106. Dolmen at Herrestrup.
106. Dolmen at Herrestrup.
Among the few that give any sure indications of their age, one of the most interesting is at Herrestrup, in Zeeland, which has recently been disinterred from the tumulus that once covered it.[353]On it are engraved some half-dozen representations of ships, such as the Vikings were in the habit of drawing, and which are found in great quantities on the west coast of Göttenburg.[354]According to the best authorities, these representations range from aboutA.D.500 to 900,[355]and some may perhaps be more modern. Those in this dolmen do not appear to be either among the most ancient or the most modern, and if we fix on the eighth century as their date, we shall not be very far wrong. That they are also coeval with the monument seems perfectlycertain. We cannot fancy any Viking engraving these on a deserted dolmen, say even 100 years old, and then covering it up with a tumulus, as this one was till recently. Had it never been covered up, any hypothesis might be proposed, but the mound settles that point. Besides the ships, however, there are an almost equal number of small circles with crosses in them, on the cap stone. Whether these are intended to represent chariot-wheels, or some other object, is not clear, but if we turn back to woodcut No. 41, representing the side-stone of the dolmen at Aspatria, we find the identical object represented there, and in such a manner that, making allowance for the difference of style in the century that has elapsed between the execution of the two engravings, they must be assumed to be identical. No engravings—so far as I know—have been published of the objects found in this Danish dolmen, but in the English one, as already mentioned, the objects found belonged to the most modern Iron age; such things, in fact, as will perfectly agree with the date of the eighth century. Among them, as will be recollected, was the snaffle-bit, so like, though certainly more modern than, Stukeley's bit found in Silbury Hill. We have thus three tumuli which from their engravings or their contents confirm one another to a most satisfactory extent, and render the dates above assigned to them, to say the least of it, very probable. If the date thus obtained for the Aspatria monument is accepted, it is further interesting as giving that of those mysterious concentric circles, with a line passing through them from the centre, which have been found in such numbers on the rocks in the north of England and in Scotland.[356]These are, so far as I know, the only examples of these circles which were buried, and were consequently associated with other objects which assist in fixing their age.
107. Dolmen at Halskov. From a drawing by Madsen.
107. Dolmen at Halskov. From a drawing by Madsen.
As before hinted, many of the monuments engraved by Madsen[357]are so extremely like those in the field of Northern Moytura that it is almost impossible to believe that they were erected by a different race of people, or at any great distance of time. The one, for instance, at Halskov is so like the dolmen and circlerepresented in woodcut No. 61 that the one might almost pass for the other, were it not that the photograph is taken from the wrong side, to bring out the resemblance, as it is seen on the spot, while in others the resemblance is as great, or even greater. It is very unsatisfactory, however, picking these points of similarity from books, some of the engravings in which are from imperfect drawings. In others, artistic effect has been more aimed at than truth, and some are taken from photographs, which, though they give a truthful, generally give an unintelligent representation of the object. It is only by personal familiarity that all the facts can be verified and pitfalls avoided. But it is always useful to turn attention to any forms that may seem novel, and explain peculiarities in others which but for such means of comparison would remain unnoticed. Here, for instance, is one from Sjöborg, which resembles the Countless Stones at Aylesford, as drawn by Dr. Stukeley (woodcut No. 27). It is found at a place called Oroust, in Böhuslan,[358]and stands on a low mound encircled by twenty large stones at its base. The chamber is low, and semicircular in form, and in front of it stands what the Germans call a sentinel stone. No date is given to this monument by Sjöborg, for he was so far indoctrinated in modern theories that he believed all dolmens to be prehistoric, though all the circles and Bauta stones marking battle-fields were to him as essentiallyhistoric as any monuments in his country. From its appearance, the dolmen at Oroust may be of the same age as the Countless Stones at Aylesford, and if other monuments in the two countries could be compared with anything like precision, their forms and traditions might mutually throw great light on their real histories.
108. Dolmen at Oroust. From Sjöborg.
108. Dolmen at Oroust. From Sjöborg.
It is not only, however, from the analogies with similar monuments in this country, or from their bearing on their history, that the Scandinavian dolmens are interesting to us. They have forms and peculiarities of their own which are well worth studying. If materials existed for mastering these differences, their aggregate would make up a sum which would enable us to separate the Scandinavian group from the British, as we can our own from the French, and the French from that of Northern Germany. A great deal more must, however, be published, and in a more accurate form, before this can be done; but, whenever it is possible, it promises to afford most satisfactory results to ethnographical science. The problem is similar to that which was known to exist in reference to pointed Gothic architecture. That is now admitted to be a Celtic-French invention, but it was adopted by the Spaniards and Italians on the one hand, and by the Germans and ourselves on the other; although always with a difference. No antiquary would now for an instant hesitate in discriminating between an Italian and a German or between a Spanish and an English example, though the difference is so small that it can hardly be expressed in words, and must be carefully represented in order to be perceived. In like manner, the rude-stone style of art seems to have been invented by somepre-Celtic people, but to have been adopted by Celts, by Scandinavian, by British, and Iberian races—perhaps not always pure in their own countries, but always with considerable differences, which, when perceived and classified, will enable us to distinguish between the works of the several races as clearly as we can between the mediæval styles that superseded them.
109. Diagram from Sjöborg, pl. i. fig. A.
109. Diagram from Sjöborg, pl. i. fig. A.
Among these peculiarities, the most easily recognised are the square or oblong enclosures which surround tumuli, and, sometimes, one, at others two, or even three free-standing dolmens. In order to make the point clear, I have quoted a diagram from Sjöborg, though it is almost the only instance in this work in which a woodcut does not represent a really existing object. I have no doubt, however, that it is correct, as old Olaus Wormius represents one of two similar ones which in his day existed near Roeskilde. Both had enclosures 50 paces square, enclosing one tumulus with a circle of stones round its base, another halfway up, and, the text says, an altar-dolmen on the top, though the woodcut does not show it. The other, on the road to Birck, in Zeeland, enclosed three tumuli in juxtaposition, the one in the centre similar to that just described, and with a dolmen on its summit; two smaller mounds are represented in juxtaposition on either side, but with only a circle of stones round their base.[359]Other varieties no doubt exist, but modern antiquaries have notfavoured us with any drawings of them. From the diagram and description it will be perceived that in so far as the mound itself is concerned these Danish tumuli are identical with those already quoted as existing in Auvergne (woodcut No. 8), but so far as I know, the square enclosure does not exist in France, nor does it in this country. These square enclosures seem, however, to belong to a very modern date, and the stones, consequently, are small, and may therefore have been removed, which could easily be done; but still there seems little doubt that many of them may still remain, and could be found if looked for.
110. Dolmen near Lüneburg. From Bonstetten.
110. Dolmen near Lüneburg. From Bonstetten.
One of the most striking examples I know of, an oblong rectangular enclosure, enclosing a single free-standing dolmen, is that near Lüneburg, figured by Bonstetten[360](woodcut No. 110); he seldom, however, indulges in dimensions, and being perfectly convinced that all are prehistoric, he never speculates as to dates, nor condescends to notice traditions. What we know of it is therefore confined to the representation, which after all may be taken from some other work, as he rarely favours us with references. Two others are represented by von Estorff as existing near Uelzen, in Hanover.[361]
A good example of two dolmens in a rectangular enclosure is that at Valdbygaards, near Soröe, in Zeeland. Here the enclosure is about 70 feet in one direction by 20 feet in the other—outside measurement. In this instance, the enclosing stones are smaller in proportion to the dolmens than is usually the case. On the same plate, Madsen represents a single dolmen in a much squarer enclosure.[362]It, like that at Halskov (woodcut No. 107), is represented as standing on a knoll, but whether dolmens stand so or on the flat, like that atValdbygaards, it is quite certain they never were enclosed in tumuli, but always stood free, as they now do.
