FOOTNOTES

Mac Liag:It is time for us to return to our homes,We have been here a whole year;Though short to you and me may seemThis our sojourn in Dublin,Brian of Banba deems it too longThat he listens not to my eloquence.[245]

Mac Liag:

It is time for us to return to our homes,

We have been here a whole year;

Though short to you and me may seem

This our sojourn in Dublin,

Brian of Banba deems it too long

That he listens not to my eloquence.[245]

Another poem of Mac Liag’s, in which he addresses the Scandinavians of Dublin as “the descendants of the warriors of Norway,” was also composed in Dublin, at the court of ‘Olaf of the golden shields,’ soon after the battle of Clontarf.[246]

On the other hand Icelandic sources mention at least three skálds who made their way to Ireland during the tenth century: Thorgils Orraskáld, who was with Olaf Cuaran in Dublin,[247]and Kormak (Ir. Cormac) who fought with Harold Greycloak in Ireland (c. 961).[248]InGunnlaugs Saga Ormstungu(ch. 8) there is a charming account of the poet’s reception in Dublin, shortly after Sigtryggr became king (c. 994): Gunnlaug went before the king and said: “I have composed a poem about you, and I would like to get a hearing for it.”

“The king answered: “No man has yet made a poem about me, and I will certainly listen to yours.”

“Then Gunnlaug recited his poem in praise of “Cuaran’s son,” and the king thanked him for it.

“Sigtryggr then called his treasurer and asked: “How shall I reward him for this poem?”

““As you will, lord,” replied the treasurer.

““Shall I give him two merchant-ships?” asked the king.

““That is too much,” said the treasurer, “other kings give, as rewards for songs, costly gifts, good swords or gold rings.”

“So the king gave Gunnlaug his own garments of new scarlet cloth, a tunic ornamented with lace, a cloak lined with choice furs, and a gold ring which weighed a mark. Gunnlaug remained for a short time there and then went to the Orkneys.”

It is to be noted, too, that among the original settlers in Iceland there were a not inconsiderable number who came from Ireland and the islands off the west coast of Scotland. These included some of the most importantfamilies in the country. We may mention especially Authr, widow of Olaf the White, king of Dublin, with her brothers Ketill the Foolish, Björn, Helgi Bjóla and all their families and dependants;[249]also Helgi the Lean who had been brought up partly in the Hebrides, partly in Ireland, Jörundr the Christian and Örlygr the Old.[250]Not a few of these were partly of Irish stock such as Helgi the Lean, Áskell Hnokkan and his brother Vilbaldr who were descendants of Cearbhall, king of Ossory (d. 877).[251]Sometimes we hear of settlers who were of pure Gaelic blood, like Kalman (Ir. Colman) from the Hebrides,[252]and Erpr, son of a Scottish earl Maeldúin,[253]and Myrgjol (Ir. Muirgheal), daughter of Gliomall, an Irish king.[254]

It has been urged[255]that the persons mentioned in theLandnámabókas coming from Ireland and Scotland form a very small percentage of the whole number of settlers. But we have to remember that by no means all the colonists are mentioned in the records and genealogies. There can be no doubt that a number of slaves and freedmen accompanied the more important settlers to Iceland, and of these probably the great majority were of Celtic blood. Their numbers, too, were being continually reinforced during the tenth century. It is difficult, however, to estimate how many they were, because in the case of thralls Icelandic names were not infrequently substituted for Irish ones. Thus, of the Irish thralls whom Hjörleifr brought to Iceland only one, Dufthakr, had a Gaelic name.

Such slaves were not always people of humble origin. Gilli (Ir. Giolla), the slave who killed Thorsteinn, son of Hallr[256]of Side, was a descendant of Cearbhall, king of Ossory. Mention is made elsewhere of Nithbjörg, daughter of the Irish king Biolan (Ir. Beollán) who was carried off from Ireland in a Viking raid;[257]also of Melkorka, King Myrkjartan’s daughter, who was bought from a slave dealer in Norway.[258]Icelandic custom did not necessarily prevent the children of slave women from becoming persons of wealth and influence; indeed Ósvifr, son of Nithbjörg and Olaf Pái, son of Melkorka, were among the leading men in Iceland in their time. It is not unreasonable, then, to suppose that by the end of the tenth century Irish blood had found its way into a large number of Icelandic families.

