, §318.
[37]§306.
[37]§306.
[38]§307.
[38]§307.
[39]§§296,297.
[39]§§296,297.
[40]§304.
[40]§304.
[41]§315.
[41]§315.
[42]See above, §56.
[42]See above, §56.
[43]He said ‘O Crates, the best handle of philosophers is that by the ear; persuade me if you can, and lead me that way; if you use violence, my body will stay with you, but my soul will be with Stilpo’ Diog. L. vii 24.
[43]He said ‘O Crates, the best handle of philosophers is that by the ear; persuade me if you can, and lead me that way; if you use violence, my body will stay with you, but my soul will be with Stilpo’ Diog. L. vii 24.
[44]‘errorem autem et temeritatem et ignorantiam et opinationem et suspicionem et uno nomine omnia, quae essent aliena firmae et constantis adsensionis, a virtute sapientiaque [Zeno] removebat’ Cic.Ac.i 11, 42.
[44]‘errorem autem et temeritatem et ignorantiam et opinationem et suspicionem et uno nomine omnia, quae essent aliena firmae et constantis adsensionis, a virtute sapientiaque [Zeno] removebat’ Cic.Ac.i 11, 42.
[45]‘hoc quidem Zeno gestu conficiebat. nam cum extensis digitis adversam manum ostenderat, ‘visum,’ inquiebat, ‘huiusmodi est.’ deinde cum paulum digitos contraxerat, ‘adsensus huiusmodi.’ tum cum plane compresserat pugnumque fecerat, comprehensionem illam esse dicebat; cum autem laevam manum admoverat et illum pugnum arte vehementerque compresserat, scientiam talem esse dicebat: cuius compotem nisi sapientem esse neminem’ Cic.Ac.ii 47, 145.
[45]‘hoc quidem Zeno gestu conficiebat. nam cum extensis digitis adversam manum ostenderat, ‘visum,’ inquiebat, ‘huiusmodi est.’ deinde cum paulum digitos contraxerat, ‘adsensus huiusmodi.’ tum cum plane compresserat pugnumque fecerat, comprehensionem illam esse dicebat; cum autem laevam manum admoverat et illum pugnum arte vehementerque compresserat, scientiam talem esse dicebat: cuius compotem nisi sapientem esse neminem’ Cic.Ac.ii 47, 145.
[46]See below, §188.
[46]See below, §188.
[47]So the Megarians were commonly called on account of their disputatious methods.
[47]So the Megarians were commonly called on account of their disputatious methods.
[48]As for instance Arcesilaus; Ἀρκεσίλαος ὁ ἐκ τῆς Ἀκαδημίας, Ζήνωνος τοῦ Κιτιέως συσχολαστὴς παρὰ Πολέμωνι Strabo xiii p. 614 (Arnim i 10).
[48]As for instance Arcesilaus; Ἀρκεσίλαος ὁ ἐκ τῆς Ἀκαδημίας, Ζήνωνος τοῦ Κιτιέως συσχολαστὴς παρὰ Πολέμωνι Strabo xiii p. 614 (Arnim i 10).
[49]Diog. L. iv 18.
[49]Diog. L. iv 18.
[50]ib.20.
[50]ib.20.
[51]ib.
[51]ib.
[52]Diog. L. vii 25.
[52]Diog. L. vii 25.
[53]See below, §189.
[53]See below, §189.
[54]See §268, note 2.
[54]See §268, note 2.
[55]οἵ γε ἀπὸ Χρυσίππου καὶ Ζήνωνος φιλόσοφοι καὶ πάντες ὅσοι σῶμα τὴν ψυχὴν νοοῦσι Iamb.de an.(Stob. i 49, 33).
[55]οἵ γε ἀπὸ Χρυσίππου καὶ Ζήνωνος φιλόσοφοι καὶ πάντες ὅσοι σῶμα τὴν ψυχὴν νοοῦσι Iamb.de an.(Stob. i 49, 33).
[56]Ζήνων ὁ Στωϊκὸς ὀκταμερῆ φησιν εἶναι τὴν ψυχήν Nemes.nat. hom.p. 96 (Arnim i 143).
[56]Ζήνων ὁ Στωϊκὸς ὀκταμερῆ φησιν εἶναι τὴν ψυχήν Nemes.nat. hom.p. 96 (Arnim i 143).
[57]οἱ ἀπὸ Ζήνωνος ὀκταμερῆ τὴν ψυχὴν διαδοξάζουσι, περὶ [ἣν] τὰς δυνάμεις εἶναι πλείονας, ὥσπερ ἐν τῷ ἡγεμονίκῳ ἐνυπαρχουσῶν φαντασίας συγκαταθέσεως ὁρμῆς λόγου Iamb.de an.(Arnim i 143). See below, §270.