111. Double Dolmen at Valdbygaards. From Madsen.
111. Double Dolmen at Valdbygaards. From Madsen.
112. Plan of Double Dolmen at Valdbygaards.
112. Plan of Double Dolmen at Valdbygaards.
113. Triple Dolmen, Höbisch. From Keysler.
113. Triple Dolmen, Höbisch. From Keysler.
For three dolmens in one square enclosure we are obliged to go back to old Keysler, though, in this case, the engraving is so good that there can be very little doubt of its correctness.[363]It is situated near Höbisch, in Mark Brandenburg, consists of an outer enclosure of forty-four stones, and is 118 paces in circuit, and in the middle are twelve stones, of which six bear three large stones, placedtransversely upon them. It is very much to be regretted that no better illustration of this curious monument exists, as it probably very closely resembles those in Drenthe, with which, indeed, he compares it; and as these form one of the most remarkable groups of this class of monuments on the continent, it would be most desirable to trace their connection with others farther east.
A similar monument to that at Höbisch is figured by Sjöborg (vol. i. pl. 6), but without the enclosure; and a third, Oroust, in Böhuslan (pl. 3); but in this instance the three long stones are surrounded by a circular enclosure with two sentinel stones outside; and there are several others which show similar peculiarities in a greater or less degree.
The buried dolmens in Scandinavia are, in some respects, even more interesting than those which are, and were always intended to be, exposed, but our knowledge of them is necessarily more limited than of the other class. Sjöborg deserts us almost entirely here, and Madsen illustrates only two, while the modern antiquaries have been more anxious to secure and classify their contents than to illustrate the chambers from which they were obtained. As a rule, they may be older than the free-standing examples, but they do not look old, though, as metal has not generally been found in them, it is assumed they all belong to the Stone age. One example will suffice to display the general features of the older group of this class of monuments. The next two woodcuts present an internal view and plan of one near Uby, in the district of Holbak, in Zeeland. It was opened in 1845, and measured then 13 feet in height, and had a circumference of upwards of 300 feet. The chamber measures 13 feet by 8 feet, and is walled in by nine great stones, which have been split or hewn, so as to obtain a flat surface towards the interior, and the interstices are filled in with smaller stones very neatly fitted. The entrance gallery is 20 feet in length, and is closed, or capable of being so, by two doors. From the disposition of the entrance it certainly does not appear that it was intended to be hid. The whole appearance is that of a dignified approach to the tomb. Had it been meant to be closed, the chamber would, no doubt, have been in the centre of the tumulus, instead ofbeing near one side, as it is. The other monument of the same class, illustrated by Madsen,[364]is near Smidstrup, in the district of Fredericksborg. It is very similar in dimensions and details, but has the peculiarity of having two chambers placed side by side, with two separate entrances, and the chambers affect a curve more perfectly elliptical than is attained in that at Uby.
114. View of Interior of Chamber at Uby. From Madsen.
114. View of Interior of Chamber at Uby. From Madsen.
115. Plan of Chamber at Uby. From Madsen.
115. Plan of Chamber at Uby. From Madsen.
These last examples from Madsen's work are further interesting to us as illustrating the difference between dolmens or chambers always intended to be buried in tumuli and those which were always meant to be exposed. In the chambers at Uby and Smidstrup the stones are placed so closely together that very little packing between them was sufficient to keep out the earth, and the passages to them and other arrangements all indicate their original destination. The case, however, is widely different with the dolmens at Halskov and Valdbygaards, or those at Lüneburg or Höbisch, which evidently are now on their mounds as originally designed. With a very little study it seems easy to detect the original intentions in all these monuments; but there is this further difference. None of those intended to be exposed were ever buried, while many which were meant to have been covered up never received their intended envelope.
A monument having a considerable affinity to the two last quoted exists, or perhaps rather existed, at Axevalla, in Westergothland. It was opened apparently in 1805, and the representations are taken from drawings then made by a Captain Lindgren, who superintended the excavation by the king's command. It consists of one apartment 21 feet long by 8 feet wide and 9 feet high. The sides and roof are composed of slabs of red granite, which, if the plates are to be depended upon, were hewn or at least shaped in some mechanical fashion. Instead of the bodies being laid on the floor of the chamber as was usually the case, and being found mixed up withdébrisand utensils of various kinds, each of the nineteen who occupied this chamber had a little cist to itself, so small and irregular-shaped, like those at Rose Hill (woodcut No. 39), that the body had to be doubled up, in a most uncomfortable position, to be placed in the cist. This was by no means an uncommon mode of interment in those early ages, but if the skeletons were really found in the attitudes here represented, their interment must date from very recent times indeed. I know there is nothing more common in archæological books than to represent skeletons sitting in most free and easy attitudes in their boxes.[365]But if all the flesh had disappeared as completely as these drawingsrepresent, the integuments must have gone also, and if they were either rotted or reduced to dust, the skeleton must have collapsed and been found in a heap on the floor. It would be interesting to know how long, either in very dry or in moist places, the integuments would last so as to prevent this collapse before they were disturbed. No qualified person has yet given an opinion on such a subject, but the time could hardly extend to many centuries. But does the case really exist? are not all these queer skeletons merely the imaginings of enthusiastic antiquaries?
116. Dolmen at Axevalla. From Sjöborg.
116. Dolmen at Axevalla. From Sjöborg.
Be this as it may, these elliptical and long rectangular dolmens, with their arrangement of cists and entrances in the centre of the longer side, seem so distinguished from those generally found in other countries as to mark another province. It seems scarcely open to doubt that the oval forms are the older, though what their age may be is not so clear, nor have any descriptions of their contents been published which would enable us to form distinct opinion on the subject. Flintimplements have been found in them, but, so far as I can gather, no bronze. According to the Danish system, therefore, they are all before the time of Solomon or the siege of Troy. It may be so, but I doubt it exceedingly. Those who excavated the Axevalla tomb reported that something like an inscription was found on one of the walls (woodcut No. 116, fig. A); but whether it was an inscription or a natural formation is by no means clear—at all events, as we have no copy of it, it hardly helps us in arriving at a date.