Lastly we may observe that the Irish and Icelandic sagas bear certain resemblances to one another which are at least worthy of attention. In both cases the narrative prose is frequently interspersed with poetry, and in both the use of dialogue is a prominent feature. Nor is the subject matter dissimilar. Indeed it is possible to apply to the Irish stories a classification roughly similar to that which is adopted for the more important of the Icelandic sagas.[259]As far as the “stories of the kings” are concerned, the resemblance is most striking in the case of sagas relating to early times such asYnglinga Saga. There are Irish stories, too, corresponding to a certain extent to theÍslendínga Sögur, though they are comparatively few innumber, while many of theFornaldar Sögurmay be said to bear a certain resemblance to the Irish epic stories.

The evidence discussed above seems to afford some ground for suspecting that the saga literature of Iceland and Ireland may not be wholly unconnected, and, as we have seen, the conditions of the time, particularly the frequent intercourse between the two countries, were such as to favour the exercise of literary influence by one people upon the other. If so, one can hardly doubt that in this case the influence came to Iceland from Ireland.

We have seen[260]that the prose saga appears to have developed in Iceland in the course of the tenth century. There are indeed narratives relating both to the settlement of Iceland and to still earlier events in Norway. But these, in so far as they can be regarded as trustworthy traditions—not embellished by fiction in later times—are quite brief, and not far removed from such local or family traditions as one could find in other parts of the world. The detailed and elaborate type of story which we dealt with in Section I., and which is the distinctive feature of Icelandic literature, can hardly be traced back beyond the end of the tenth century.

The prose stories of Ireland, on the other hand, are without doubt much earlier. Although we have few MSS. of Irish prose dating from a period before the twelfth century, yet it is generally agreed that many of the forms preserved,e.g., in theYellow Book of LecanMS. of the Tain Bo Cualnge must be derived from an earlier MS. of not later than the seventh or early eighth century. The oral saga in Ireland is therefore of great antiquity.

It may, of course, be argued that if the prose saga arose spontaneously in Ireland, there is no reason why it shouldnot also have arisen independently in Iceland. But the existence of this form of literature in Ireland may be due to special circumstances for which Iceland offers no parallel. The oldest Irish sagas belong to that class of literature known as the heroic epic, a class which among the Teutonic peoples—as indeed among all other European peoples—makes its first appearance in verse. The exceptional treatment of this subject in Irish is all the more remarkable in view of the fact that among the Celtic peoples thefileor professional minstrel occupied a distinguished position in society. It would be strange if the professional minstrel were not primarily concerned with heroic epic poetry in Ireland as in other countries, since in the times to which our records refer the recitation of the heroic prose epics was one of the chief functions of thefile.

On the other hand, we know nothing of the ancient forms of Irish poetry. The earliest poems that have come down to us have a metrical form which is not native. Earlier than these—in the fifth and sixth centuries—there is evidence for the cultivation of “rhetorics,” or metrical prose, but this too appears to be of foreign origin.[261]The unique feature in Irish literature, namely, the fact that the early epic, as it has come down to us, appears in prose instead of poetry may be due, at least in part, to the disappearance of native metrical forms before the fifth century. It may be that the prose epics originated in paraphrases of early poems such as we find, for instance, in theVölsunga Saga, which is a paraphrase of older poems dealing with the story of Sigurthr. Or the change may have been more automatic, the outcome of a process of metrical dissolution similar to that of which the beginnings may be seen in certain Anglo-Saxon and German poems. Such metrical dissolution would be favoured,if not necessitated, by the extensive phonetic changes which took place in Ireland in the fifth century. But into this question it is not necessary to enter here. It is sufficient to point out that Irish Saga literature, according to all appearances, began in the heroic epic, a form which in all other literatures, including Norse, originated in poetry.

The preservation of poetry, narrative or other, by oral tradition is a common enough phenomenon among many peoples, but the traditional prose narrative, except in such primitive forms as folk-tales, is very rare. Since we find it both in Ireland and Iceland—and apparently in no other European countries—and since we have found so many other connections between these two countries, the theory that the Icelandic Saga owes its origin, however indirectly, to the Irish Saga, seems to deserve more serious consideration from scholars than it has yet received.