[57]οἱ ἀπὸ Ζήνωνος ὀκταμερῆ τὴν ψυχὴν διαδοξάζουσι, περὶ [ἣν] τὰς δυνάμεις εἶναι πλείονας, ὥσπερ ἐν τῷ ἡγεμονίκῳ ἐνυπαρχουσῶν φαντασίας συγκαταθέσεως ὁρμῆς λόγου Iamb.de an.(Arnim i 143). See below, §270.
[58]τῶν προειρημένων ἤκουσεν ἕως ἐτῶν εἴκοσιν· ἵνα καί φασιν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν· νῦν εὐπλόηκα, ὅτε νεναυάγηκα Diog. L. vii 4. It must not however be assumed that Zeno himself used the phrase in this sense: see the other references in Arnim i 277.
[58]τῶν προειρημένων ἤκουσεν ἕως ἐτῶν εἴκοσιν· ἵνα καί φασιν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν· νῦν εὐπλόηκα, ὅτε νεναυάγηκα Diog. L. vii 4. It must not however be assumed that Zeno himself used the phrase in this sense: see the other references in Arnim i 277.
[59]‘iam Polemonem audiverant adsidue Zeno et Arcesilas. Sed Zeno cum Arcesilam anteiret aetate, valdeque subtiliter dissereret et peracute moveretur, corrigere conatus est disciplinam’ Cic.Ac.i 9, 34 and 35.
[59]‘iam Polemonem audiverant adsidue Zeno et Arcesilas. Sed Zeno cum Arcesilam anteiret aetate, valdeque subtiliter dissereret et peracute moveretur, corrigere conatus est disciplinam’ Cic.Ac.i 9, 34 and 35.
[60]ἐπεὶ συμφοιτῶντες παρὰ Πολέμωνι ἐφιλοτιμήθησαν ἀλλήλοις, συμπαρέλαβον εἰς τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους μάχην ὁ μὲν Ἡράκλειτον καὶ Στίλπωνα ἅμα καὶ Κράτητα Euseb.Praep. ev.xiv 5, 11 (quoting Numenius) (Arnim i 11).
[60]ἐπεὶ συμφοιτῶντες παρὰ Πολέμωνι ἐφιλοτιμήθησαν ἀλλήλοις, συμπαρέλαβον εἰς τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους μάχην ὁ μὲν Ἡράκλειτον καὶ Στίλπωνα ἅμα καὶ Κράτητα Euseb.Praep. ev.xiv 5, 11 (quoting Numenius) (Arnim i 11).
[61]Zeno often calls itaether: ‘Zenon ... aethera ... interim vult omnium esse principium’ Min. Felix xix p. 58: Cleanthes calls itspirit, see below, §100. ‘The fire of Heraclitus becomes aether or πῦρ τεχνικόν—for this distinction is unknown to the Ephesian—and is thereby spiritualised and rarefied’ Pearson,Fragments, Intr. pp. 22, 23.
[61]Zeno often calls itaether: ‘Zenon ... aethera ... interim vult omnium esse principium’ Min. Felix xix p. 58: Cleanthes calls itspirit, see below, §100. ‘The fire of Heraclitus becomes aether or πῦρ τεχνικόν—for this distinction is unknown to the Ephesian—and is thereby spiritualised and rarefied’ Pearson,Fragments, Intr. pp. 22, 23.
[62]See below, §196.
[62]See below, §196.
[63]See above, §39.
[63]See above, §39.
[64]Stein,Psychologie, i 62 sqq.
[64]Stein,Psychologie, i 62 sqq.
[65]Χρύσιππος καὶ Ζήνων ὑπέθεντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀρχὴν μὲν θεὸν τῶν πάντων, σῶμα ὄντα τὸ καθαρώτατον Hippolyt.Philos.21, 1 (Arnim i 153).
[65]Χρύσιππος καὶ Ζήνων ὑπέθεντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀρχὴν μὲν θεὸν τῶν πάντων, σῶμα ὄντα τὸ καθαρώτατον Hippolyt.Philos.21, 1 (Arnim i 153).
[66]‘rationem quandam per naturam omnem rerum pertinentem vi divina esse affectam putat’ Cic.N. D.i 14, 36.
[66]‘rationem quandam per naturam omnem rerum pertinentem vi divina esse affectam putat’ Cic.N. D.i 14, 36.
[67]‘Zeno [deum nuncupat] naturalem divinamque legem’ Lact.Div. inst.i 5, 20.
[67]‘Zeno [deum nuncupat] naturalem divinamque legem’ Lact.Div. inst.i 5, 20.
