From a comparison of these parsonages with the usual plan and arrangement of the houses of laymen of the fourteenth century, may be made the important deduction that the houses of the parochial clergy had no ecclesiastical peculiarities of arrangement; they were not little monasteries or great recluse houses, they were like the houses of the laity; and this agrees with the conclusions to which we have arrived already by other roads, that the secular clergy lived in very much the same style as laymen of a similar degree of wealth and social standing. The poor clerk lived in a single chamber of a citizen’s house; the town priest had a house like those of the citizens; the country rector or vicar a house like the manor houses of the smaller gentry.
As to the furniture of the parsonage, the wills of the clergy supply us with ample authorities. We will select one of about the date of the Kelvedon parsonage house which we have been studying, to help us to conjecturally furnish the house which we have conjecturally built. Here is an inventory of the goods of Adam de Stanton, a chaplain, date 1370A.D., taken from Mr. Tymms’s collection of Bury wills. “Imprimis, in money vis.viiid.and i seal of silver worth ijs.” The money will seem a fair sum to have in hand when we consider the greater value of money then and especially the comparative scarcity of actual coin. The seal was probably his official seal as chaplain of an endowed chantry; we have extant examples of such seals of the beneficed clergy. “Item, iij brass pots and i posnet worth xjs.vjd.Item, in plate, xxijd.Item, a round pot with a laver, js.vjd.,” probably an ewer and basin for washing the hands, like those still used in Germany, &c. “Item, in iron instruments, vjs.viiijd.and vjd.,” perhaps fire-dogs and poker, spit, and pothook. “Item, in pewter vessels, iiijs.ijd.,” probably plates, dishes, and spoons. “Item, of wooden utensils,” which, from comparison with other inventories ofabout the same period, we suppose may be boards and trestles for tables, and benches, and a chair, and perhaps may include trenchers and bowls. “Item, i portiforum, xs.,” a book of church service so called, which must have been a handsome one to be worth ten shillings, perhaps it was illuminated. “Item, j book de Lege and j Par Statutorum, and j Book of Romances.[313]Item, j girdle with purse and knife, vs.” on which we have already commented in our last chapter. “Item, j pair of knives for the table, xijd.Item, j saddle with bridle and spurs, iijs.Item, of linen and woollen garments, xxviijs.and xijd.Item, of chests and caskets, vjs.ijd.,” Chests and caskets then served for cupboards and drawers.[314]
If we compare these clerical inventories with those of contemporary laymen of the same degree, we shall find that a country parson’s house was furnished like a small manor house, and that his domestic economy was very like that of the gentry of a like income. Matthew Paris tells us an anecdote of a certain handsome clerk, the rector of a rich church, who surpassed all the knights living around him in giving repeated entertainments and acts of hospitality.[315]But usually it was a rude kind of life which the country squire or parson led, very like that which was led by the substantial farmers of a few generations ago, when it was the fashion for the unmarried farm labourers to live in the farm-house, and for the farmer and his household all to sit down to meals together. These were their hours:—
“Rise at five, dine at nine,Sup at five, and bed at nine,Will make a man live to ninety-and-nine.”
The master of the house sat in the sole arm-chair, in the middle of thehigh table on the dais, with his family on either side of him; and his men sat at the movable tables of boards and trestles, with a bench on each side, which we find mentioned in the inventories: or the master sat at the same table with his men, only he sat above the salt and they below; he drank his ale out of a silver cup while they drank it out of horn; he ate white bread while they ate brown, and he a capon out of his curtilage while they had pork or mutton ham; he retired to his great chamber when he desired privacy, which was not often perhaps; and he slept in a tester bed in the great chamber, while they slept on truckle beds in the hall.