117. Head-stone of Kivik Grave. From Sjöborg.
117. Head-stone of Kivik Grave. From Sjöborg.
In some respects, the Axevalla tomb resembles the grave near Kivik, in the district of Cimbrisham, near the southern extremity of Sweden. This is the most celebrated of Swedish graves. It is mentioned as perfect by Linnæus in 1749, but was shortly afterwards opened, and drawings and illustrations of it have from time to time been published since, and given rise to the usual diversity of opinion. Suhm and Sjöborg seem to agree in connecting it with a battle fought in that neighbourhood by Ragnar Lothbrok, about the year 750, in which the son of the then king was slain.[366]This date appears probable; had it been later, there would almost certainly have been found Runes on some of its stones; if earlier, the representations of the human figure would hardly have been so perfect. One stone found elsewhere (woodcut No. 117),[367]which seems to have been its head-stone, has a curious resemblance to the head-stone of the Dol ar Marchant, at Locmariaker, illustrated farther on. The likeness may be accidental, but, as in all these cases, it is difficult to believe that five or six centuries can have elapsed between two monuments which show so little progress; for whether thisstone belonged to the Kivik grave or not, it certainly is of the same age and design, some of the figures on it being identical with those found in the tomb, and that can hardly be older than the date above quoted. Another of the stones of this tomb has two of those circles enclosing crosses which are seen on the Herrestrup dolmen and the Aspatria stone, all of which probably belong to the eighth century. The tomb itself is not remarkable for its dimensions, being only 14 feet long by 3 feet wide, and almost 4 feet in height. It is much too large, however, for any single warrior's grave, but we are not told whether it was occupied by a number of small cists like that at Axevalla. The probability, however, is that this was the case, but 120 years ago men were not accurate observers of antiquarian phenomena.
Besides these, there are two other forms of tombs which, so far as is yet known, are quite peculiar to the Scandinavian province. The first of these are the so-called ship graves, from their form. They consist of two segments of a circle joined together at the ends, so as to represent the deck of a vessel, and are of all sizes, from 20 or 30 feet to 200 or 300 feet. They are generally found on the sea-shore, and it seems hardly to be doubted that they mark the graves of Vikings.
The other form is quite as peculiar, but more difficult to explain. It is marked by a range of stones forming an equilateral triangle, sometimes straight-lined, but as frequently the lines curve inwards so as to restrict the internal space considerably. It is by no means clear what suggested this form, or what it was intended to represent. It is, however, found on battle-fields (woodcut No. 118), and solitary examples are frequent in Sjöborg's plates, sometimes with a Bauta stone in the centre. The one hypothesis that seems to account for this form, is that it is the "Cuneatus ordo" of Olaus Magnus, and that it marked a spot where a combined phalanx of horse and foot fought and conquered.[368]The probability is that where single it marks the grave of a particular rank either in the army or in civil life.
All these forms are shown in the next woodcut, from a group found inthe peninsula of Hjortehammer, in Bleking, in the south of Sweden, but others are found in the island at Amrom, and in many other places.[369]It has been disputed whether these represent battle-fields or are the ordinary graves of the inhabitants of the district in which they are found. That those found on the shore at Freyrsö (woodcut No. 101) mark the graves of those who fell in Blodoxe's battle there in the tenth century seems quite certain, but whether this was always the case may be open to doubt; but certainly a sandy peninsula, like that of Hjortehammer, seems a most unlikely place for peaceful men to bury their dead, especially at a time when not one-tenth part of the land around could have been under cultivation.
118. Graves at Hjortehammer. From Worsaae.
118. Graves at Hjortehammer. From Worsaae.
For our present purposes it is of no great consequence which opinion prevails, as these forms have no bearing on those of other countries, especially as their date does not seem to be doubted. Worsaae places them all between the years 700 and 1000,[370]or in the second and latest Iron age, and as no one seems todispute this, it may be accepted as an established fact. Their peculiarities of form, and the smallness of the stones of which most of them are composed, are such that the date here ascribed to them does not necessarily bring down that of the true megalithic remains to anything like the same age. It takes away, however, all improbability from the assertion that these may be much more modern than was supposed, and this much is certain that there was no break between the great English and Irish circles and the Viking graves; or, in other words, men did not cease to mark their sepulchres with circles and cairns, and then after a lapse of centuries revive the custom, and begin it again on a smaller scale. There may be a descent, but there was no solution of continuity, and any one can consequently form an idea how long a time must have elapsed before the great Wiltshire circles could have degenerated into those of Hjortehammer.
119. Circles at Aschenrade. From Bähr.
119. Circles at Aschenrade. From Bähr.
There is one other group of monuments it seems worth while to illustrate before leaving this branch of the subject. They are found in the extreme east of the province, on the banks of the Dwina, in Livonia. At a place called Aschenrade, about fifty miles as the crow flies from Riga, is a group shown in the accompanying woodcut.[371]The arrangement is unusual in Europe, but is met with in Algeria, and seems to be only such a combination of the square enclosures of Scandinaviaas we would expect to find in a cemetery, as contradistinguished from a battle-field.
In these graves was found enormous wealth of bronze and other metal and personal ornaments, many of which are engraved in Professor Bähr's book. They resemble in many respects the celebrated "find" at Hallstadt, in the Salzkammergut;[372]but mixed with these Livonian treasures were great numbers of coins and implements of iron of very modern form. The coins are classified as follows:—
It is curious that the Eastern coins should be so much earlier than the others, but they are only five in number, and may have been preserved as curiosities. The dates of the others prove, at all events, that some of these tombs are not of earlier date than 1040, and all, probably, are included in the century which preceded that epoch.
Besides these, however, there are tumuli at a place called Segewolde, and circles, sometimes with a stone in the centre, at Bajard, and no doubt other remains of the same class in the district. The purpose, however, of the only book I know on the subject was not to illustrate the forms of tombs, but that of the objects found in them, and to trace the ethnographic relations of the people who possessed them with the other tribes who at various times inhabited that district. The dates of the whole, according to their describer, may safely be included between the eighth and the twelfth century.[373]
The most southern group of these monuments belonging to the northern division is one of the most extensive, though unfortunately one of the least known. It is situated almost exclusively in the province of Drenthe, in North Holland, where the Hunebeds—giants' beds or graves, as they are locally called—are spread over an area extending some twenty miles north and south, and probably ten or twelve miles inthe opposite direction. This tract of country is a bare open heath, which even now is only partially cultivated, or indeed capable of cultivation, and at no time could have supported a population at all in proportion to so extensive a group of monuments.
As long ago as 1720, Keysler drew attention to them, and gave a representation of one in order to show its similarity to Stonehenge.[374]The engraving, however, is so defective that it is impossible to make out what it represents, and as no dimensions or statistics are given, it adds very little to our knowledge. A short paper on the subject appeared in the 'Journal of the Archæological Association' in 1870, but unfortunately without any illustrations,[375]and we are consequently dependent for our knowledge of them almost entirely to a work published at Utrecht in 1848, by the late Dr. Janssen, keeper of the antiquities in the museum at Leyden. This work is in many respects most painstaking and satisfactory; but, though it is hardly correct to say it, is without illustrations, the Hunebeds are represented by conventional symbols, which no one would guess were intended for buildings of any sort without a most careful study of the book. I have ventured to try to translate one of these into ordinary forms, in woodcut No. 120, but without at all guaranteeing its correctness. It is, however, sufficiently accurate to explain the general nature of the monuments.
Within the area above described, Janssen measured and described fifty-one Hunebeds still existing, and they were probably at one time much more numerous, as he regrets the loss of four which he remembers in his youth; and several others have been very much ruined in very recent times. This, fortunately, is not likely to happen again, as, with a liberality and intelligence not shown by any other government in Europe, the Dutch have purchased the Hunebeds and the ground on which they stand, with a right of way to the nearest road, so that, so far as possible, they will be protected from future depredations.