FOOTNOTES[224]It has been stated (cf. E. Mogk:Geschichte der Norwegisch-Isländischen Literatur. Strassburg, 1904, p. 830) that many of Saxo’s stories came from Norway, where they had been collected by an Icelander in the twelfth century. There can be no doubt that stories of some kind relating to families and localities—especially stories which accounted, or professed to account for local names—were current in Norway down to this time. Such stories form the basis of many of theFornaldar Sögur, but in all probability these had been familiar to Icelanders from the first settlement of the island, or at least during the tenth century. We have no evidence that they ever gained literary form in Norway. (Cf. Finnur Jónsson:Old Norske Litteraturs Historie, II., p. 791.)[225]The First Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo Grammaticus.Translated by Oliver Elton (ed. by F. York Powell, p. 5). It is not clear whether Saxo had Icelandic manuscripts before him, but his words leave no doubt that he was aware of the fact that stories had been carried on by oral tradition.[226]This was probably something in the nature of a fairy-tale like theHuldre-eventyrof modern Norway. We may refer to the story of the witch Huldr given inYnglinga Saga(ch. 16), and to the supernatural being Holda or Holle in German folk-lore.[227]“hafa meth sér trollkonu-söguna.” From these words Finnur Jónsson (op. cit., II., p. 792) concludes that Sturla possessed a written copy of the saga.[228]Sturlunga Saga, II., pp. 270-271.[229]Thorgil’s Saga ok Haflitha(Sturlunga Saga, Vol. I., p. 19).[230]Fornaldar Sögur, Vol. II., p. 323.[231]Harald’s Hardrada Saga, ch. 99 (Fornmanna Sögur, VI., pp. 354-356).[232]Fóstbroethra Saga, ch. 23.[233]Njáls Saga(by G. W. Dasent), chs. 153, 154.[234]Droplaugarsona Saga(Ljosvetninga Saga), p. 175 (Austfirthinga Sögur, ed. Jakobsen).[235]See pp. 60, 61, ante.[236]Cf. the references toHrómundar Saga, pp. 69, 70, ante.[237]The poem is preserved in theBook of the Dun Cow(twelfth century), but the form of the language in which it is written is considerably earlier than this date; indeed, the meaning of the verses would be quite obscure if we did not possess explanatory glosses.Cf. D’Arbois de Jubainville:The Irish Mythological Cycle, p. 96 (Best’s translation): also D. Hyde:A Literary History of Ireland, p. 285.There is a possible reference to an Irish story-teller in an inscription on a stone cross at Bridgend (Glamorganshire). The inscription, which is thought to date from the seventh century, runs:—(Co)nbellini possuit hanc crucem pro anima eius Scitliuissi… Rhys takesscitlivissito be an Irish word, a compound ofviss(Ir.fis, ‘knowledge’) andscitl(scetlon,scél, a ‘story,’ ‘news’) and surmises thatscitlivissmight mean a ‘messenger,’ a ‘bringer of news,’ a ‘scout.’ (Cf.Celtic Britain, pp. 313-315.) Butscitlivisscan also be explained as ‘one who knows stories.’ In that case we might infer that story-telling was a profession in Ireland as early as the seventh century; but the reading appears to be too uncertain to justify us in attaching any great importance to the inscription.[238]O’Curry:Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish, II., p. 543.[239]O’Curry:Lectures on the MS. Materials of Irish History, pp. 243, 583.[240]Printed inSilva Gadelica(ed. Standish O’Grady), Vol. I., pp. 296-305.Stories of Brian and his sons are still current in the Gaelic-speaking districts of Ireland. (SeeZeitschrift für Celtische Philologie, Band I., pp. 477-492.) They are, however, more likely to be folk tales, in which the deeds of mythical heroes have been transferred to historical people, than sagas transmitted by oral tradition from generation to generation.[241]i.e., “son of the honeyed words,” a poet.[242]O’Curry:Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish, II., pp. 130-135.[243]Mathgamain was murdered at the instigation of King Ivarr of Limerick in 976.[244]War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, pp. 98-99.[245]O’Curry,op. cit., II., p. 128.[246]Ibid., II., p. 125.[247]Landnámabók, I., ch. 19.[248]Kormak’s Saga, ch. 19.[249]Cf.Landnámabók, II., ch. 16, etc.[250]Landnámabók, V., ch. 15.[251]Ib., IV., ch. 11.[252]Ib., II., ch. 1.[253]Ib., II., ch. 16.[254]Ib., II., ch. 16.[255]Finnur Jónsson,op. cit., II., pp. 187-188 (n); W. A. Craigie:Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie, Band I., p. 441.[256]“This Gilli was the son of Jathguth, who was the son of Gilli, son of Bjathach (Ir. Blathach), son of King Kjarval of Ireland.” (Thorsten’s Saga Síthu-Hallssonar, appendix.Draumr Thorsteins Síduhalssonar, Ásmundarson’s Ed., pp. 26, 27.)[257]Landnámabók, II., ch. 11.[258]Cf. p. ante.[259]Cf. p. 66, ante.[260]Cf. p. 63 ante.[261]See Kuno Meyer:Learning in Ireland in the Fifth Century(Dublin, 1913).

