CHAPTER IX

CardenMr. Lionel Edward Gresley Carden, C.M.G.H.B.M. Minister-Resident at Salvador (as well as at Guatemala, Nicaragua and Honduras.)

Mr. Lionel Edward Gresley Carden, C.M.G.H.B.M. Minister-Resident at Salvador (as well as at Guatemala, Nicaragua and Honduras.)

It will be scarcely credible, but it is none the less a fact, that the British Government has issued no Consular Trade Report upon the Republic of Salvadorfor nearly twenty years! This fact is set forth in the following correspondence which I attach:

"Pondtail Lodge,"Fleet, North Hants,"April 23, 1911."To the Right Hon. Sir Edward Grey, Bart., Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Foreign Office, Downing Street, London, W."Sir,—I should esteem it a great courtesy if you would let me know whether any Consular Report has been published by the Foreign Office in connection with the Republic of Salvador; what was the date of such report; and whether any other report of a later period is likely to be published—and if so, when? I have been making diligent inquiries with regard to this matter, but can obtain absolutely no information, a fact which seems more remarkable in view of the trade relations which prevail, and have for so many years prevailed, between Great Britain and the Republic of Salvador."My interest in the matter must plead my excuses for troubling you, and awaiting your courteous reply,"I remain, sir,"Yours obediently,"Percy F. Martin."

"Pondtail Lodge,"Fleet, North Hants,"April 23, 1911.

"To the Right Hon. Sir Edward Grey, Bart., Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Foreign Office, Downing Street, London, W.

"Sir,—I should esteem it a great courtesy if you would let me know whether any Consular Report has been published by the Foreign Office in connection with the Republic of Salvador; what was the date of such report; and whether any other report of a later period is likely to be published—and if so, when? I have been making diligent inquiries with regard to this matter, but can obtain absolutely no information, a fact which seems more remarkable in view of the trade relations which prevail, and have for so many years prevailed, between Great Britain and the Republic of Salvador.

"My interest in the matter must plead my excuses for troubling you, and awaiting your courteous reply,

"I remain, sir,"Yours obediently,"Percy F. Martin."

"Foreign Office,"April 25, 1911."The Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs presents his compliments to Mr. P. F. Martin, and, by direction of the Secretary of State, acknowledges the receipt of his letter of the 23rd inst., which is receiving attention."

"Foreign Office,"April 25, 1911.

"The Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs presents his compliments to Mr. P. F. Martin, and, by direction of the Secretary of State, acknowledges the receipt of his letter of the 23rd inst., which is receiving attention."

"Foreign Office,"May 8, 1911."Sir,—With reference to your letter of the 23rd ultimo, I am directed by Secretary Sir E. Grey to transmit to youherewith, a copy of the Consular Trade Report for Salvador for the year 1892, which is the last received."I am, sir,"Your most obedient humble servant,"(Signed)W. Langley."

"Foreign Office,"May 8, 1911.

"Sir,—With reference to your letter of the 23rd ultimo, I am directed by Secretary Sir E. Grey to transmit to youherewith, a copy of the Consular Trade Report for Salvador for the year 1892, which is the last received.

"I am, sir,"Your most obedient humble servant,"(Signed)W. Langley."

"Pondtail Lodge, "Fleet, North Hants,"May 9, 1911."To the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Foreign Office, London, W."Mr. Percy F. Martin presents his compliments to the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and begs to acknowledge the receipt of a copy of the Consular Report concerning trade in Salvador for the year 1892, which he notes is the last which has been issued."

"Pondtail Lodge, "Fleet, North Hants,"May 9, 1911.

"To the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Foreign Office, London, W.

"Mr. Percy F. Martin presents his compliments to the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and begs to acknowledge the receipt of a copy of the Consular Report concerning trade in Salvador for the year 1892, which he notes is the last which has been issued."

It may be asked why the Foreign Office grants an office allowance of £200 to the Consul at San Salvador if the services of that gentleman do not include the supply of at least an occasional report upon the trade conditions of that important country? In view of the fact that the share of the Republic's trade with Great Britain is still of some moment, even if it has shrunk considerably in magnitude from what it formerly was, it seems astonishing that not a word concerning the conditions prevailing, nor of the opportunities which exist for promoting trade in that country, should have emanated from a Department of State which presumably exists to protect the interests of the nation's trade and commerce abroad.

Assuredly, never at any time were the stinging sarcasms uttered by Burke, concerning Government services of this kind, in 1780, more deserved than to-day. In his memorable speech on "EconomicalReform," Burke observed that the Board of Trade was "a sort of gently ripening hothouse where members received salaries of £1,000 a year in order to mature at a proper season a claim for £2,000." If our Consuls are expected to do nothing more than sit in their offices in order to qualify eventually for a pension, the sooner they are abolished altogether the better for the country's pocket.

It is to be observed that certain among the Latin-American States have a much clearer idea of the proper qualifications for, and the functions of, a Consul and a Vice-Consul than our own Foreign Office, which has challenged criticism and earned condemnation on account of the ridiculous appointments which it has made, and continues to make, to such offices. Quite recently the Government of Salvador published a very important Regulation relative to Consular appointments, and this contains so much good sense, and offers so many points which might be adopted with advantage by our own "Circumlocution Office," that I make no apology for reproducing the gist of it here.