Of these fifty-one monuments only one is a dolmen, in the sense in which we usually understand it, meaning thereby a single cap stone, supported by three, or, as in this instance, by four uprights. This one is near Exlo, and is one of the few that formed a chamber in a tumulus. A few have three cap stones, and from that number they range up to ten or twelve, with at least double that number of supports. They are all, in fact, of the class which the French call "allées couvertes," or "grottes des fées;" Calliagh Birra's house (woodcut No. 80) and the dolmens at Glen Columbkill are of the same class. But the Drenthe dolmens have one peculiarity not found either in France or Ireland: that they are all closed at both ends, and the entrance, where there is one, is always on the longer side. In this respect they more resemble the Scandinavian examples, such as the tomb at Axevalla (woodcut No. 116), or that at Uby (woodcut No. 114).
120. Plan of Hunebed near Emmen.
120. Plan of Hunebed near Emmen.
The annexed attempted restoration of one near Emmen will give a fair idea of their general arrangements. It is 49 feet long over all, and internally from 4 to 6 feet in width. It is roofed with nine or ten stones, some of considerable dimensions. Some of these Hunebeds have a range of stones round them, not arranged in a circle or oval form, but, as in this instance, following the lines of the central chamber. This is the case with another near the same place, which is 125 feet in length over all. When closely examined, however, it does not seem to be one Hunebed, but three ranging in a straight line, with a small space between each. Two have five and one six cap stones. As a rule, each cap stone stands on two uprights, and though frequently they touch one another, as often they form really independent trilithons. It was no doubt this fact that induced Keysler to compare these monuments with Stonehenge, though in fact no two sets of rude-stone monuments could well be more dissimilar either in arrangement or construction. Aswill be seen from the annexed view of one near Ballo[376](woodcut No. 121), they are formed of unshaped granite boulders. Sometimes, it may be, artificially split, but certainly untouched by the chisel. All that has apparently been done has been to select those most appropriate in form for the purposes to which they were to be applied, and then rudely to heap them one upon the other, but in such a manner as to leave wide gaps everywhere between the stones composing the structure.
121. Dolmen at Ballo. From a Photograph.
121. Dolmen at Ballo. From a Photograph.
The first question that arises with regard to these Hunebeds is, were they originally covered with earth or not? That some of the smaller ones were and are is clear enough, and some of medium size are still partially so; but the largest, and many of the smaller, do not show a vestige of any such covering; and it seems impossible to believe that on a tract of wretched barren heath, where the fee-simple of the land is not now worth ten shillings an acre, any one could, at any time, have taken the trouble to dig down and cart away such enormous mounds as would have been required to cover these monuments. It seems here clearer than almost anywhere else that, even if it had been intended to cover them, that intention, in more than half the cases, was never carried into effect.
It may be taken for granted that these Hunebeds were at one time much more numerous in Drenthe than they now are, but it is a much more difficult point to ascertain whether they extended into the neighbouring provinces or not. One is found in Gröningen, and one in Friesland, and none elsewhere. It may, of course, be that in these more fertile and thickly inhabited districts they have been utilised, or removed as incumbrances from the soil, while in Drenthe their component parts were of no value, and they are useful as sheep-pens and pigstyes; and to these uses they seem to have been freely applied. It may be, also, that there are no granite boulders in the neighbouring provinces, and that they are common in Drenthe. There certainly seem to be none in Guelderland, a country in which we would expect to find monuments of this class, as it is the natural line of connection with the German dolmen region; and unless it is that there were no materials handy for their construction, it is difficult to understand their absence.
As these Hunebeds have been open and exposed for centuries at least—if they were not so originally—and have been used by the peasantry for every kind of purpose, it is in vain to expect that anything will now be found in them which can throw much light on their age or use. We can only hope that an untouched or only partially plundered example may be found in some of the numerous tumuli which still exist all over the country. I confess I do not feel sanguine that this will be the case. I would hope more from the digging up of the floor of those which are known, and a careful collection of any fragments of pottery and other objects which may be found in them. Nothing of any intrinsic value will be found, of course; but what is perfectly worthless for any other purpose may be most important in an antiquarian sense. Judging them from a general abstract point of view, they do not seem of high antiquity, and may range from the Christian era down to the time when the people of this country were converted to Christianity, whenever that may have been. This, however, is only inferred from their similarity to other monuments mentioned in the preceding pages, not from any special evidence gathered from themselves or from any local tradition bearing on their antiquity.
When we have examined the megalithic remains of Brittany and of the north of France, we shall be in a better position than we now are to appreciate the importance of the gap that exists between the French and Scandinavian provinces; but in the meanwhile it may be convenient to remark even here that it hardly seems doubtful that the Hunebeds of Drenthe and the Grottes des fées of Brittany are expressions of the same feeling, and, generally, that the megalithic remains of the southern and northern divisions of the western parts of the European continent are the works of similar if not identical races, applied to the same uses, and probably are of about the same age.
These two provinces are now separated by the Rhine valley. It is probably not too broad an assertion to say there are no true Rude-Stone Monuments in the valleys of the Rhine or Scheldt,[377]or of any of their tributaries, or, in fact, in any of the countries inhabited by the Germans and Belgæ. The dolmen-building races were, in fact, cut in two by the last-named race on their way to colonise Britain. When that took place, we have no exact means of knowing. According to Cæsar, shortly before his time, Divitiacus ruled over the Belgæ of Gaul and Britain as one province;[378]and the inference from all we know—it is very little—is that the Belgian immigration to this island was of recent date at that time. Whether it was one thousand or ten thousand years, the fact that interests us here is that it took place before the age of the rude-stone monuments. If we admit that the peoples who, from Cadiz to the Cimbric Chersonese, erected these dolmens were one race—or, at least, had one religion—and were actuated by one set of motives in their respect for the dead, it seems impossible to escape from the conclusion that, whether they came direct from the east, or migrated from the south northward, or in the opposite direction, they at one time formed a continuous community of nations all along the western shores of Europe. They were cut across only in one place—between Drenthe and Normandy—and that by a comparatively modern people, the Belgæ. If this is so, the separation took place in the pre-dolmen period, whenever thatmay have been. If the original races in Belgium had been in the habit of erecting dolmens before they were dispossessed by the intruders, we should find remains at least of them there now, as we do both north and south of that district. As the case now stands, the conclusion seems inevitable that it was after their separation that the northern and southern families, though no longer in contact, adopted, each in its own peculiar fashion, those more permanent and megalithic forms which contact with a higher civilization taught them to aspire to, without abandoning the distinctions which separated them from the more progressive Celts and the thoroughly civilized Romans.
NOTE.
The map opposite is compiled partly from the two by M. Bertrand, mentioned p. 326, and partly from one which accompanies Baron de Bonstetten's 'Essai sur les Dolmens,' 1864. It has been corrected, in so far as the scale would allow, from the information since accumulated; and may be considered as representing fairly our knowledge of the distribution of dolmens at the present day. Till, however, the Governments of this country and of Denmark condescend to take up the subject, such a map must necessarily remain imperfect in its most vital parts.