[224]It has been stated (cf. E. Mogk:Geschichte der Norwegisch-Isländischen Literatur. Strassburg, 1904, p. 830) that many of Saxo’s stories came from Norway, where they had been collected by an Icelander in the twelfth century. There can be no doubt that stories of some kind relating to families and localities—especially stories which accounted, or professed to account for local names—were current in Norway down to this time. Such stories form the basis of many of theFornaldar Sögur, but in all probability these had been familiar to Icelanders from the first settlement of the island, or at least during the tenth century. We have no evidence that they ever gained literary form in Norway. (Cf. Finnur Jónsson:Old Norske Litteraturs Historie, II., p. 791.)

[225]The First Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo Grammaticus.Translated by Oliver Elton (ed. by F. York Powell, p. 5). It is not clear whether Saxo had Icelandic manuscripts before him, but his words leave no doubt that he was aware of the fact that stories had been carried on by oral tradition.

[226]This was probably something in the nature of a fairy-tale like theHuldre-eventyrof modern Norway. We may refer to the story of the witch Huldr given inYnglinga Saga(ch. 16), and to the supernatural being Holda or Holle in German folk-lore.

[227]“hafa meth sér trollkonu-söguna.” From these words Finnur Jónsson (op. cit., II., p. 792) concludes that Sturla possessed a written copy of the saga.

[228]Sturlunga Saga, II., pp. 270-271.

[229]Thorgil’s Saga ok Haflitha(Sturlunga Saga, Vol. I., p. 19).

[230]Fornaldar Sögur, Vol. II., p. 323.

[231]Harald’s Hardrada Saga, ch. 99 (Fornmanna Sögur, VI., pp. 354-356).

[232]Fóstbroethra Saga, ch. 23.

[233]Njáls Saga(by G. W. Dasent), chs. 153, 154.

[234]Droplaugarsona Saga(Ljosvetninga Saga), p. 175 (Austfirthinga Sögur, ed. Jakobsen).

[235]See pp. 60, 61, ante.

[236]Cf. the references toHrómundar Saga, pp. 69, 70, ante.

[237]The poem is preserved in theBook of the Dun Cow(twelfth century), but the form of the language in which it is written is considerably earlier than this date; indeed, the meaning of the verses would be quite obscure if we did not possess explanatory glosses.Cf. D’Arbois de Jubainville:The Irish Mythological Cycle, p. 96 (Best’s translation): also D. Hyde:A Literary History of Ireland, p. 285.There is a possible reference to an Irish story-teller in an inscription on a stone cross at Bridgend (Glamorganshire). The inscription, which is thought to date from the seventh century, runs:—(Co)nbellini possuit hanc crucem pro anima eius Scitliuissi… Rhys takesscitlivissito be an Irish word, a compound ofviss(Ir.fis, ‘knowledge’) andscitl(scetlon,scél, a ‘story,’ ‘news’) and surmises thatscitlivissmight mean a ‘messenger,’ a ‘bringer of news,’ a ‘scout.’ (Cf.Celtic Britain, pp. 313-315.) Butscitlivisscan also be explained as ‘one who knows stories.’ In that case we might infer that story-telling was a profession in Ireland as early as the seventh century; but the reading appears to be too uncertain to justify us in attaching any great importance to the inscription.