One item in the description of the Kelvedon parsonage requires special consideration, and opens up a rather important question as to the domestic economy of the parochial clergy over and above what we have hitherto gleaned. “The convenient chamber for guests” there mentioned was not a best bedroom for any friend who might pay him a visit. It was a provision for the efficient exercise of the hospitality to which the beneficed parochial clergy were bound. It is a subject which perhaps needs a little explanation. In England there were no inns where travellers could obtain food and lodging until the middle of the fourteenth century; and for long after that period they could only be found in the largest and most important towns; and it was held to be a part of the duty of the clergy to “entertain strangers,” and be “given to hospitality.” It was a charity not very likely to be abused; for, thanks to bad roads, unbridged fords, no inns, wild moors, and vast forests haunted by lawless men, very few travelled, except for serious business; and it was a real act of Christian charity to afford to such travellers the food and shelter which they needed, and would have been hard put to it to have obtained otherwise. The monasteries, we all know, exercised this hospitality on so large a scale, that in order to avoid the interruption a constant succession of guests would have made in the seclusion and regularity of conventual life, they provided special buildings for it, called the hospitium or guest house, a kind of inn within the walls, and they appointed one of the monks, under the name of the hospitaller or guest master, to represent the convent in entertaining the guests. Hermitages also, we have seen, were frequently built along the high roads, especially near bridges and fords, for the purpose of aiding travellers.Along the road which led towards some famous place of pilgrimage hospitals, which were always religious foundations, were founded especially for the entertainment of poor pilgrims. And the parochial clergy were expected to exercise a similar hospitality. Thus in the replies of the rectors of Berkshire to the papal legate, in 1240A.D., they say that “their churches were endowed and enriched by their patrons with lands and revenues for the especial purpose that the rectors of them should receive guests, rich as well as poor, and show hospitality to laity as well as clergy, according to their means, as the custom of the place required.”[316]Again, in 1246, the clergy, on a similar occasion, stated that “a custom has hitherto prevailed, and been observed in England, that the rectors of parochial churches have always been remarkable for hospitality, and have made a practice of supplying food to their parishioners who were in want, ... and if a portion of their benefices be taken away from them, they will be under the necessity of refusing their hospitality, and abandoning their accustomed offices of piety. And if these be withdrawn, they will incur the hatred of those subject to them [their parishioners], and will lose the favour of passers-by [travellers] and their neighbours.”[317]Again, in 1253A.D., Bishop Grostête, in his remonstrance to the Pope, says of the foreigners who were intruded into English benefices, that they “could not even take up their residence, to administer to the wants of the poor, and to receive travellers.”[318]
There is an interesting passage illustrative of the subject quoted in Parker’s “Domestic Architecture,” i. p. 123. Æneus Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius II., describing his journey from Scotland into England, in the year 1448, says that he entered a large village in a wild and barbarous part of the country, about sunset, and “alighted at a rustic’s house, and supped there with the priest of the place and the host.” The special mention of the priest in the first place almost leads us to conjecture that the foreign ecclesiastic had first gone to the priest of the place for the usual hospitality, and had been taken on by him to the manor house—forthe “rustic” seems to have been a squire—as better able to afford him a suitable hospitality. Sundry pottages, and fowls, and geese, were placed on the table, but there was neither bread nor wine. He had, however, brought with him a few loaves and a roundel of wine, which he had received at a certain monastery. Either a stranger was a great novelty, or the Italian ecclesiastic had something remarkable in his appearance, for he says all “the people of the place ran to the house to stare at him.”
Kelvedon being on one of the great high roads of the country, its parson would often be called upon to exercise his duty of hospitality, hence the provision of a special guest chamber in the parsonage house. And so in our picture of the domestic economy and ordinary life of a mediæval country parson we must furnish his guest chamber, and add a little to the contents of buttery and cellar, to provide for his duty of hospitality; and we must picture him not always sitting in solitary dignity at his high table on the dais, but often playing the courteous host to knight and lady, merchant, minstrel, or pilgrim; and after dinner giving the broken meat to the poor, who in the days when there was no poor law were the regular dependants on his bounty.
THE MINSTRELS OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
It would carry us too far a-field to attempt to give a sketch of the early music of the principal nations of antiquity, such as might be deduced from the monuments of Egypt and Nineveh and Greece. We may, however, briefly glance at the most ancient minstrelsy of the Israelites; partly for the sake of the peculiar interest of the subject itself, partly because the early history of music is nearly the same in all nations, and this earliest history will illustrate and receive illustration from a comparison with the history of music in mediæval England.
Musical instruments, we are told by the highest of all authorities, were invented in the eighth generation of the world—that is in the third generation before the flood—by Tubal, “the Father of all such as handle the harp and organ, both stringed and wind instruments.” The ancient Israelites used musical instruments on the same occasions as the mediæval Europeans—in battle; in their feasts and dances; in processions, whether of religious or civil ceremony; and in the solemnising of divine worship. The trumpet and the horn were then, as always, the instruments of warlike music—“If ye go to war then shall ye blow an alarm with the silver trumpets.”[319]The trumpet regulated the march of the hosts of Israel through the wilderness. When Joshua compassed Jericho, the sevenpriests blew trumpets of rams’ horns. Gideon and his three hundred discomfited the host of the Midianites with the sound of their trumpets.
The Tabret was the common accompaniment of the troops of female dancers, whether the occasion were religious or festive. Miriam the prophetess took a timbrel in her hand, and all the women went out after her with timbrels and with dances, singing a solemn chorus to the triumphant song of Moses and of the Children of Israel over the destruction of Pharaoh in the Red Sea,—
“Sing ye to the Lord, for he hath triumphed gloriously;The horse and his rider hath he thrown into the sea.”[320]
Jephthah’s daughter went to meet her victorious father with timbrels and dances:—
“The daughter of the warrior Gileadite,From Mizpeh’s tower’d gate with welcome light,With timbrel and with song.”