According to Article I., Clause (b), of this Regulation, the Consular career "has for its aim above all to promote and increase the commerce of the country, and also to insure for it social and political representation." Then this official Regulation gives a general review of the obligations imposed upon members of the Diplomatic and Consular Corps, and adds: "Certainly, in order to fulfil these, special knowledge is needed, which can only be acquired by patient and careful study. Diplomats and Consuls, who go to represent Salvador in foreign lands, must especially be presentable and must possess individuality. If any unfortunate circumstance makes them appear ridiculous,discredit will fall, not only on themselves, but on their fellow-countrymen." The Regulation continues:

"Travellers have been heard to say that they have sometimes found the Salvador coat of arms lying in a dark, dirty hovel, or in close proximity to a pawnshop; whilst some diplomatists have been rendered conspicuous by their ignorance of the language and customs of the country to which they have been sent, and, above all, by their absolute lack of patriotism. A Professor of International Law has related of an Envoy Extraordinary of the Republic of Salvador, that he once had to be arrested by the police in the centre of the City of Mexico for drunkenness."

I have heard of at least one British diplomatic representative in South America who ought to have been arrested for a similar offence, but who escaped the indignity by reason of the wholesome respect which the Government had for the country which he represented, even if it had none for the representative.

"Consuls and diplomatists," goes on this document, "must not only possess special knowledge, but must be cultured persons, honourable, tactful, and sympathetic." In a word, they must possess the difficult gift of knowing "how to please."

The Regulation does not actually detail these latter qualities, but gives it to be understood that they are indispensable. It, however, emphasizes the necessity of "facility of expression" as an attribute of the aspirant to the Consular and Diplomatic Service, at the same time, without requiring him to be an orator. He must be capable of "getting out of a difficulty decently, without making himself ridiculous."

It would be advisable, the Regulation points out, that youths who possess the desired qualificationsshould be employed by the Government in subordinate positions connected with the Consulates and Legations, before they receive higher appointments or become Heads. As Secretaries or supernumeraries, they would have an opportunity of becoming familiar with the language and customs of the people among whom they were placed. All the necessary expenses for this arrangement should naturally be borne by the State.

"It must also be remembered," this practical Regulation continues, "that those who fulfil the required conditions are losers from the point of view of any financial advantages, since for some time their remuneration will not equal that which might have been gained by entering commerce or professional work. At the same time, youths who dedicate themselves to this career must have sufficient patriotism and ambition to figure in the posts of honour. No time must be lost in the task of training up Consuls, and as the perfection of human work has resulted in the evolution of specialists, so the Government must not too seriously consider the question of economy, but must allow these young men to be sent to other countries, and to remain in the same post long enough to specialize in their profession."

According to the new laws affecting the appointment of Consuls, the regulations call for a division into two distinct ranks—consuls-general and consulsde carrière(irregular); and consulsad honorem(honorary). The first-named are appointed to: Hamburg (Germany), Antwerp (Belgium), Barcelona (Spain), San Francisco (U.S.A.), Mexico City (Mexico), Paris (France), London (Great Britain), Genoa (Italy), Guatemala City (Guatemala), Tegucigalpa (Honduras),Managua (Nicaragua), San José (Costa Rica). The annual remuneration is £720 for the Consuls-general, and £480 for the Consuls.

The honorary consuls are at Panamá City, Panamá; New York City, U.S.A.; Liverpool, England; Bordeaux, France; Berlin, Germany; and New Orleans, U.S.A.

The first-named officials must be Salvadoreans and citizens of the Republic; while the second may be of any nationality. These latter may deduct from the fees collected by them such amounts as may be necessary to cover office expenses, and the remuneration allowed them under Article 186 of the organic law of the consular service.

The Government of Salvador considers that "those States which maintain permanent Legations should keep themselves regularly informed of all the antecedents and course of the questions that are to be discussed. They should have a perfect knowledge of the circumstances that may contribute to a solution favourable to their interests; their diplomatic Ministers should have had an opportunity of quietly studying the weaknesses of those persons with whom they have to negotiate. The State that does not maintain permanent representatives will experience difficulties of all kinds in the most insignificant negotiation. If its Government conducts affairs by means of a Foreign Office, by the post or telegraph, it will be exposed to evasive replies and delays, which will be to the advantage of the other State; and if a Special Mission is sent, whatever may be the personal capacity of its chief, he will be in unknown territory, and will lose precious time whilst he is studying men and things sufficiently to master the situation, and to be able todeduce from it the necessary material to bring to a successful issue the negotiations entrusted to him."

These are all very sensible and apt observations, which I respectfully bring to the attention of Sir Edward Grey, our present Foreign Secretary, and the many "Official Barnacles" who surround him and advise him in regard to the appointments to the Consular Service.

The last British Consular Report from Salvador is dated "June 30, 1893," and relates to what took place during the previous year, namely, "1892." It is from the pen of Mr. C. S. Campbell, then Consul-General, and is addressed to the Foreign Minister of that day, the Earl of Rosebery. It is apparent from this document, which consists of exactly six pages, that Great Britain stood second on the list of Imports, and third on the list of Exports, the figures being as follows:

Imports.Exports.Country.1891.1892.1891.1892.££££United States122,047104,587247,632397,055England121,523121,210100,974110,043Germany46,74437,018212,276108,618France74,44458,819163,079131,586Italy12,5049,51492,28255,128Spain3,9053,7725,2973,126Sundry60,21443,557146,544136,692Total441,381378,477968,084942,248

It is clear from these figures that British trade with Salvador was something considerable and well worth maintaining, having at that time approached near that of the United States of America, in spite of the greatgeographical advantage which the latter country possessed—and still, of course, possesses—over Great Britain or any other European country. Let us now glance at the position of affairs a few years later:

IMPORTS AND EXPORTS BY COUNTRIES, IN GOLD DOLLARS ($4.85 = £1).