Cf. D’Arbois de Jubainville:The Irish Mythological Cycle, p. 96 (Best’s translation): also D. Hyde:A Literary History of Ireland, p. 285.

There is a possible reference to an Irish story-teller in an inscription on a stone cross at Bridgend (Glamorganshire). The inscription, which is thought to date from the seventh century, runs:—(Co)nbellini possuit hanc crucem pro anima eius Scitliuissi… Rhys takesscitlivissito be an Irish word, a compound ofviss(Ir.fis, ‘knowledge’) andscitl(scetlon,scél, a ‘story,’ ‘news’) and surmises thatscitlivissmight mean a ‘messenger,’ a ‘bringer of news,’ a ‘scout.’ (Cf.Celtic Britain, pp. 313-315.) Butscitlivisscan also be explained as ‘one who knows stories.’ In that case we might infer that story-telling was a profession in Ireland as early as the seventh century; but the reading appears to be too uncertain to justify us in attaching any great importance to the inscription.

[238]O’Curry:Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish, II., p. 543.

[239]O’Curry:Lectures on the MS. Materials of Irish History, pp. 243, 583.

[240]Printed inSilva Gadelica(ed. Standish O’Grady), Vol. I., pp. 296-305.Stories of Brian and his sons are still current in the Gaelic-speaking districts of Ireland. (SeeZeitschrift für Celtische Philologie, Band I., pp. 477-492.) They are, however, more likely to be folk tales, in which the deeds of mythical heroes have been transferred to historical people, than sagas transmitted by oral tradition from generation to generation.

[240]Printed inSilva Gadelica(ed. Standish O’Grady), Vol. I., pp. 296-305.

Stories of Brian and his sons are still current in the Gaelic-speaking districts of Ireland. (SeeZeitschrift für Celtische Philologie, Band I., pp. 477-492.) They are, however, more likely to be folk tales, in which the deeds of mythical heroes have been transferred to historical people, than sagas transmitted by oral tradition from generation to generation.

[241]i.e., “son of the honeyed words,” a poet.

[242]O’Curry:Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish, II., pp. 130-135.

[243]Mathgamain was murdered at the instigation of King Ivarr of Limerick in 976.

[244]War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, pp. 98-99.

[245]O’Curry,op. cit., II., p. 128.

[246]Ibid., II., p. 125.

[247]Landnámabók, I., ch. 19.

[248]Kormak’s Saga, ch. 19.

[249]Cf.Landnámabók, II., ch. 16, etc.

[250]Landnámabók, V., ch. 15.

[251]Ib., IV., ch. 11.

[252]Ib., II., ch. 1.

[253]Ib., II., ch. 16.

[254]Ib., II., ch. 16.

[255]Finnur Jónsson,op. cit., II., pp. 187-188 (n); W. A. Craigie:Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie, Band I., p. 441.

[256]“This Gilli was the son of Jathguth, who was the son of Gilli, son of Bjathach (Ir. Blathach), son of King Kjarval of Ireland.” (Thorsten’s Saga Síthu-Hallssonar, appendix.Draumr Thorsteins Síduhalssonar, Ásmundarson’s Ed., pp. 26, 27.)

[257]Landnámabók, II., ch. 11.

[258]Cf. p. ante.

[259]Cf. p. 66, ante.

[260]Cf. p. 63 ante.

[261]See Kuno Meyer:Learning in Ireland in the Fifth Century(Dublin, 1913).

