IIRELIEF AND NON-RELIEF CASES

[253]For description of the official camps, seePart I,p. 78ff.

In 1906 the city and county of San Francisco had an almshouse accommodating about 900 persons, situated on a fine tract of land about one mile southeast of Golden Gate Park. Some of its buildings were very old and insanitary, the standard of care was low, and it was full to overflowing. After mature consideration the Corporation finally determined to build a Relief Home on this tract and to present it to the city as a permanent provision for aged dependents; but since it seemed probable that the new building could not be finished before the summer of 1907[254]it became necessary to provide at once temporary barracks for the shelter of the aged and infirm.

[254]The building of the Relief Home was authorized September 18, 1906, but on account of shortage of lumber and delay due to abnormal labor conditions it was not ready for occupancy until January, 1908.

At that time the cost of lumber, transportation, and labor was excessive, and there was the added difficulty of quickly finding a suitable location. The generous offer of Thomas H. Williams, president of the California Jockey Club, to give free use of the race track buildings, relieved the pressure on the Corporation to make provision for the winter. At Ingleside race track there were 26 stables, each 40 x 160 to 220 feet, containing from 20 to 40 box stalls apiece. The buildings were already piped for water, partially sewered, easily accessible by street car, and in such condition that they could be made ready for occupancy in a short time and at a relatively small cost.

The offer was at once accepted, and the Department of Lands and Buildings was authorized to make the necessary alterations. The stalls were thoroughly renovated to serve as single rooms for inmates. They were cleaned and disinfected, windows were put in, the floors were covered with canvas and the walls with building paper. The hay lofts were converted into dormitories. The buildings were connected with the main sewer to the ocean and each was equipped with toilets, baths, hot and cold water, and a large heating stove. The section to be used as a kitchen was furnished with four large army ranges, and the dining room with a number of long tables and benches, and with enamelware dishes. Simple furniture for each room and for the dormitories, a butcher shop, and storage warehouse, completed the preparations for those who were fairly able-bodied. For the sick a hospital section with a separate kitchen was established, to be used in addition to the annex of St. Luke’s Hospital already on the grounds. Finally, one section was set aside as a social and reading room, and another for religious services.

While these preparations were under way, a great diversity of opinion existed as to how many aged and infirm and handicapped refugees would finally remain to be cared for at Ingleside. The population of Camp 6, where the decrepit and semi-able-bodied refugees were concentrated, had been at the beginning of July 756 persons, and was over 800 when Ingleside Camp was ready early in October. It was expected to have added to this latter number a few persons from each of the other camps as these were abandoned, and to subtract a few who did not belong in thespecial classes for which Ingleside was intended. September 5, Rudolph Spreckels, chairman of the Department of Camps and Warehouses, estimated the final number at 500, because whenever the food kitchens had been closed only a few persons had applied to be admitted to Camp 6.[255]Seats for about 700 were provided in the dining room at Ingleside.

[255]San FranciscoChronicle, Sept. 6, 1906.

Ingleside Model Camp

In the autumn, as fast as the cottages[256]were completed, the tents were abandoned and the families removed to the cottages. Those not capable of self-support or who had no relatives to care for them were assigned to Camp 6, to be sent to Ingleside when it should be ready. Some of this residue refused to go to Camp 6, and managed to find friends or work at the last moment,[257]so that when the inmates of Camp 6 were finally removed to Ingleside between October 8 and October 29, there remained to enter only 400 from Camp 6, and 84 from all the other camps,—a total of less than 500. The subsequent condemnation of the old City and County Hospital followed by the accidental burning of one of the almshouse buildings in the spring of 1908 made it necessary to send some inmates of both these institutions in March, 1908, to Ingleside Camp, which had been closed following the transfer of the aged and infirm in January to the Relief Home. One hundred and thirty-one almshouse inmates were about to be moved to Ingleside in the latter part of October, 1907, when the politicians discovered that this would deprive the almshouse men of their residence and invalidate their vote in the impending election. Some of the newspapers spoke of it as “a political job to deprive registered voters of the suffrage which had been enjoyed for years” and the transfer was finally postponed till after election. These 131 almshouse inmates are not included in the detailed statistics which follow.