Imports.Year.Country.Amount.Percentage.$1904England1,304,57636·1Germany404,42211·2United States1,002,43727·8Other Countries898,64224·9Exports.Year.Country.Amount.Percentage.$1904England1,482,31922·4Germany958,53314·4United States1,103,03016·6Other Countries3,091,56346·6

It will be observed that Great Britain in 1904 actually led in the Republic's trade with foreign countries; but nevertheless the Foreign Office deems this fact so unimportant that it will not trouble to publish a syllable concerning the commerce of that Republic, for the information of the industrial and trading world.

The average total of the foreign trade of the Republic of Salvador may be taken as $10,600,000 (gold), or, say, £2,120,000, with a balance of $2,250,000 (gold), or, say, £450,000, in favour of the Republic. And it is when we come to analyze the imports from foreign countries that we recognize how closely Great Britain and the United States run together, and howgreatly we have to fear our keen American rivals as competitors. For the year 1909 we see that—

Great Britain sold to Salvador goods worth$1,438,613.90United States sold to Salvador goods worth1,344,315.79A trifling balance in favour of Great Britain of$94,298.11

—or, say, £18,859. Our principal trade was in cotton, both manufactured and yarn; while the United States took premier place in flour, hardware, drugs and medicines, boots, shoes, machinery, and agricultural implements. In these latter goods no country can touch the United States for cheapness and general novelty; but it is only fair to add that the goods are "made to sell," or, in other words, they are "cheap and nasty"—a fact which the purchasers are finding out for themselves. Until British manufacturers export something considerably cheaper than the implements and farm machinery that they supply at present, the Americans will continue to hold this market. The Germans barely as yet have made much impression with their agricultural implements. Although upon some of thefincaswhich I visited—mostly owned or managed by Germans—I came across some ploughs and reaping machines from the Fatherland, I was frankly informed that they were entirely unsatisfactory, and were about to be discarded in favour of some United States machines which had been offered "at one-half the price paid for the German inventions."

STATEMENT OF EXPORT TRADE TO JUNE 30, 1910.

Country.Value of Exports.Country.Value of Exports.$$Germany1,410,693.10Austria-Hungary388,035.33United States1,358,868.85Great Britain352,843.73France1,043,402.71Spain164,907.21Italy584,312.60

These figures are remarkable for the fact that they showinter aliathat Germany had in the course of twelve months ousted France from first place on the export list, and had supplanted her by an extraordinary amount of advance. To prove this I give the official figures for the first half of 1909, and which are as follows:

$France took goods value1,062,674Germany goods value837,040United States goods value636,721Italy goods value352,122Spain goods value281,961Great Britain goods value111,312

It would therefore appear that, while Germany increased her trade with Salvador from $837,040 in 1909 (six months) to $1,410,693 in 1909-10 (twelve months), France showed a decrease over the same period of from $1,062,674 to $1,043,402. Great Britain's position is so inferior as to need no comment whatever.

It will be noticeable that Germany was in 1910 the best customer to the Republic, and took fully four times as much of her produce as Great Britain. The greatest amount was represented by coffee, as will be seen from the subjoined particulars of the class of articles which were exported, as well as from the values which I add:

Article.Value.Article.Value.$$Coffee4,661,440.98Tobacco (manufactured and leaf)9,638.67Gold, silver, lead560,569.64Lumber3,773.07Sugar (brown)222,379.47Rice3,312.23Indigo107,936.72Deerskins2,837.63Balsam and balsam seed39,187.97Hat palms2,723.21Cattle and hides36,167.46Miscellaneous23,247.92Rubber23,491.58Total5,696,706.85

schoolFront of Sergeants' School, San Salvador.

Front of Sergeants' School, San Salvador.

Sargeants

That the Germans mean to thoroughly exploit the Republic of Salvador, moreover, and if they cannot secure a holding in one branch of trade they intend to try in another, or in a dozen others, is abundantly clear. In the month of September, 1909, a Treaty of Commerce between the Republic and Germany was celebrated, and so far the results have been very encouraging. Out of 463 steamers and 89 sailing vessels which visited the different Salvadorean ports last year (1909-10), during the first nine months there were 153 German, as against 245 United States, 79 Salvadorean, 74 Honduranean, and notoneBritish bottom.

United States information for traders—Improved Consular services—Mr. W. E. Coldwell—United States and Salvador Government—Bureau of Pan-American Republics—Mr. Mark J. Kelly—Exceptional services—The American Minister, Major W. Heimké—Salvadorean Minister to U.S.A., Señor Federico Mejía—Central American Peace Conference and the United States.

How beneficial is the attitude of the United States of America in collecting and disseminating every particle of information which can prove of the slightest service to American traders! Month by month, through the medium of thePan-American Bureau Bulletin, a Government-endowed institution journal of the utmost utility, not only to American traders, but to those of every country of the world, every item of commercial, industrial, and financial information culled from Latin-American countries is published in tabular form, and supplied at a merely nominal figure to all who care to avail themselves of it. Such information is primarily the result of the researches and the reports made by United States Consuls in the countries mentioned, and it is perfectly certain that none are permitted to enjoy "allowances" of £200 a year, as is our Consul at San Salvador, without showing something in return for such payment in the shape of a report of some kind or other.