Footnotes[321]'Samlingar för Norders Fornälskare,' Stockholm, 1822-1830.[322]'Scriptures rerum Danicorum medii ævi,' 9 vols. folio, Hafniæ, 1722et seq.[323]'Historic Danicæ,' lib. xvi. Soræ, 1644, in fol.[324]The following list of the kings of Denmark, copied from Dunham's, and giving the dates from Suhm, and Snorro's 'Heimskringla,' will probably suffice for our present purposes:—Suhm.Snorro.A.D.B.C.Frode I.3517Fridlief47--Havar59--Frode II.87--Wermund140--Olaf190--A.D.Dan Mykillate270170Frode III.310235?Halfdan I.324290Fridlief III.348300Frode IV.407370Ingel436386Halfdan II.447"Frode V.460"Helge and Roe494438Frode VI.510"Rolf Krake522479Frode VII.548"Halfdan III.580554Ruric588"Ivar647587Harald Hildetand735"Sigurd Ring750--Rajnar Lothbrog794--Sigurd Snogoge803--Herda Canute850--Eric I.854--Eric II.883--Harald Harfagar--863Gorm the Old (died?)941--Harald Blatand991--Sweyn1014--[325]'Samlingar,' &c. i. plate 11, fig. 38, p. 104.[326]Loc. sup. cit., fig. 39.[327]Stokes, 'Life of Petrie,' p. 260.[328]Beowulf,loc. sup. cit.[329]Engelhardt, 'Guide illustré du Musée à Copenhague,' p. 33.[330]The woodcut is copied from a drawing in Sjöborg, ii. fig. 214. It is repeated by Worsaae,loc. sup. cit., both copying from some original I have not cared to trace.[331]'Historia Danica,' viii. p. 133.[332]'Danicorum Monument,' libri sex, i. p. 12.[333]'Primæval Antiquities of Denmark,' p. 113.[334]At one time I was, on the authority of a Saxon charter, inclined to believe that this tumulus was the grave of Cissa, Saxon king of Winchester, who was contemporary with Arthur. I am now informed by the Rev. Mr. Jones, who has carefully gone into the matter, that the Charter No. 1094, which is taken from the 'Codex Winton.' fol. 54, refers to Overton in Hants, and not to Overton in Wilts, because Tadanliage (Tadley) is mentioned as part of it. As I cannot dispute the competency of so eminent an authority on such a question, its identification with the tomb of King Cissa must for the present be withdrawn, but it by no means follows in consequence that it may not be of his age.[335]'Prehistoric Times,' p. 153.[336]The slaves of the Scythian kings were strangled (Herodotus, iv. 71 and 72).[337]"Si quis, hominem diabolo sacrificaverit et in hostiam more paganorum dæmonibus obtulerit, morte moriatur."—Balusius,Capt. Reg. Franc.i. 253.[338]The wood-blocks of these and other illustrations of Dr. Thurnam's paper were lent to Sir John Lubbock, and used by him in his 'Prehistoric Times,' Nos. 146-156, where they will be more accessible to many than in the 'Archæologia.'[339]An argument for secondary interments has been attempted to be founded (Lubbock, 'Prehistoric Times,' p. 156) on an edict of Charlemagne, in which he says:—"Jubemus ut corpora Christianorum Saxonum ad cœmeteria ecclesiæ deferantur et nonadtumulos paganorum (Balusius, 'Cap. Reg. Franc.' i. p. 154). If the expression had been "intumulos," there might have been something in it; but a fair inference from the edict seems to me to be that even in Charlemagne's time converted Saxons insisted on being buried—probably in tumuli—near where the tombs of their fathers were, and probably with pagan rites, in spite of their nominal conversion.[340]'Archæologia,' xlii. p. 195.[341]Nothing would surprise me less than the discovery of an interment in the upper part of the barrow at West Kennet, between the roof of the chamber and the dolmen. Many indications in the West Country long barrows lead us to expect that such might be the case, but it by no means follows that it would be secondary. On the contrary, it would probably be, if not the first, at least the chief burial in the mound.[342]I have tried hard to follow Worsaae's argument in respect to this point ('Zur Alterthumskunde des Nordens,' 1847), but without success. As he is personally familiar with the country and its monuments, he may be perfectly correct in what he states, but as there are neither maps nor illustrations to this part of the work, it is almost impossible for a stranger to judge; and as, like all Danes, he is a devout believer in the three-age system, it is difficult to know how far this may or may not influence his view.[343]'Prehistoric Times,' p. 107.[344]'One Year in Sweden,' ii. p. 183.[345]Engelhardt, 'Catalogue illus.' p. 33. Suhm makes it 991, but this seems more probably to have been the date of the death of his son Harald Blaatand.[346]'Annalen for Nordk. Oldk.' xii. p. 13.[347]'Hist. danica,' x. p. 167.[348]'Guide ill.' p. 33.[349]'Primæval Ant. Denmark,' p. 104.[350]Engelhardt, 'Cat. ill. du Musée,' p. 33.[351]'Proceedings Soc. Ant. Scot.' v. p. 265. If Ragnar was taken prisoner by Ella of Northumberland, it must have been in the latter half of the ninth century. Suhm places his death nearly a century earlier, 794.[352]'Primæval Ant. of Denmark,' p. 112.[353]'Annalen for Nord. Aldk.' vi. pl. x.[354]Holmberg, 'Scandinavien Hallristingar,' p. 3.[355]Ibid.p. 21. 'Soc. des Ant. du Nord,' ii. pp. 140et seq.[356]Sir James Simpson, appendix, vol. vi. 'Proc. Soc. Ant. of Scotland,'passim.[357]Madsen, 'Antiquités préhistoriques du Danemark,' 1869.[358]'Samlingar,' i. pl. iii. fig. 6.[359]Olaus Wormius, 'Danica Monumenta,' pp. 8 and 35.[360]'Essai sur les Dolmens,' p. 9.[361]'Heidnische Alterthümer von Uelzen,' Hanover, 1846.[362]Madsen, 'Antiquités préhist.' pl. 8.[363]'Antiquitates Septentrionales,' pp. 320 and 519, pl. xvii.[364]Madsen, plates 13 and 14.[365]Bateman, 'Ten Years' Diggings,' p. 23. Lewellyn Jowett, 'Grave Mounds,' pp. 14 and 15, &c.[366]Sjöborg.loc. sup. cit.[367]Now destroyed. Sjöborg, iii. pl. 10, p. 143.[368]Vide ante, footnote, p. 15.[369]The woodcut is reduced from a plate in Worsaae's 'Alterthumskunde Scandinaviens,' but both it and the Amrom group are found in the 'English Archæological Journal,' xxiii. p. 187.[370]Archæol. Journal,'loc. sit.p. 185.[371]Bähr, 'Die Gräber der Liven,' Dresden, 1850, pl. i. Unfortunately, as is too often the case, no scale is engraved on the plate, and no dimensions are mentioned in the text.[372]Not yet published, so far as I know.[373]'Die Gräber der Liven,' p. 51.[374]'Ant. Septent.' p. 5, pl. ii.[375]It is by no means clear whether Mr. Sadler, who is the author of this paper, ever visited the spot, or compiled his information from Janssen's book, which, however, he never mentions. Be this as it may, it is the best paper I know of on the subject, and well worthy of perusal.[376]The woodcut is from a photograph kindly lent me by Mr. Franks. It is sufficient to show the nature of the construction, but the camera is a singularly unintelligent interpreter of plan or arrangements.[377]There are several dolmens, as before stated, in rugged mountainous parts of Luxemburg, but they seem to belong to the old races that in those corners were not swept away by the Belgian current.[378]Cæsar, 'Bell. Gall.' ii. p. 4.