[256]SeePart I,pp. 82and85ff.[257]Seepreceding reference, also, for part taken by Associated Charities in reducing number of the residue chargeable on the new institution.

[256]SeePart I,pp. 82and85ff.

[257]Seepreceding reference, also, for part taken by Associated Charities in reducing number of the residue chargeable on the new institution.

At no time was the number of inmates higher than 809. Altogether 1,287 names were registered on the index book during the fifteen months of its existence. This discrepancy of approximately 500 between the highest number and the totalpopulation of Ingleside represents the movement of the more able-bodied and least permanent residents of the camp. In the detailed study of cases it will appear that a certain number of adults were sent to Ingleside who did not properly belong there or whose rehabilitation had been postponed by the withholding of the relief funds. Besides these, a few refugees waiting to hear from friends were admitted for a short period; and a few transient men and women stayed for less than a month, leaving in many cases no record except a name. In short, out of the total of 1,287 persons at Ingleside during 1906 and 1907, not more than half belonged to the aged, infirm, and handicapped classes for which permanent provision would have to be made.

Ingleside Model Camp was organized October 8, 1906, by Captain Julius N. Kilian,[258]of the United States Army. On January 1, 1907, the command was transferred to C. M. Wollenberg[259]who had been up to that time chief clerk in the Department of Camps and Warehouses.

[258]Captain Kilian had been in charge of the Moulder School Warehouse. SeePart I,p. 37.[259]Mr. Wollenberg continued in charge during the consolidation of Ingleside with the almshouse and, having qualified under the civil service law in July, 1908, became the permanent superintendent of the Relief Home.

[258]Captain Kilian had been in charge of the Moulder School Warehouse. SeePart I,p. 37.

[259]Mr. Wollenberg continued in charge during the consolidation of Ingleside with the almshouse and, having qualified under the civil service law in July, 1908, became the permanent superintendent of the Relief Home.

Besides being old, infirm, or incapacitated to some degree, the classes assembled at Ingleside were inevitably the most discontented of all the refugees. During the months of Captain Kilian’s administration certain conditions prevailed that made his task exceptionally difficult. All the inmates had been torn from their habitual grooves of life and had suffered shock and considerable hardship; many had feebly but vainly tried to get back into old niches and could not adapt themselves to new ones. Some had applied for rehabilitation only to be gently told that they were too old to begin again or that their plans were impracticable; others had found their friends and relatives to be neglectful; still others, the last precipitate of the social confusion, were a semi-vicious, irresponsible, and idle lot who were at Ingleside only because they could not find food and shelter in their old disreputable haunts. All, regardless of capacity or need, were convincedthat they were being deprived of their “just and equal share” of the millions contributed by a philanthropic public.

Among this heterogeneous company, many of whom had fallen into vulgar and disorderly, if not vicious, habits during six months of irresponsible camp life, it was Captain Kilian’s task to establish good feeling, health, and discipline. The restoration of order began with the enforcement of cleanliness and decency. When the inmates grabbed their food from the dishes on the table they were summarily relegated to what became known as the “hog table”; when they fought among themselves, or railed at the employes, or returned drunk from a visit to friends outside, they were warned; if the offense was repeated, they were ejected from camp. During the first three months 30 were ejected, and in the following year from five to 10 persons a month were sent away. Of the total of 70 persons sent away from the camp the majority (30 men and 10 women) were ejected for drunkenness; the remainder for stealing, vulgar conduct, and insubordination. It was found necessary to discipline and finally to discharge for intoxication a considerable number of employes as well as refugees. The strict insistence upon sobriety meant a better grade of helpers for the camp.

The restlessness of the inmates and the accessibility of Ingleside to five saloons at the gate and to the street cars made a rather strict regulation of admission and discharge necessary. When inmates overstayed their passes they were required to show cause on their return, and were sometimes refused re-admission. As a consequence, some ran away and others who went out on passes never returned. A curious result of the confusion after the fire is revealed by the easy movement of persons from the old almshouse to Ingleside. It appears that 59 of the 1,287 inmates of Ingleside had been in the almshouse at some time before the fire; and that 114 inmates ran away from the almshouse or were discharged at their own request between April, 1906, and January, 1907. Those familiar with the conditions of both institutions believe that between 100 and 200 persons left the almshouse and went to refugee camps to pose as earthquake sufferers, to return ultimately to the almshouse either directly or through Ingleside.[260]

[260]The almshouse records of this period do not show accurately the movement of the inmates. It is probable that a much larger number left than they indicate.