Here I may record that of Mr. Walter Edmund Coldwell, our unsalaried Consul at San Salvador, I havenothing whatever to say but what is complimentary, since he is personally a very amiable and courteous gentleman, ready and willing at any time to aid any Britisher seeking his advice, and which, in view of his experience and complete knowledge of Spanish, is certainly of great value. I feel certain that, had any request come from the Foreign Office addressed to Mr. Coldwell for a report upon trade conditions and prospects in Salvador, he would have been perfectly prepared to supply, as he is undoubtedly capable of supplying, it in view of his long residence, extending over twelve years. I go further, and suggest that had Mr. Coldwell not waited for any such request, but had acted upon his own initiative and sent in a report to the Foreign Office, such would either have been pigeonholed or the Consul have been snubbed for his pains. It cannot be too often observed, nor too emphatically pointed out, that it isnotthe officials of our Consular Service who are wholly to blame; it is the "System" perpetuated by successive Governments—it matters not one pin's head whether they be Liberals or Conservatives or a hybrid mixture of many political parties—which is all wrong, and the ignorant and indifferent Permanent Officials at Downing Street who are responsible for the appalling condition of incompetency which our Consular Service to-day displays.

The following incident will show with what care and attention the Government of the United States follow every little incident and occurrence that can in any way affect trade relations between themselves and the smaller Latin-American States. In the month of February, 1909, the United States Minister sent to his Government a complaint to the effect that theSalvadorean Government allowed favoured-nation treatment to certain articles of French origin imported into the Republic, which treatment was not accorded to similar articles from the United States. The United States Government at once instructed the Minister at San Salvador to ask for an explanation, and he as promptly got it; not, perhaps, in the precise terms which he could have wished, but—he got it! The answer came from the Minister for Foreign Affairs in the following terms:

"The Treaty of Peace and Amity, Commerce and Consular Rights celebrated between Salvador and the United States on December 6, 1870, having become inoperative by reason of the denunciation of the same on the part of the Government of Salvador, in accordance with the prearranged conditions from May 30, 1893, merchandise proceeding from the United States can only be accorded such treatment in the Customs Houses of Salvador as is provided for in the general tariff law of the Republic, without special concessions or privileges."

The answer was so convincing and so conclusive that the United States Government forthwith proceeded to celebrate a fresh Treaty with the Republic, and has since then enjoyed all the privileges which such can procure.

Upon a previous occasion—namely, in 1907—the United States Vice-Consul in San Salvador having requested from the Government of the Republic a general statement of economic conditions prevailing throughout the country, the reply was published very soon afterwards in the form of an elaborate and complete account of the commercial, industrial, and financial conditions of the Republic, the whole taking up the greater portion of a special number of theDiario Oficial. One cannot imagine a British Consul having the enterprise to makeany such request from a foreign Government to which he is accredited, although the information, if sought, would be as readily forthcoming as it was for an American Vice-Consul. But when we witness the sorry spectacle of British officials allowing—or being allowed—twenty years to pass by without having issued any kind of report for the information of his countrymen, what can be expected?

The United States Secretary of State officials, who are so ably assisted by the co-operation of the Pan-American Bureau and its admirable monthly publication,The Bulletin, deserve every credit for the unflagging interest which they manifest in promoting and assisting their country's trade abroad. In this matter, at least, we might advantageously follow the example of our Transatlantic competitors. As it is, we should feel deeply grateful to the American Government for periodically issuing information which is as accessible to Britishers, or to any other nationalities, as to the Americans themselves. And it costs us nothing; which should be gratifying to that large class of individuals who enjoy getting something without putting their hands into their own pockets.

It seems a very remarkable fact that Salvador, like a great number of other Latin-American States, has been enabled to find in Great Britain a thoroughly capable and influential Consular representative, while Great Britain has so signally failed, except in some few instances, in securing similar representatives abroad. Nor is this circumstance the less noteworthy when it is observed that the Salvadorean Consul-General in London is not a native of that Republic, but an Irishman, and is probably one of the first—if not the only—Irishman who has filled a similarposition. Mr. Mark Jamestown Kelly, F.R.G.S., F.S.A., etc., has been the Consular representative of both the Republics of Salvador and Honduras for over fifteen years, and it is only within the past few months that he has been compelled, owing to continued pressure of work in connection with the chairmanship of the Salvador Railway Company, to abandon his consular position in regard to Salvador. How greatly the Government of that State regretted Mr. Kelly's retirement, and how strong was the pressure brought to bear to induce him to withdraw his resignation, was fully evidenced in a remarkable letter of thanks which the Government addressed to Mr. Kelly lately, and from which the following is a brief extract. After referring in eloquent terms to the deep disappointment which the Government felt at Mr. Kelly's inability to reconsider the question of resignation, and having announced that the Executive had therefore most reluctantly accepted the inevitable, and had arranged to send over at an early date a representative to relieve Mr. Kelly of his official duties, Dr. Manuel E. Araujo, the President of the Republic (who has long been personally acquainted with Mr. Kelly), addressed him as follows:

"I deplore profoundly your resignation of the business of the Consulate-General, which with so much tact and industry you have been discharging during so long a lapse of time; and your resignation of your post, being based upon reasons which I cannot set aside, has this day at last been accepted by my Government, but with the hope that you will always contribute in one way or another with the very valuable contingent of your wisdom and experience in all matters relating to the good name and honour of Salvador. I tender to you in consequence, in my own name and in that of my country, the most whole-souled thanks for the very important serviceswhich you have afforded to us in the past, and which we do not doubt we shall continue to receive from your well-known magnanimity."