Footnotes[321]'Samlingar för Norders Fornälskare,' Stockholm, 1822-1830.[322]'Scriptures rerum Danicorum medii ævi,' 9 vols. folio, Hafniæ, 1722et seq.[323]'Historic Danicæ,' lib. xvi. Soræ, 1644, in fol.[324]The following list of the kings of Denmark, copied from Dunham's, and giving the dates from Suhm, and Snorro's 'Heimskringla,' will probably suffice for our present purposes:—Suhm.Snorro.A.D.B.C.Frode I.3517Fridlief47--Havar59--Frode II.87--Wermund140--Olaf190--A.D.Dan Mykillate270170Frode III.310235?Halfdan I.324290Fridlief III.348300Frode IV.407370Ingel436386Halfdan II.447"Frode V.460"Helge and Roe494438Frode VI.510"Rolf Krake522479Frode VII.548"Halfdan III.580554Ruric588"Ivar647587Harald Hildetand735"Sigurd Ring750--Rajnar Lothbrog794--Sigurd Snogoge803--Herda Canute850--Eric I.854--Eric II.883--Harald Harfagar--863Gorm the Old (died?)941--Harald Blatand991--Sweyn1014--[325]'Samlingar,' &c. i. plate 11, fig. 38, p. 104.[326]Loc. sup. cit., fig. 39.[327]Stokes, 'Life of Petrie,' p. 260.[328]Beowulf,loc. sup. cit.[329]Engelhardt, 'Guide illustré du Musée à Copenhague,' p. 33.[330]The woodcut is copied from a drawing in Sjöborg, ii. fig. 214. It is repeated by Worsaae,loc. sup. cit., both copying from some original I have not cared to trace.[331]'Historia Danica,' viii. p. 133.[332]'Danicorum Monument,' libri sex, i. p. 12.[333]'Primæval Antiquities of Denmark,' p. 113.[334]At one time I was, on the authority of a Saxon charter, inclined to believe that this tumulus was the grave of Cissa, Saxon king of Winchester, who was contemporary with Arthur. I am now informed by the Rev. Mr. Jones, who has carefully gone into the matter, that the Charter No. 1094, which is taken from the 'Codex Winton.' fol. 54, refers to Overton in Hants, and not to Overton in Wilts, because Tadanliage (Tadley) is mentioned as part of it. As I cannot dispute the competency of so eminent an authority on such a question, its identification with the tomb of King Cissa must for the present be withdrawn, but it by no means follows in consequence that it may not be of his age.[335]'Prehistoric Times,' p. 153.[336]The slaves of the Scythian kings were strangled (Herodotus, iv. 71 and 72).[337]"Si quis, hominem diabolo sacrificaverit et in hostiam more paganorum dæmonibus obtulerit, morte moriatur."—Balusius,Capt. Reg. Franc.i. 253.[338]The wood-blocks of these and other illustrations of Dr. Thurnam's paper were lent to Sir John Lubbock, and used by him in his 'Prehistoric Times,' Nos. 146-156, where they will be more accessible to many than in the 'Archæologia.'[339]An argument for secondary interments has been attempted to be founded (Lubbock, 'Prehistoric Times,' p. 156) on an edict of Charlemagne, in which he says:—"Jubemus ut corpora Christianorum Saxonum ad cœmeteria ecclesiæ deferantur et nonadtumulos paganorum (Balusius, 'Cap. Reg. Franc.' i. p. 154). If the expression had been "intumulos," there might have been something in it; but a fair inference from the edict seems to me to be that even in Charlemagne's time converted Saxons insisted on being buried—probably in tumuli—near where the tombs of their fathers were, and probably with pagan rites, in spite of their nominal conversion.[340]'Archæologia,' xlii. p. 195.[341]Nothing would surprise me less than the discovery of an interment in the upper part of the barrow at West Kennet, between the roof of the chamber and the dolmen. Many indications in the West Country long barrows lead us to expect that such might be the case, but it by no means follows that it would be secondary. On the contrary, it would probably be, if not the first, at least the chief burial in the mound.[342]I have tried hard to follow Worsaae's argument in respect to this point ('Zur Alterthumskunde des Nordens,' 1847), but without success. As he is personally familiar with the country and its monuments, he may be perfectly correct in what he states, but as there are neither maps nor illustrations to this part of the work, it is almost impossible for a stranger to judge; and as, like all Danes, he is a devout believer in the three-age system, it is difficult to know how far this may or may not influence his view.[343]'Prehistoric Times,' p. 107.[344]'One Year in Sweden,' ii. p. 183.[345]Engelhardt, 'Catalogue illus.' p. 33. Suhm makes it 991, but this seems more probably to have been the date of the death of his son Harald Blaatand.[346]'Annalen for Nordk. Oldk.' xii. p. 13.[347]'Hist. danica,' x. p. 167.[348]'Guide ill.' p. 33.[349]'Primæval Ant. Denmark,' p. 104.[350]Engelhardt, 'Cat. ill. du Musée,' p. 33.[351]'Proceedings Soc. Ant. Scot.' v. p. 265. If Ragnar was taken prisoner by Ella of Northumberland, it must have been in the latter half of the ninth century. Suhm places his death nearly a century earlier, 794.[352]'Primæval Ant. of Denmark,' p. 112.[353]'Annalen for Nord. Aldk.' vi. pl. x.[354]Holmberg, 'Scandinavien Hallristingar,' p. 3.[355]Ibid.p. 21. 'Soc. des Ant. du Nord,' ii. pp. 140et seq.[356]Sir James Simpson, appendix, vol. vi. 'Proc. Soc. Ant. of Scotland,'passim.[357]Madsen, 'Antiquités préhistoriques du Danemark,' 1869.[358]'Samlingar,' i. pl. iii. fig. 6.[359]Olaus Wormius, 'Danica Monumenta,' pp. 8 and 35.[360]'Essai sur les Dolmens,' p. 9.[361]'Heidnische Alterthümer von Uelzen,' Hanover, 1846.[362]Madsen, 'Antiquités préhist.' pl. 8.[363]'Antiquitates Septentrionales,' pp. 320 and 519, pl. xvii.[364]Madsen, plates 13 and 14.[365]Bateman, 'Ten Years' Diggings,' p. 23. Lewellyn Jowett, 'Grave Mounds,' pp. 14 and 15, &c.[366]Sjöborg.loc. sup. cit.[367]Now destroyed. Sjöborg, iii. pl. 10, p. 143.[368]Vide ante, footnote, p. 15.[369]The woodcut is reduced from a plate in Worsaae's 'Alterthumskunde Scandinaviens,' but both it and the Amrom group are found in the 'English Archæological Journal,' xxiii. p. 187.[370]Archæol. Journal,'loc. sit.p. 185.[371]Bähr, 'Die Gräber der Liven,' Dresden, 1850, pl. i. Unfortunately, as is too often the case, no scale is engraved on the plate, and no dimensions are mentioned in the text.[372]Not yet published, so far as I know.[373]'Die Gräber der Liven,' p. 51.[374]'Ant. Septent.' p. 5, pl. ii.[375]It is by no means clear whether Mr. Sadler, who is the author of this paper, ever visited the spot, or compiled his information from Janssen's book, which, however, he never mentions. Be this as it may, it is the best paper I know of on the subject, and well worthy of perusal.[376]The woodcut is from a photograph kindly lent me by Mr. Franks. It is sufficient to show the nature of the construction, but the camera is a singularly unintelligent interpreter of plan or arrangements.[377]There are several dolmens, as before stated, in rugged mountainous parts of Luxemburg, but they seem to belong to the old races that in those corners were not swept away by the Belgian current.[378]Cæsar, 'Bell. Gall.' ii. p. 4.