When Captain Kilian was recalled to regular military duty in January, 1907, he left a camp of about 660 refugees comfortably housed, well fed, and under excellent discipline. He had not, however, undertaken to solve one of the most important problems, the employment of inmates within the camp. During the military period, paid employes performed the greater part of the labor necessary to the maintenance of the camp. Mr. Wollenberg on taking charge required, as he had a smaller staff of employes, a definite amount of labor, varying according to the physical condition of each inmate. This policy served both as a disciplinary measure and as a means of natural selection. The comparatively ablebodied were ejected from camp if they refused to work, so that the population gradually sifted down to the aged, the infirm, and the incapacitated who had no relatives to care for them. Besides the routine duties necessary to keep the camp in sanitary condition, other work was provided. Twelve acres of ground were planted in potatoes, cabbages, and turnips at a cost of about $100. The yield was over $600 worth of vegetables. A dairy was established to provide the camp with milk; furniture was made by the men for the new Relief Home, to be opened in January, 1908. Tailoring and carpentry shops and a shoe repairing shop afforded work at a fair wage. A sewing department was organized by Lucile Eaves,[261]with an equipment of 20 sewing machines and materials in bulk from the relief supplies. Every woman who could sew was expected to be in the sewing room twice a week, and during fifteen months over 6,000 garments and 754 curtains for the Home were made and distributed. The Woman’s Alliance provided social recreation at least once a week, as well as books and magazines.

[261]SeePart I,p. 88.

In spite of the shock of fire and earthquake, and in spite of the discomforts of camp life in the preceding summer, the health of the inmates of Ingleside Model Camp was exceptionally good. This was no doubt due to the regularity of life, the good food, the strict enforcement of sanitary regulations, and the prompt medical attention. The camp hospital, which contained an average of 30 patients during the first few months, was enlarged in July, 1907, to make room for its quota, 35, of the City and County Hospitalpatients, and thereafter averaged 77 patients. During thirteen months only 49 deaths occurred at Ingleside, and most of these were due to old age. There were, however, 24 deaths in hospitals to which patients were sent from Ingleside. This rather small number does not fully represent the proportion of deaths to the number of inmates, as the personnel of the camp was constantly changing. Of the 1,287 inmates of Ingleside 164 were known to be dead three years after the fire.

For the accommodation of its almshouse charges at Ingleside the city agreed to pay 30 cents a day per inmate, at the time that it was costing 38.6 cents a day to maintain an inmate in the almshouse. The average cost a day per inmate at Ingleside during 1907 was 50 cents. The total cost of Ingleside Model Camp for approximately fifteen months was:

The Ingleside records which constitute the basis of the tables that follow were merely admission cards made out by the commanders of camps. They give information with regard to sex, age, marital condition, nativity, occupation, address on April 17, 1906, and the name and address of a relative or friend who should be notified in case of death. The cards were obviously not intended for sociological purposes. They often do not give some of these simple facts, and are not uniform in statement; but they have been supplemented by information taken from the records of an investigator at Camp 6, and from the cases on file in the Associated Charities and the Rehabilitation Committee offices. The records have been further amplified through interviews with a number of employes who were for a long time at Ingleside, and are most of them now employed at the Relief Home. The greatest care has been taken not to draw unwarrantable conclusions from incomplete and uncertain data.

Aside from placing on record a brief history of Ingleside Model Camp, the main purpose of this study has been: first, to find what proportion of the inmates of Ingleside had been self-supportingbefore the fire of 1906 and what proportion were at that time potential almshouse inmates; second, to examine critically the treatment of those aged and infirm persons who awaited at Ingleside the outcome of their applications for rehabilitation; and third, to determine whether any number of those now dependent upon public relief could have been saved from that fate.

Tables 113and114show concisely the conjugal condition of the Ingleside population and the extent to which the inmates differed in this respect from the aged, infirm, and incapacitated population in the San Francisco almshouse during the thirty-five years preceding 1906, and from the general population of California.