KellyMr. Mark Jamestown Kelly, F.R.G.S.For 15 years Consul-General in Great Britain for Salvador (retired June, 1911), and Chairman of the Salvador Railway Company, Ld.

Mr. Mark Jamestown Kelly, F.R.G.S.For 15 years Consul-General in Great Britain for Salvador (retired June, 1911), and Chairman of the Salvador Railway Company, Ld.

Mr. Kelly has undoubtedly rendered lasting and exceptional services to the State of Salvador during the long period over which he has represented its commercial and financial interests in this country. As its Financial Agent in Europe, he carried out the long and difficult negotiations which ended in successfully settling and discharging the foreign debt of the Republic, and permitted of that great undertaking, the construction of a through line of railway from the port of Acajutla to the Capital of San Salvador, being financed and completed. Last year Mr. Kelly also negotiated, with much tact and conspicuous ability, a new Salvador Foreign Loan, which to-day ranks as a gilt-edge security on the London Stock Exchange, and stands at a substantial premium.

Besides his Consular appointments, Mr. Mark J. Kelly holds the positions of Chairman of the Salvador Railway Company, Limited, and President of the Salvador Chamber of Commerce in London; while he is generally regarded as one of the greatest living authorities upon the questions of foreign exchange and Latin-American commerce.

For many years Mr. Kelly was identified with railway construction in Ecuador and later on with Salvador, and his great charm of manner, coupled with his extraordinary grasp of detail and intimate knowledge of finance in all its aspects, have combined to make his co-operation in financial and commercial matters a question of the greatest value to the latter country mentioned, as well as to all who have invested money therein. Mr. Kelly is a perfect Spanish scholar; and when I wastravelling with him in Salvador, many of the natives with whom we conversed frankly informed me that, but for his distinctive European name, Mr. Kelly might very well pass for a pure-bred Spaniard or Spanish-American, so admirably did he converse in and write their language. Of the newly appointed Salvadorean Consul-General. Señor Don Artúro Ramón Ávila, I have spoken in Chapter III.

Major the Hon. William Heimké, who was appointed the Minister of the United States of America to Salvador in 1909, is a native of France, having been born in that country in 1847 and naturalized in the United States. He went to America at a very early age, and entered the regular army when he was but fifteen. He served with distinction during the Civil War, being engaged in several important battles. After the war he served as headquarters clerk under Generals Sherman, Pope, Hancock, and Sheridan, and he was also in the Quartermaster's and Commissary Departments. In 1881 he became purchasing agent for the Mexican Central Railroad, and in 1883 was appointed general manager of the Chihuahua and Durango Telephone Company in Mexico. In 1887 he again entered the service of the United States as Vice-Consul at Chihuahua. He was advanced to Consul in 1892, and retired in 1893. In 1897 he became Second Secretary of the United States Legation in Mexico, and was promoted First Secretary of their Legation in Bogotá, Colombia, in 1906. He was appointed Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Guatemala on March 10, 1908. Major Heimké is a member of the American Academy of Economic, Social, and Political Science of Philadelphia, and of the International Folk Lore Society of Chicago.

One of the kindest and most hospitable of men, Major Heimké, in conjunction with his charming wife, a lady of the greatest culture and artistic tastes, makes his home one of the most pleasant places for Americans and foreigners alike sojourning in San Salvador. Major and Mrs. Heimké have firmly established themselves in the regard and the esteem of the Salvadoreans; and they are undoubtedly the most popular diplomatic representatives of the United States of America who have occupied the Legation.

The Salvadorean Minister to the United States of America is Señor Federico Mejía, who is one of the most prominent men in his country, having for some time been Minister of Finance and Public Credit. Upon his introduction to his present office on April 6, 1907, he was officially received by President Roosevelt, and upon this occasion Señor Mejía said:

"Mr. President: I have the honour to place in your hands the autograph letter by which I am accredited as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the Government of Salvador, near the Government of Your Excellency. I present to you at the same time the letters of recall of my distinguished predecessor, Dr. Don José Rosa Pacas."Nothing could be more pleasing to me than the honour of conveying to Your Excellency the expression of my Government's wish to maintain and draw closer, if that were possible, the friendly relations which happily exist between our two countries; and in the discharge of the duties of the mission which is entrusted to me, I shall spare no effort to voice faithfully the sentiments of the Salvadorean people, trusting that I shall meet, in so doing, the same cordiality and interest you have manifested in the cause of the welfare of my country, and that of the other States of Central America."Accept, Sir, the wishes that I make in the name of the President of Salvador, and in my own, for the prosperity andfurther aggrandizement of the great American nation, and for the health and personal welfare of Your Excellency."

"Nothing could be more pleasing to me than the honour of conveying to Your Excellency the expression of my Government's wish to maintain and draw closer, if that were possible, the friendly relations which happily exist between our two countries; and in the discharge of the duties of the mission which is entrusted to me, I shall spare no effort to voice faithfully the sentiments of the Salvadorean people, trusting that I shall meet, in so doing, the same cordiality and interest you have manifested in the cause of the welfare of my country, and that of the other States of Central America.

"Accept, Sir, the wishes that I make in the name of the President of Salvador, and in my own, for the prosperity andfurther aggrandizement of the great American nation, and for the health and personal welfare of Your Excellency."