Footnotes
[321]'Samlingar för Norders Fornälskare,' Stockholm, 1822-1830.
[321]'Samlingar för Norders Fornälskare,' Stockholm, 1822-1830.
[322]'Scriptures rerum Danicorum medii ævi,' 9 vols. folio, Hafniæ, 1722et seq.
[322]'Scriptures rerum Danicorum medii ævi,' 9 vols. folio, Hafniæ, 1722et seq.
[323]'Historic Danicæ,' lib. xvi. Soræ, 1644, in fol.
[323]'Historic Danicæ,' lib. xvi. Soræ, 1644, in fol.
[324]The following list of the kings of Denmark, copied from Dunham's, and giving the dates from Suhm, and Snorro's 'Heimskringla,' will probably suffice for our present purposes:—
[324]The following list of the kings of Denmark, copied from Dunham's, and giving the dates from Suhm, and Snorro's 'Heimskringla,' will probably suffice for our present purposes:—
[325]'Samlingar,' &c. i. plate 11, fig. 38, p. 104.
[325]'Samlingar,' &c. i. plate 11, fig. 38, p. 104.
[326]Loc. sup. cit., fig. 39.
[326]Loc. sup. cit., fig. 39.
[327]Stokes, 'Life of Petrie,' p. 260.
[327]Stokes, 'Life of Petrie,' p. 260.
[328]Beowulf,loc. sup. cit.
[328]Beowulf,loc. sup. cit.
[329]Engelhardt, 'Guide illustré du Musée à Copenhague,' p. 33.
[329]Engelhardt, 'Guide illustré du Musée à Copenhague,' p. 33.
[330]The woodcut is copied from a drawing in Sjöborg, ii. fig. 214. It is repeated by Worsaae,loc. sup. cit., both copying from some original I have not cared to trace.
[330]The woodcut is copied from a drawing in Sjöborg, ii. fig. 214. It is repeated by Worsaae,loc. sup. cit., both copying from some original I have not cared to trace.
[331]'Historia Danica,' viii. p. 133.
[331]'Historia Danica,' viii. p. 133.
[332]'Danicorum Monument,' libri sex, i. p. 12.
[332]'Danicorum Monument,' libri sex, i. p. 12.
[333]'Primæval Antiquities of Denmark,' p. 113.
[333]'Primæval Antiquities of Denmark,' p. 113.
[334]At one time I was, on the authority of a Saxon charter, inclined to believe that this tumulus was the grave of Cissa, Saxon king of Winchester, who was contemporary with Arthur. I am now informed by the Rev. Mr. Jones, who has carefully gone into the matter, that the Charter No. 1094, which is taken from the 'Codex Winton.' fol. 54, refers to Overton in Hants, and not to Overton in Wilts, because Tadanliage (Tadley) is mentioned as part of it. As I cannot dispute the competency of so eminent an authority on such a question, its identification with the tomb of King Cissa must for the present be withdrawn, but it by no means follows in consequence that it may not be of his age.
[334]At one time I was, on the authority of a Saxon charter, inclined to believe that this tumulus was the grave of Cissa, Saxon king of Winchester, who was contemporary with Arthur. I am now informed by the Rev. Mr. Jones, who has carefully gone into the matter, that the Charter No. 1094, which is taken from the 'Codex Winton.' fol. 54, refers to Overton in Hants, and not to Overton in Wilts, because Tadanliage (Tadley) is mentioned as part of it. As I cannot dispute the competency of so eminent an authority on such a question, its identification with the tomb of King Cissa must for the present be withdrawn, but it by no means follows in consequence that it may not be of his age.
[335]'Prehistoric Times,' p. 153.
[335]'Prehistoric Times,' p. 153.
[336]The slaves of the Scythian kings were strangled (Herodotus, iv. 71 and 72).
[336]The slaves of the Scythian kings were strangled (Herodotus, iv. 71 and 72).
[337]"Si quis, hominem diabolo sacrificaverit et in hostiam more paganorum dæmonibus obtulerit, morte moriatur."—Balusius,Capt. Reg. Franc.i. 253.
[337]"Si quis, hominem diabolo sacrificaverit et in hostiam more paganorum dæmonibus obtulerit, morte moriatur."—Balusius,Capt. Reg. Franc.i. 253.
[338]The wood-blocks of these and other illustrations of Dr. Thurnam's paper were lent to Sir John Lubbock, and used by him in his 'Prehistoric Times,' Nos. 146-156, where they will be more accessible to many than in the 'Archæologia.'
[338]The wood-blocks of these and other illustrations of Dr. Thurnam's paper were lent to Sir John Lubbock, and used by him in his 'Prehistoric Times,' Nos. 146-156, where they will be more accessible to many than in the 'Archæologia.'
[339]An argument for secondary interments has been attempted to be founded (Lubbock, 'Prehistoric Times,' p. 156) on an edict of Charlemagne, in which he says:—"Jubemus ut corpora Christianorum Saxonum ad cœmeteria ecclesiæ deferantur et nonadtumulos paganorum (Balusius, 'Cap. Reg. Franc.' i. p. 154). If the expression had been "intumulos," there might have been something in it; but a fair inference from the edict seems to me to be that even in Charlemagne's time converted Saxons insisted on being buried—probably in tumuli—near where the tombs of their fathers were, and probably with pagan rites, in spite of their nominal conversion.
[339]An argument for secondary interments has been attempted to be founded (Lubbock, 'Prehistoric Times,' p. 156) on an edict of Charlemagne, in which he says:—"Jubemus ut corpora Christianorum Saxonum ad cœmeteria ecclesiæ deferantur et nonadtumulos paganorum (Balusius, 'Cap. Reg. Franc.' i. p. 154). If the expression had been "intumulos," there might have been something in it; but a fair inference from the edict seems to me to be that even in Charlemagne's time converted Saxons insisted on being buried—probably in tumuli—near where the tombs of their fathers were, and probably with pagan rites, in spite of their nominal conversion.
[340]'Archæologia,' xlii. p. 195.
[340]'Archæologia,' xlii. p. 195.
[341]Nothing would surprise me less than the discovery of an interment in the upper part of the barrow at West Kennet, between the roof of the chamber and the dolmen. Many indications in the West Country long barrows lead us to expect that such might be the case, but it by no means follows that it would be secondary. On the contrary, it would probably be, if not the first, at least the chief burial in the mound.
[341]Nothing would surprise me less than the discovery of an interment in the upper part of the barrow at West Kennet, between the roof of the chamber and the dolmen. Many indications in the West Country long barrows lead us to expect that such might be the case, but it by no means follows that it would be secondary. On the contrary, it would probably be, if not the first, at least the chief burial in the mound.
[342]I have tried hard to follow Worsaae's argument in respect to this point ('Zur Alterthumskunde des Nordens,' 1847), but without success. As he is personally familiar with the country and its monuments, he may be perfectly correct in what he states, but as there are neither maps nor illustrations to this part of the work, it is almost impossible for a stranger to judge; and as, like all Danes, he is a devout believer in the three-age system, it is difficult to know how far this may or may not influence his view.