TABLE 113.—INMATES OF INGLESIDE MODEL CAMP BY CONJUGAL CONDITION AND SEX[262]

[262]These figures relating to conjugal condition were taken from the rough admission statements of persons admitted to Ingleside and do not exactly correspond with the figures presented inTables 119and120, which were take from the files of the Relief Committee and the Associated Charities. The latter probably correspond more nearly to the facts.[263]The 131 inmates who were transferred to Ingleside from the almshouse, as has been stated, are not included in this study.

[263]The 131 inmates who were transferred to Ingleside from the almshouse, as has been stated, are not included in this study.

The preponderance of men is characteristic of all refuges for the aged and infirm, partly because old women can earn a bare living by petty domestic services long after the age at which old men can maintain themselves at hard labor; partly because relatives, however poor, are more loath to allow an aged woman than an aged man to become dependent on public charity. As regards family ties, thetableshows further the isolated condition of thisgroup. Two-fifths of them may be assumed to have had no living children; the remainder had had six months to rejoin their children but had failed to do so.

The conjugal condition of the Ingleside population is compared in the following table with that of the inmates of the almshouses of the United States in 1903-04, as well as with the general population of the state in 1900.

TABLE 114.—CONJUGAL CONDITION OF INMATES OF INGLESIDE MODEL CAMP, COMPARED WITH CONJUGAL CONDITION OF INMATES OF ALL ALMSHOUSES OF THE UNITED STATES IN 1903-4 AND OF THE GENERAL POPULATION OF CALIFORNIA 15 YEARS OF AGE AND OVER, IN 1900

[264]The figures given relate to paupers in almshouses December 31, 1903, and to paupers admitted during the year 1904.

The percentage of single persons at Ingleside was about one-fifth less than in the almshouses of the country at large. This difference is due probably to the fact that the Ingleside Camp did not admit children.[265]Under no one of the three classifications was the number of single persons shown to be less than 41 per cent. The percentage of widowed persons at Ingleside was about one-fifth more than in the almshouses at large, and four times as great as in the general population of the state. The discrepancy between the number of widowed and married persons at Ingleside in comparisonwith the almshouses of the United States may be accounted for by the fact that a number of so-called “widowed” persons reported at Ingleside were separated or deserting partners.

[265]A few children were at Ingleside with their mothers for a short period while awaiting the completing of plans, but they are not included in the 1,156 cases upon which this table is based.

Table 115shows the ages of the inmates as compared with those of inmates of the San Francisco almshouse and of all almshouses during the periods specified.

TABLE 115.—AGE DISTRIBUTION OF INMATES OF INGLESIDE MODEL CAMP, COMPARED WITH AGE DISTRIBUTION OF INMATES OF SAN FRANCISCO ALMSHOUSE DURING A TEN-YEAR PERIOD, AND OF INMATES OF ALL ALMSHOUSES OF THE UNITED STATES, IN 1903-1904

[266]Figures for ten years. No report was published for the year 1900-1901.[267]The figures given relate to paupers in almshouses, December 31, 1903, and to paupers admitted during the year 1904.

[266]Figures for ten years. No report was published for the year 1900-1901.

[267]The figures given relate to paupers in almshouses, December 31, 1903, and to paupers admitted during the year 1904.

As Ingleside Model Camp was established to house the aged, the infirm, the handicapped, and the convalescent, it was to be expected that as many as 92 per cent of the inmates should be over forty years of age, 82 per cent over fifty, and 62 per cent over sixty years of age.

The Reading RoomThe Sewing RoomIngleside Model Camp

The Reading Room

The Sewing Room

Ingleside Model Camp

Table 116shows that for many years the foreign born have been more than twice as numerous in the almshouses as in thegeneral population of the city and county of San Francisco. The proportion of foreign born found in the Ingleside figures would undoubtedly have been materially larger than the 53.8 per cent reported if it had been possible to distribute Ingleside’s 29.1 per cent “unknown” between native and foreign born. This result corresponds to the figures for the whole country in which the foreign born whites have a much larger representation in the dependent than in the general population. It must not be overlooked, however, that dependence may be due quite as much to the fact of belonging to the unskilled wage-earning class as to being a foreigner.