[68]ἄλλοι δέ τινες τῶν ἀρχαιοτέρων Στωϊκῶν τὸν ὀρθὸν λόγον κριτήριον ἀπολείπουσιν, ὡς ὁ Ποσειδώνιος ἐν τῷ περὶ κριτηρίου φησί Diog. L. vii 54 (quoting Diocles Magnes). It is much disputed who the authorities are to which Posidonius here refers.
[68]ἄλλοι δέ τινες τῶν ἀρχαιοτέρων Στωϊκῶν τὸν ὀρθὸν λόγον κριτήριον ἀπολείπουσιν, ὡς ὁ Ποσειδώνιος ἐν τῷ περὶ κριτηρίου φησί Diog. L. vii 54 (quoting Diocles Magnes). It is much disputed who the authorities are to which Posidonius here refers.
[69]‘Zeno naturalem legem divinam esse censet eamque vim obtinere recta imperantem prohibentemque contraria’ Cic.N. D.i 14, 36.
[69]‘Zeno naturalem legem divinam esse censet eamque vim obtinere recta imperantem prohibentemque contraria’ Cic.N. D.i 14, 36.
[70]τὸ δὲ τέλος ὁ μὲν Ζήνων οὕτως ἀπέδωκε, τὸ ὁμολογουμένως ζῆν· τοῦτο δ’ ἐστὶ καθ’ ἕνα λόγον καὶ σύμφωνον ζῆν, ὡς τῶν μαχομένως ζώντων κακοδαιμονούντων Stob. ii 7, 6 a. ‘summum bonum, quod cum positum sit in eo, quod ὁμολογίαν Stoici, nos appellemus convenientiam’ Cic.Fin.iii 6, 21.
[70]τὸ δὲ τέλος ὁ μὲν Ζήνων οὕτως ἀπέδωκε, τὸ ὁμολογουμένως ζῆν· τοῦτο δ’ ἐστὶ καθ’ ἕνα λόγον καὶ σύμφωνον ζῆν, ὡς τῶν μαχομένως ζώντων κακοδαιμονούντων Stob. ii 7, 6 a. ‘summum bonum, quod cum positum sit in eo, quod ὁμολογίαν Stoici, nos appellemus convenientiam’ Cic.Fin.iii 6, 21.
[71]εὐδαιμονία δ’ ἐστὶν εὔροια βίου Stob. ii 7, 6 e.
[71]εὐδαιμονία δ’ ἐστὶν εὔροια βίου Stob. ii 7, 6 e.
[72]See note 70 above.
[72]See note 70 above.
[73]See below, §322.
[73]See below, §322.
[74]For a fuller treatment see below, §§319-321.
[74]For a fuller treatment see below, §§319-321.
[75]οὐχὶ καὶ Ζήνων τούτοις (sc. Peripateticis) ἠκολούθησεν ὑποτιθέμενοις στοιχεῖα τῆς εὐδαιμονίας τὴν φύσιν καὶ τὸ κατὰ φύσιν; Plut.comm. not.23, 1; ‘[a Polemone] quae essent principia naturae acceperat’ Cic.Fin.iv 16, 45.
[75]οὐχὶ καὶ Ζήνων τούτοις (sc. Peripateticis) ἠκολούθησεν ὑποτιθέμενοις στοιχεῖα τῆς εὐδαιμονίας τὴν φύσιν καὶ τὸ κατὰ φύσιν; Plut.comm. not.23, 1; ‘[a Polemone] quae essent principia naturae acceperat’ Cic.Fin.iv 16, 45.
[76]τὰ μὲν [οὖν] πολλὴν ἔχοντα ἀξίαν προηγμένα λέγεσθαι, τὰ δὲ πολλὴν ἀπαξίαν ἀποπροηγμένα, Ζήνωνος ταύτας τὰς ὀνομασίας θεμένου πρώτου τοῖς πράγμασι Stob. ii 7, 7 g; see also below, §320.
[76]τὰ μὲν [οὖν] πολλὴν ἔχοντα ἀξίαν προηγμένα λέγεσθαι, τὰ δὲ πολλὴν ἀπαξίαν ἀποπροηγμένα, Ζήνωνος ταύτας τὰς ὀνομασίας θεμένου πρώτου τοῖς πράγμασι Stob. ii 7, 7 g; see also below, §320.
[77]Diogenes Laertius says distinctly that Zeno used the phrase, and names the book in which he found it; Diog. L. vii 87. On the other hand Stobaeus (ii 7, 6 a) attributes it to Cleanthes.
[77]Diogenes Laertius says distinctly that Zeno used the phrase, and names the book in which he found it; Diog. L. vii 87. On the other hand Stobaeus (ii 7, 6 a) attributes it to Cleanthes.