[342]I have tried hard to follow Worsaae's argument in respect to this point ('Zur Alterthumskunde des Nordens,' 1847), but without success. As he is personally familiar with the country and its monuments, he may be perfectly correct in what he states, but as there are neither maps nor illustrations to this part of the work, it is almost impossible for a stranger to judge; and as, like all Danes, he is a devout believer in the three-age system, it is difficult to know how far this may or may not influence his view.
[343]'Prehistoric Times,' p. 107.
[343]'Prehistoric Times,' p. 107.
[344]'One Year in Sweden,' ii. p. 183.
[344]'One Year in Sweden,' ii. p. 183.
[345]Engelhardt, 'Catalogue illus.' p. 33. Suhm makes it 991, but this seems more probably to have been the date of the death of his son Harald Blaatand.
[345]Engelhardt, 'Catalogue illus.' p. 33. Suhm makes it 991, but this seems more probably to have been the date of the death of his son Harald Blaatand.
[346]'Annalen for Nordk. Oldk.' xii. p. 13.
[346]'Annalen for Nordk. Oldk.' xii. p. 13.
[347]'Hist. danica,' x. p. 167.
[347]'Hist. danica,' x. p. 167.
[348]'Guide ill.' p. 33.
[348]'Guide ill.' p. 33.
[349]'Primæval Ant. Denmark,' p. 104.
[349]'Primæval Ant. Denmark,' p. 104.
[350]Engelhardt, 'Cat. ill. du Musée,' p. 33.
[350]Engelhardt, 'Cat. ill. du Musée,' p. 33.
[351]'Proceedings Soc. Ant. Scot.' v. p. 265. If Ragnar was taken prisoner by Ella of Northumberland, it must have been in the latter half of the ninth century. Suhm places his death nearly a century earlier, 794.
[351]'Proceedings Soc. Ant. Scot.' v. p. 265. If Ragnar was taken prisoner by Ella of Northumberland, it must have been in the latter half of the ninth century. Suhm places his death nearly a century earlier, 794.
[352]'Primæval Ant. of Denmark,' p. 112.
[352]'Primæval Ant. of Denmark,' p. 112.
[353]'Annalen for Nord. Aldk.' vi. pl. x.
[353]'Annalen for Nord. Aldk.' vi. pl. x.
[354]Holmberg, 'Scandinavien Hallristingar,' p. 3.
[354]Holmberg, 'Scandinavien Hallristingar,' p. 3.
[355]Ibid.p. 21. 'Soc. des Ant. du Nord,' ii. pp. 140et seq.
[355]Ibid.p. 21. 'Soc. des Ant. du Nord,' ii. pp. 140et seq.
[356]Sir James Simpson, appendix, vol. vi. 'Proc. Soc. Ant. of Scotland,'passim.
[356]Sir James Simpson, appendix, vol. vi. 'Proc. Soc. Ant. of Scotland,'passim.
[357]Madsen, 'Antiquités préhistoriques du Danemark,' 1869.
[357]Madsen, 'Antiquités préhistoriques du Danemark,' 1869.
[358]'Samlingar,' i. pl. iii. fig. 6.
[358]'Samlingar,' i. pl. iii. fig. 6.
[359]Olaus Wormius, 'Danica Monumenta,' pp. 8 and 35.
[359]Olaus Wormius, 'Danica Monumenta,' pp. 8 and 35.
[360]'Essai sur les Dolmens,' p. 9.
[360]'Essai sur les Dolmens,' p. 9.
[361]'Heidnische Alterthümer von Uelzen,' Hanover, 1846.
[361]'Heidnische Alterthümer von Uelzen,' Hanover, 1846.
[362]Madsen, 'Antiquités préhist.' pl. 8.
[362]Madsen, 'Antiquités préhist.' pl. 8.
[363]'Antiquitates Septentrionales,' pp. 320 and 519, pl. xvii.
[363]'Antiquitates Septentrionales,' pp. 320 and 519, pl. xvii.
[364]Madsen, plates 13 and 14.
[364]Madsen, plates 13 and 14.
[365]Bateman, 'Ten Years' Diggings,' p. 23. Lewellyn Jowett, 'Grave Mounds,' pp. 14 and 15, &c.
[365]Bateman, 'Ten Years' Diggings,' p. 23. Lewellyn Jowett, 'Grave Mounds,' pp. 14 and 15, &c.
[366]Sjöborg.loc. sup. cit.
[366]Sjöborg.loc. sup. cit.
[367]Now destroyed. Sjöborg, iii. pl. 10, p. 143.
[367]Now destroyed. Sjöborg, iii. pl. 10, p. 143.
[368]Vide ante, footnote, p. 15.
[368]Vide ante, footnote, p. 15.
[369]The woodcut is reduced from a plate in Worsaae's 'Alterthumskunde Scandinaviens,' but both it and the Amrom group are found in the 'English Archæological Journal,' xxiii. p. 187.
[369]The woodcut is reduced from a plate in Worsaae's 'Alterthumskunde Scandinaviens,' but both it and the Amrom group are found in the 'English Archæological Journal,' xxiii. p. 187.
[370]Archæol. Journal,'loc. sit.p. 185.
[370]Archæol. Journal,'loc. sit.p. 185.
[371]Bähr, 'Die Gräber der Liven,' Dresden, 1850, pl. i. Unfortunately, as is too often the case, no scale is engraved on the plate, and no dimensions are mentioned in the text.
[371]Bähr, 'Die Gräber der Liven,' Dresden, 1850, pl. i. Unfortunately, as is too often the case, no scale is engraved on the plate, and no dimensions are mentioned in the text.
[372]Not yet published, so far as I know.
[372]Not yet published, so far as I know.
[373]'Die Gräber der Liven,' p. 51.
[373]'Die Gräber der Liven,' p. 51.
[374]'Ant. Septent.' p. 5, pl. ii.
[374]'Ant. Septent.' p. 5, pl. ii.
[375]It is by no means clear whether Mr. Sadler, who is the author of this paper, ever visited the spot, or compiled his information from Janssen's book, which, however, he never mentions. Be this as it may, it is the best paper I know of on the subject, and well worthy of perusal.
[375]It is by no means clear whether Mr. Sadler, who is the author of this paper, ever visited the spot, or compiled his information from Janssen's book, which, however, he never mentions. Be this as it may, it is the best paper I know of on the subject, and well worthy of perusal.
[376]The woodcut is from a photograph kindly lent me by Mr. Franks. It is sufficient to show the nature of the construction, but the camera is a singularly unintelligent interpreter of plan or arrangements.
[376]The woodcut is from a photograph kindly lent me by Mr. Franks. It is sufficient to show the nature of the construction, but the camera is a singularly unintelligent interpreter of plan or arrangements.
[377]There are several dolmens, as before stated, in rugged mountainous parts of Luxemburg, but they seem to belong to the old races that in those corners were not swept away by the Belgian current.
[377]There are several dolmens, as before stated, in rugged mountainous parts of Luxemburg, but they seem to belong to the old races that in those corners were not swept away by the Belgian current.
[378]Cæsar, 'Bell. Gall.' ii. p. 4.
[378]Cæsar, 'Bell. Gall.' ii. p. 4.