To this friendly and well-expressed address President Roosevelt replied in equally felicitous terms as follows:

"Mr. Minister: I receive with great pleasure the cordial sentiments of friendship to which you give expression, both for your Government and for the Salvadorean people. Entertaining the most sincere wishes for the prosperity and happiness of your countrymen, and having at heart the continuation and strengthening of the good relations which have already subsisted between our two countries, I assure you of my co-operation in your aim to that end. I have no doubt that, while worthily representing the Government by which you are accredited, you will so conduct your mission as to merit and receive the sincere friendship and high regard of that of the United States. I am glad, therefore, to greet you as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Salvador to the United States. I beg that you will convey to the President of Salvador my cordial appreciation of his message of goodwill to me personally, and for the prosperity of the United States, and assure him of my earnest reciprocation of his wishes. For your own good wishes I thank you; and I trust you will find your residence with us to be most agreeable."

RotuloSide view of "El Rotulo" Bridge.

Side view of "El Rotulo" Bridge.

NationalThe National Road leading to La Libertad, showing "El Rotulo" Bridge.

The National Road leading to La Libertad, showing "El Rotulo" Bridge.

On December 20, 1907, the Central American Peace Conference, held in Washington, concluded a Convention providing for meetings of Central American Conferences to be convened on January 1 of each year for a period of five years, with the object of agreeing upon the most efficient and proper means of bringing uniformity into the economical and fiscal interests of the Central American States. The Peace Conference designated Tegucigalpa, Honduras, as the place of the first meeting of the Central American Conference, and prescribed that the Conference should choose the placefor holding the next Conference, and so on successively until the expiration of the Convention concerning future Central American Conferences.

The first Central American Conference, which met in Honduras on January 1, 1909, selected San Salvador as the place for holding the second Central American Conference, which was underlined for January 1, 1910. For unavoidable reasons the members of the Conference could not meet in San Salvador on the date prescribed, and the President of the Republic, acting in conformity with Article II. of the aforesaid Convention of the Peace Conference, postponed the meeting of the second Central American Conference until February 1 of the same year, which met on that date and concluded its work on the fifth day of the same month.

The results obtained by the Conference were the celebration of six Conventions, all of which were signed on February 5 of last year. The first of these Conventions provides for the establishment in Costa Rica of a pedagogic institute for Central America; the second, for the unification of the Consular service abroad of the five Republics; the third provides for monetary uniformity on a gold basis; the fourth, for Central American commercial reciprocity; the fifth, for the adoption of the metric system of weights and measures; and the sixth defines the functions of each Government toward the Central American bureau in Guatemala.

Latin-American trade and British diplomacy—Serious handicap inflicted by the Government—Sacrificing British interests to American susceptibilities—The British Foreign Office's attitude towards its diplomatic representatives—Why British trade has been lost to Salvador—Free Trade and its advocates—The Salvadorean view—German competition—Methods of bribery in vogue—The Teutonic code of trade honour.

If ever the secret veil which shrouds diplomacy in all countries from betrayal could be drawn aside, and some wholesome sidelights could now and again be thrown upon the proceedings of our responsible Ministers, a great many disquieting, and even alarming, things would come to light. These would show, for example, that the great declension in British trade during the past few years has been in a very considerable measure due to the astounding character of the British Government's instructions to representatives abroad in regard to the attitude of the United States of America. It will be news—and very disquieting news—to the general public to know that every effort has been made by our Government to consult the wishes and the feelings of the United States in reference to almost every trade treaty which has been either suggested or entered into. The failure of our diplomats abroad to carry to a successful issue a commercial treaty proposed or desired has not infrequently been attributed to the neglect, or perhaps to the inability, of the particularMinister employed. In practically every case, however, it would be fairer to place the blame for the failure upon the shoulders of the Foreign Office.

I know of several cases in which this is the undoubted and undeniable cause of the breakdown of our negotiations in the very moment of their imminent success. A craven and absurd desire not to "hurt the feelings" of our greatest rivals and our most clever competitors—the Americans—has dictated a policy which has resulted in the earnest efforts of our skilled and able diplomatic representatives abroad being absolutely wasted, and they themselves being placed in a deeply humiliating position, which I need not say has been as keenly resented.

This was the case with a highly important treaty which we were upon the point of completing with Cuba; it has been the case with a similar agreement entered into tentatively with the Republic of Honduras, and it has been so likewise with the Republics of Guatemala and Salvador. With how many other possible excellent trade markets it has also had effect I do not know; but it is not very difficult to imagine.

So pronounced has this policy become of late, that it is now having a decidedly bad effect upon our commercial and financial relations generally with the Latin-American Republics. Formerly these small independent States looked upon Great Britain as the one Power to whom appeals could be made in all matters of dispute, no matter about what or between whom, with a moral certainty of a just and impartial decision being given. This was in the days when Great Britain still preserved her dignity and independence of thought, and before her Government had learned to truckle to the bluff of the Roosevelt-PhilanderKnox diplomacy. To-day, although there is more reason than ever to ask for the calm and disinterested advice of Great Britain in the numerous, and even dangerous, questions which are continually arising between the Latin-American Republics and the United States of America, it is recognized by the former that it is entirely useless to appeal to Cæsar any longer, since Cæsar has become an advocate for, or a creature of, the United States, and, so far from acting as judge, merely now pleads as an amateur attorney.