[78]‘Zeno Citieus, advena quidam et ignobilis verborum opifex’ Cic.Tusc.v 12, 34.
[78]‘Zeno Citieus, advena quidam et ignobilis verborum opifex’ Cic.Tusc.v 12, 34.
[79]See below, §165.
[79]See below, §165.
[80]‘illa vetus Zenonis brevis, et ut tibi videbatur, acuta conclusio’ Cic.N. D.iii 9, 22.
[80]‘illa vetus Zenonis brevis, et ut tibi videbatur, acuta conclusio’ Cic.N. D.iii 9, 22.
[81]τὸ λογικὸν τοῦ μὴ λογικοῦ κρεῖττόν ἐστιν· οὐδὲν δέ γε κόσμου κρεῖττόν ἐστιν· λογικὸν ἄρα ὁ κόσμος Sext.math.ix 104 (Arnim i 111); see also below, §202.
[81]τὸ λογικὸν τοῦ μὴ λογικοῦ κρεῖττόν ἐστιν· οὐδὲν δέ γε κόσμου κρεῖττόν ἐστιν· λογικὸν ἄρα ὁ κόσμος Sext.math.ix 104 (Arnim i 111); see also below, §202.
[82]‘ebrio secretum sermonem nemo committit; viro autem bono committit; ergo vir bonus ebrius non erit’ Sen.Ep.83, 9; for the original see Arnim i 229.
[82]‘ebrio secretum sermonem nemo committit; viro autem bono committit; ergo vir bonus ebrius non erit’ Sen.Ep.83, 9; for the original see Arnim i 229.
[83]‘nullum malum gloriosum est; mors autem gloriosa est; mors ergo non est malum’ Sen.Ep.82, 9.
[83]‘nullum malum gloriosum est; mors autem gloriosa est; mors ergo non est malum’ Sen.Ep.82, 9.
[84]‘If you would know, read Zeno’s writings, and you will see’ Epict.Disc.i 20, 14.
[84]‘If you would know, read Zeno’s writings, and you will see’ Epict.Disc.i 20, 14.
[85]‘cum Zenone, ut accepimus, Arcesilas sibi omne certamen instituit’ Cic.Ac.i 12, 44.
[85]‘cum Zenone, ut accepimus, Arcesilas sibi omne certamen instituit’ Cic.Ac.i 12, 44.
[86]‘Arcesilas primum ... ex variis Platonis libris sermonibusque Socraticis hoc maxime arripuit, nihil esse certi quod aut sensibus aut animo percipi possit’ Cic.de Or.iii 18, 67.
[86]‘Arcesilas primum ... ex variis Platonis libris sermonibusque Socraticis hoc maxime arripuit, nihil esse certi quod aut sensibus aut animo percipi possit’ Cic.de Or.iii 18, 67.
[87]‘hic Zenonem vidisse acute, nullum esse visum quod percipi posset, si id tale esset ab eo, quod est, ut eiusdem modi ab eo, quod non est, posset esse. recte consensit Arcesilas; ad definitionem additum [sc. quale non possit esse a falso]. incubuit autem in eas disputationes, ut doceret nullum tale esse visum a vero, ut non eiusdem modi etiam a falso posset esse’ Cic.Ac.ii 24, 77.
[87]‘hic Zenonem vidisse acute, nullum esse visum quod percipi posset, si id tale esset ab eo, quod est, ut eiusdem modi ab eo, quod non est, posset esse. recte consensit Arcesilas; ad definitionem additum [sc. quale non possit esse a falso]. incubuit autem in eas disputationes, ut doceret nullum tale esse visum a vero, ut non eiusdem modi etiam a falso posset esse’ Cic.Ac.ii 24, 77.
[88]See below, §157.
[88]See below, §157.
[89]‘compositus sequor Zenona Cleanthen Chrysippum, quorum tamen nemo ad rempublicam accessit, et nemo non misit’ Sen.Dial.ix 1, 10; see also viii 6, 4.
[89]‘compositus sequor Zenona Cleanthen Chrysippum, quorum tamen nemo ad rempublicam accessit, et nemo non misit’ Sen.Dial.ix 1, 10; see also viii 6, 4.
[90]Pearson,Introd.p. 1.
[90]Pearson,Introd.p. 1.
[91]προσεμαρτύρησ[εν ἑαυτῷ] τὴν εὕρεσιν τῆς ἀληθείας Sext.math.vii 321. Pearson,Introd.p. 4.
[91]προσεμαρτύρησ[εν ἑαυτῷ] τὴν εὕρεσιν τῆς ἀληθείας Sext.math.vii 321. Pearson,Introd.p. 4.
[92]Diog. L. vii 10 and 11.
[92]Diog. L. vii 10 and 11.