TABLE 116.—NATIVITY OF INMATES OF INGLESIDE MODEL CAMP, COMPARED WITH NATIVITY OF INMATES OF SAN FRANCISCO ALMSHOUSE DURING A TEN-YEAR PERIOD, AND OF THE GENERAL POPULATION OF THE CITY AND COUNTY OF SAN FRANCISCO IN 1900

[268]No report was published for the year 1900-1901.

The proportion of Irish in the Ingleside camp was about five times as great as in the general population of San Francisco, but only about two-thirds as great as in the San Francisco almshouse. The Germans, on the other hand, constitute a slightly larger proportion of the general population than of either the Ingleside inmates or inmates of the San Francisco almshouse. The English have contributed considerably more than their proportionate quota to Ingleside and to the almshouse.

Occupation is quite as important as nationality, age, or infirmity, in determining what individuals in a given locality are likely to become dependent. The table presented below shows the facts on this point:

TABLE 117.—OCCUPATIONS OF INMATES OF INGLESIDE MODEL CAMP[269]

[269]Information relative to occupation was not secured for 101 of the 1,156 inmates.

The table reveals an occupational distribution of Ingleside inmates materially different from that found in the typical almshouse. At Ingleside, as in most permanent institutions for adult dependents, the laboring and domestic classes constituted the chief element, but the proportion of persons in these classes seems to have been smaller than is generally the case. Of the 123,647 inmates of almshouses in the United States in 1904 who were classified according to occupation by the census office, 59,119, or 47.8 per cent, were reported as non-agricultural laborers or as servants. The persons classified as cooks, laborers, and servants admitted to the San Francisco almshouse from 1869 to 1894 numbered 5,330, or 41.4 per cent of the 12,879 persons admitted who were nineteen years of age or over and had had occupations. It appears fromTable 117that 354, or 33.7 per cent, of the 1,055 Ingleside inmates classified according to occupations were laborers, domestics, cooks and cooks’ helpers, or housekeepers. In other words, the proportion of persons occupied as laborers or in domestic occupations seems to have been about one-third at Ingleside, as compared with slightly over four-tenths in the San Francisco almshouse and slightly less than one-half in the almshouses of the United States.

These comparisons must be accepted with some caution because of differences in the classifications of occupations applied to the three sets of data. A reasonable allowance for this factor does not, however, alter the distributions in such a degree as to invalidate the results obtained. The figures cited may be accepted as indicating with substantial accuracy differences in the general proportions of laborers and domestic workers.

For the purpose of this study the chief interest of the table of occupations lies in a few groups which are represented not at all or by only a few individuals in the permanent institutions for dependents, but which at Ingleside comprised about 13 per cent of the population. In these groups were dressmakers, seamstresses, lodging-house and boarding-house keepers, nurses, storekeepers, agents and canvassers, and teachers. These, plus an indefinite number that might be added from the other miscellaneous occupations, were undoubtedly for the most part accidental dependents. They, it might also be assumed, would be likely to regain self-support if given assistance by the Rehabilitation Committee.

But the inference from the general information given in the foregoing tables is that, apart from this comparatively small proportion, in respect to age distribution, proportion of the sexes, social status, and nativity, the inmates of Ingleside Model Camp did not differ essentially from the inmates of the San Francisco almshouse. It would have been interesting to know how long these persons had lived in California, but unfortunately this information is given in only about one-third of the cases. Ninety per cent of this third are recorded as having been more than ten years in the state. Since applicants might assume, however, that relief would be given more readily to old residents than to transients, it is probable that a number of the unknown were recent arrivals who were careful not to admit the fact.

In the detailed study of individuals which follows, the cases are classified with respect to dependence or independence before the disaster and with respect to relief afterward. It will serve to show to what extent conclusions have been justified.

Inanalyzing the material relating to the 1,156 persons known to have been in Ingleside Model Camp at some time, and included in this study, it must be remembered that practically all had already received relief in the shape of food, clothing, and shelter at other camps or in hospitals during the six months succeeding the fire. The word “relief” will be used hereafter to refer to specific aid refused or given outside of Ingleside.

After the primal necessities, food, clothing, and shelter have been provided, the factor of highest importance in determining what further relief shall be given is the family relation. With respect to family relationship, the inmates of Ingleside have been classified in the following table:

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