It is necessary to travel in these Latin-American countries to thoroughly comprehend the full effect of this mistaken and—I do not hesitate to apply the term—degrading British policy. The result is that the Republics themselves deride us, the United States laugh at us, and our trade is meantime leaving us. The small Republics are frightened to enter into any private negotiations with our diplomatic representatives, since they are fearful, in the light of previous unfortunate experiences, that their secrets may in due course be revealed to Washington as a sop to the United States, and that their efforts to strengthen their commercial bonds with us will merely serve to embitter their own relations with the powerful Americans, and without in the least improving their position with Great Britain.

It is almost inconceivable that our Foreign Office should ask the opinion, and to all intents and purposes solicit the approval, of the United States before completing any trade compact with the Latin-American Republics. What our Government has to fear or to hope for from the United States, Heaven only knows; nevertheless it is the sanction of Washington whichis sought for before any treaty can be now concluded with any of the Latin-American States; and, what is much more sad to have to add, without such sanction no treaty seems possible. That the United States of America is, or ever has been, foolish enough to consult our Government under similar circumstances is not upon record.

Our Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United States of America, the Right Hon. James Bryce, is credited, by those who are privileged to know him, with the decidedly Utopian idea of associating the trade aspirations of both America and England in Latin-America. It is doubtful if there exists another equally eminent individual in the world who entertains any such wild and impossible notion. It would be as easy to associate fire and water as to form a bond, or even an understanding, between the traders of America and England, since they are, and always must be, keen rivals in the markets of the world. Mr. Bryce thinks, perhaps, that it is feasible to divide up the universe into commercial and financial zones, which shall be, thereafter, apportioned among the United States and Great Britain for their lasting benefit? He must be a very innocent and a very unimaginative individual if this be his conception of the methods of latter-day trade competition. Mr. Bryce has perhaps cherished the idea that our common language should form a bond of union, and that this should become the central pivot upon which our relations with the United States should revolve? He is even credited with the aspiration that a Customs Union might be formed on the basis of reciprocal Free Trade, with mutual advantage to all. The commercial jealousy between the twonations has upon more than one occasion been demonstrated, as witness the disputes some years ago, and the Venezuelan boundary embroglio, which nearly precipitated a conflict between the two countries.

But whatever be Mr. Bryce's precise ideas, the fact remains that he has viewed with but little favour any treaty of trade and commerce which our diplomatic representatives abroad may have suggested where the interests of the United States of America were likely to suffer. The Foreign Office, holding this distinguished diplomat—as indeed they may justly do—in high esteem, have consulted him upon most matters of trade, commerce, and finance affecting the smaller Latin-American Republics. The Foreign Office, on the other hand, have deemed it expedient to refer matters to Washington, with the result that not only have our private negotiations with these small independent States become the common knowledge of our American trade rivals, but those representatives who negotiated the treaties have been rendered ridiculous and contemptible, while our manufacturers at home have been deprived of the benefits attaching to the most favoured nation's agreements, such as the United States has itself acquired in other directions, without having previously consulted Downing Street or, indeed, caring one rap whether it was agreeable or not. To the Foreign Office, therefore, the commercial and trading communities of Great Britain owe a deep debt of gratitude!

For Mr. James Bryce as an individual it is impossible to feel anything but esteem and regard, since he ranks as one of the most distinguished and illustrious scholars of the day. The author of such monumental works as "The Holy Roman Empire," "The American Commonwealth,""Studies in History and Jurisprudence," and "Studies in Contemporary Biography," must always rank as a man of great ability and intellect. But, unfortunately, Mr. Bryce has graduated in a school of diplomacy which has clouded his horizon and diminished his chances of attaining any independent and untrammelled view of Britain's commercial needs and the Empire's industrial obstructions abroad. As Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs in 1886, and as President of the Board of Trade in 1894, Mr. Bryce was encumbered with all the machinery of permanent officialdom, and was unable to see anything of this country's foreign trade matters except through the narrow and often perverted views of his subordinates.

I am very much afraid that this has interfered with some of his subsequent policy; but of later years he has put himself to the trouble—let us hope that it was also a pleasure—of seeing something of Latin-America, and how British trade has to fight its way there, an experience which might have been of great benefit to Mr. Bryce, and of incalculable advantage to British trade in Latin-America, if it had taken place, say, some five or six years previously.

As a writer upon academical and historical subjects probably Mr. Bryce has few equals, and still fewer superiors; but when discussing British interests and making treaties for promoting British trade in competition with American manufacturers, a child might do better for our side than Mr. Bryce could have, or at least has, done. It is easy to understand why he should be so extremely popular with our friends the North Americans, and why his presence as our Ambassador should prove so welcome and so gratifying to the acute authorities at Washington. A malleablediplomat who sees so closely eye to eye with them in arranging or defeating commercial treaties which could in any way be regarded as likely to injure or to delay United States interests, is naturally a most desirable acquisition; Mr. Bryce has satisfactorily answered to these requirements, and, indeed, must have frequently astounded his American friends by his complacency and conciliatory attitude when discussing British interests.

In Mr. Philander Knox, Mr. James Bryce has had one of the very cleverest, and I may add, least impressible, of American statesmen to deal with, and it will remain to be seen in the future how much Mr. Knox got out of Mr. Bryce, and how much or how little Mr. Bryce squeezed out of Mr. Knox. "He who sups with the devil needs a long spoon," and it will be interesting to learn, as we shall do no doubt ere long in connection with the Anglo-American Arbitration Treaty, the exact length of Mr. Bryce's "little concave vessel," as the Dictionary describes it.