Annals of Clonmacnois, ed. by Rev. D. J. Murphy. Dublin, 1896.Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters(Vols. I. and II.), ed. by J. O’Donovan, Dublin, 1856.Three Fragments of Irish Annals, ed. by J. O’Donovan. Dublin, 1860.Annals of Tigernach, ed. by Whitley Stokes (Revue Celtique, XVI.; XVII.). Paris, 1895.Annals of Ulster(Vol. I.), ed. by W. M. Hennessy. Dublin, 1887.Black Book of Limerick, ed. by J. MacCaffrey. Dublin, 1907.Book of Rights(Leabhar na gceart), ed. by J. O’Donovan. Dublin, 1847.Brennu-Njálssaga, ed. by Finnur Jónsson. Halle a S., 1908.The Story of Burnt Njal, translated by Sir G. W. Dasent. London, 1861. (Several subsequent editions.)Caithriém Cellachain Caisil: The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel, ed. by A. Bugge. Christiania, 1905.Chronicon Scotorum, ed. by W. M. Hennessy. London, 1866.Cogadh Gaedheal re Gallaibh(The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill) ed. by J. H. Todd. London, 1867.Eyrbyggja Saga, ed. by H. Gering. Halle a S., 1897. (English translation by E. Magnússon and William Morris, London, 1892).Fornaldar Sögur, ed. by C. C. Rafn. Copenhagen, 1829-30.Fornmanna Sögur.Copenhagen, 1825-1837.Fóstbroethra Saga, ed. by V. Ásmundarson, Reykjavík, 1899.Gunnlaugs Saga Ormstungu, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, 1911.Heimskringla, ed. by C. R. Unger. Christiania, 1868.Kormaks Saga, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, 1893.Landnámabók, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, 1909. (English translation by Rev. T. Ellwood. Kendal, 1898.)On the Fomorians and the Norsemen(Duald Mac Firbis), ed. by A. Bugge. Christiania, 1905.Origines Islandicae, ed. by G. Vigfusson and F. York Powell. Oxford, 1905.Orkneyinga Saga, ed. and tr. by J. Anderson. Edinburgh, 1873. Also tr. by Sir G. W. Dasent for the Rolls Series. London, 1894.Sturlunga Saga, ed. by G. Vigfusson. Oxford, 1878.Thorsteins Saga Sithu-Hallssonar, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, 1902.Two of the Saxon Chronicles (Parallel), 2 Vols., ed. by Earle and Plummer. Oxford, 1892 and 1899.

Annals of Clonmacnois, ed. by Rev. D. J. Murphy. Dublin, 1896.

Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters(Vols. I. and II.), ed. by J. O’Donovan, Dublin, 1856.

Three Fragments of Irish Annals, ed. by J. O’Donovan. Dublin, 1860.

Annals of Tigernach, ed. by Whitley Stokes (Revue Celtique, XVI.; XVII.). Paris, 1895.

Annals of Ulster(Vol. I.), ed. by W. M. Hennessy. Dublin, 1887.

Black Book of Limerick, ed. by J. MacCaffrey. Dublin, 1907.

Book of Rights(Leabhar na gceart), ed. by J. O’Donovan. Dublin, 1847.

Brennu-Njálssaga, ed. by Finnur Jónsson. Halle a S., 1908.

The Story of Burnt Njal, translated by Sir G. W. Dasent. London, 1861. (Several subsequent editions.)

Caithriém Cellachain Caisil: The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel, ed. by A. Bugge. Christiania, 1905.

Chronicon Scotorum, ed. by W. M. Hennessy. London, 1866.

Cogadh Gaedheal re Gallaibh(The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill) ed. by J. H. Todd. London, 1867.

Eyrbyggja Saga, ed. by H. Gering. Halle a S., 1897. (English translation by E. Magnússon and William Morris, London, 1892).

Fornaldar Sögur, ed. by C. C. Rafn. Copenhagen, 1829-30.

Fornmanna Sögur.Copenhagen, 1825-1837.

Fóstbroethra Saga, ed. by V. Ásmundarson, Reykjavík, 1899.

Gunnlaugs Saga Ormstungu, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, 1911.

Heimskringla, ed. by C. R. Unger. Christiania, 1868.

Kormaks Saga, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, 1893.

Landnámabók, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, 1909. (English translation by Rev. T. Ellwood. Kendal, 1898.)

On the Fomorians and the Norsemen(Duald Mac Firbis), ed. by A. Bugge. Christiania, 1905.

Origines Islandicae, ed. by G. Vigfusson and F. York Powell. Oxford, 1905.

Orkneyinga Saga, ed. and tr. by J. Anderson. Edinburgh, 1873. Also tr. by Sir G. W. Dasent for the Rolls Series. London, 1894.

Sturlunga Saga, ed. by G. Vigfusson. Oxford, 1878.

Thorsteins Saga Sithu-Hallssonar, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, 1902.

Two of the Saxon Chronicles (Parallel), 2 Vols., ed. by Earle and Plummer. Oxford, 1892 and 1899.

Reference has also been made to the following articles:—

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