Mr. Bryce, who is a profound Latin scholar, will not have failed to have noted Cicero's observations in his "De Officiis": "Sed tamen difficile dictu est, quantopere conciliat animos hominum comitas affabilitasque sermonis"; or, let us put it: "It is difficult to tell how much men's minds are conciliated by a kind manner and a gentle speech," and in both such attributes the courteous and amiable Secretary of State at Washington excels.

In March of 1908 the representatives of the Governments of Salvador and the United States signed, at the capital of the first-named Republic, a convention determining the status of the citizens of either country who renew their residence in the country of theirorigin. This convention is found of great utility to the United States citizens, more so even than to those of Salvador. There is no such convention in force between this Republic and Great Britain.

In the previous year (1907) the Government of Salvador determined to establish a permanent Legation at Washington, "so that the friendly relations now existing between the two Governments may be continued on a more intimate basis, and in order that the good counsel of the United States may be more readily sought and obtained."

As far back as 1850 the American Minister of the day, Mr. E. G. Squier—who, by-the-by, was a former husband of the well-known American newspaper-owner, Mrs. Frank Leslie—negotiated a treaty with Don Agustin Moráles, Plenipotentiary of Salvador, which subsequently received the requisite ratification on both sides, has since been renewed, and is in full force and effect. It secured to the citizens of the United States all the rights, privileges, and immunities of the citizens of Salvador in commerce, navigation, mining, and in respect of holding and transferring property in that State. It guaranteed to the American citizens resident in the country full protection and enjoyment of religious freedom, and, in short, every other right and privilege which has been conceded in any treaty negotiated between the United States and any other nation in the world.

Owing to the extraordinary energy and unmistakable ability displayed by Mr. Charles H. Sherrill, the late popular and able United States Minister at Buenos Aires, contract after contract which should—or at least might—have gone to British manufacturers, have been secured for America. I need only mention twoinstances: one for the building of the three Dreadnoughts which are now being constructed in United States yards; and the other an order for fifty locomotives for the Government railways, which might—and, again, probably would—have gone to British shops. While the United States Minister did his level best for his countrymen, and for which he deserves every credit and congratulation, and while his efforts on their behalf were smiled upon with approval by the American Secretary of State, the British Minister, locked up behind his customary reserve and official dignity, neither could nor would move a finger to help British manufacturers in their struggle against this serious competition.

It seems, indeed, strange that where American, German, French, Italian, and Belgian diplomats consider it by no means beneath their dignity, or as at all outside their sphere, to personally influence trade orders for their countrymen, the usual type of British diplomat raises his hands in horror at the mere suggestion of a Legation condescending to recognize the existence of trade, repelling with frigid dignity any suggestion that the representative of the British Government should concern himself with anything of a purely commercial or industrial nature.

That the United States diplomats do not stand alone in their gallant efforts to support American trade and commerce, and that they are not singular in the supposition that the whole duties of an Ambassador or Minister are confined to Government functions and meaningless ceremonies, is proved by the energy which is displayed by some German diplomats, who are very often instrumental in checking the energy and frustrating the success of their American competitors. Itwas only in the month of March last that Mr. H. T. Schwerin, of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company, in testifying before the Senate Committee on Interoceanic Canals, then sitting at Washington, declared that his own company had lost 60 per cent. of its carrying business to German lines largely through the activity of the German Minister to Mexico, who had successfully exercised his diplomatic influence in extending German commerce in Central America. Distressing as this must have been to our good American friends, I do not think that the information will be received with feelings of much regret by British readers, especially as it will appear to them in the light of "poetic justice," since British commercial and industrial circles in the Argentine Republic, as elsewhere, have suffered in exactly the same manner at the hands of the Americans.

The trade of Central America, as has been shown, is very largely in the hands of the Germans, for, not content with the representation of their own industries and manufactures, a great proportion of our own "British" Vice-Consuls are Germans by birth, if not by choice. Thus, in both Guatemala and Honduras our trade interests are to-day partially represented by Teutons. It can scarcely be on account of there being no genuine Britishers available, since I have encountered several Englishmen who could, and doubtless would, act as Vice-Consuls, or merely as Consular Agents, if necessary.

Undoubtedly the Germans rank among the most capable of the foreign traders doing business in these countries, as they put themselves to the greatest amount of trouble to study the people and the localconditions—much more so than either the British or the Americans.

The German is not only among the earliest of risers in the morning and the latest to seek his rest at night, his store being always the first to open and the last to close, but he avoids politics, and discreetly retires into obscurity at the first intimation of internal trouble. He studiously, if not willingly, falls into the ideas and complies readily with the wishes of the country, no matter what forms they may assume; and he is hardly ever known to complain to or about anyone. He knows full well that it would be useless to do so to his home Government, which, like our own, seldom concerns itself with the personal affairs of its subjects abroad, this being one of the reasons why the Germans so cordially hate their own people, and especially the official classes. With them it is indeed an absorbing hatred, and they do not hesitate to confess to it.

No other foreigner earning his living abroad seems to possess the same gift for small economies as the German, nor his ability for steering a clear path among the numerous spies and agents who abound in some of the politically-ridden countries. The Germans, both in their trade and their social relations with the natives, are "all things to all men." They are apparently thoroughly at home among them. One hardly ever hears of a German becoming involved in political trouble or failing in his business. He thrives as no other foreigner in these lands of difficulties and intrigues. It is clear, however, why and how he manages to do so. And for him there is no such thing as a Monroe Doctrine, which was once denounced by Bismarck as a "piece of international impertinence." As often as not he marries a native, and loses his identity.

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