And so, when King Saul returned from the slaughter of the Philistines, after the shepherd David had killed their giant champion in the valley of Elah, the women came out of all the cities to meet the returning warriors “singing and dancing to meet King Saul, with tabrets, with joy, and with instruments of music;” and the women answered one another in dramatic chorus—
“Saul hath slain his thousands,And David his ten thousands.”[321]
Laban says that he would have sent away Jacob and his wives and children, “with mirth and with songs, with tabret and with harp.” And Jeremiah prophesying that times of ease and prosperity shall come again for Israel, says: “O Virgin of Israel, thou shalt again be adorned with thy tabrets, and shalt go forth in the dances of them that make merry.”[322]
In their feasts these and many other instruments were used. Isaiah tells us[323]that they had “the harp, and the viol, the tabret, and pipe, and wine in their feasts;” and Amos tells us of the luxurious people who lie upon beds of ivory, and “chant to the sound of the viol, and invent tothemselves instruments of music like David,” and drink wine in bowls, and anoint themselves with the costliest perfumes.
Instruments of music were used in the colleges of Prophets, which Samuel established in the land, to accompany and inspire the delivery of their prophetical utterances. As Saul, newly anointed, went up the hill of God towards the city, he met a company of prophets coming down, with a psaltery, and a tabret, and a pipe, and a harp before them, prophesying; and the spirit of the Lord came upon Saul when he heard, and he also prophesied.[324]When Elisha was requested by Jehoram to prophesy the fate of the battle with the Moabites, he said: “Bring me a minstrel; and when the minstrel played, the hand of the Lord came upon him, and he prophesied.”
When David brought up the ark from Gibeah, he and all the house of Israel played before the Lord on all manner of instruments made of firwood, even on harps, psalteries, timbrels, cornets, and cymbals.[325]And in the song which he himself composed to be sung on that occasion,[326]he thus describes the musical part of the procession:—
“It is well seen how thou goest,How thou, my God and King, goest to the sanctuary;The singers go before, the minstrels follow after,In the midst are the damsels playing with the timbrels.”
The instruments appointed for the regular daily service of the Temple “by David, and Gad the king’s seer, and Nathan the prophet, for so was the commandment of the Lord by his prophets,” were cymbals, psalteries, and harps, which David made for the purpose, and which were played by four thousand Levites.
Besides the instruments already mentioned,—the harp, tabret, timbrel, psaltery, trumpet, cornet, cymbal, pipe, and viol,—they had also the lyre, bag-pipes, and bells; and probably they carried back with them from Babylon further additions, from the instruments of “all peoples, nations, and languages” with which they would become familiarised in that capital of the world. But from the time of Tubal down to the time when theroyal minstrel of Israel sang those glorious songs which are still the daily solace of thousands of mankind, and further down to the time when the captive Israelites hanged their unstrung harps upon the willows of Babylon, and could not sing the songs of Zion in a strange land, the harp continued still the fitting accompaniment of the voice in all poetical utterance of a dignified and solemn character:—the recitation of the poetical portions of historical and prophetical Scripture, for instance, would be sustained by it, and the songs of the psalmists of Zion were accompanied by its strains. And thus this sketch of the history of the earliest music closes, with the minstrel harp still in the foreground; while in the distance we hear the sound of the fanfare of cornet, flute, harp, sackbut, psaltery, dulcimer, and all kinds of music, which were concerted on great occasions; such as that on which they resounded over the plain of Dura, to bow that bending crowd of heads, as the ripe corn bends before the wind, to the great Image of Gold:—an idolatry, alas! which the peoples, nations, and languages still perform almost as fervently as of old.
The northern Bard, or Scald, was the father of the minstrels of mediæval Europe. Our own early traditions afford some picturesque anecdotes, proving the high estimation in which the character was held by the Saxons and their kindred Danes; and showing that they were accustomed to wander about to court, and camp, and hall; and were hospitably received, even though the Bard were of a race against which his hosts were at that very time encamped in hostile array. We will only remind the reader of the Royal Alfred’s assumption of the character of a minstrel, and his visit in that disguise to the Danish camp (A.D.878); and of the similar visit, ten years after, of Anlaff the Danish king to the camp of Saxon Athelstane. But the earliest anecdote of the kind we shall have hereafter to refer to, and may therefore here detail at length. It is told us by Geoffrey of Monmouth, that Colgrin, the son of Ella, who succeeded Hengist in the leadership of the invading Saxons, was shut up in York, and closely besieged by King Arthur and his Britons. Baldulf, the brother of Colgrin, wanted to gain access to him, to apprise him of a reinforcement which was comingfrom Germany. In order to accomplish this design, he assumed the character of a minstrel. He shaved his head and beard; and dressing himself in the habit of that profession, took his harp in his hand. In this disguise he walked up and down the trenches without suspicion, playing all the while upon his instrument as a harper. By little and little he approached the walls of the city; and, making himself known to the sentinels, was in the night drawn up by a rope.
The harper continued throughout the Middle Ages to be the most dignified of the minstrel craft, the reciter, and often the composer, of heroic legend and historical tale, of wild romance and amorous song. Frequently, and perhaps especially in the case of the higher class of harpers, he travelled alone, as in the cases which we have already seen of Baldulf, and Alfred, and Anlaff. But he also often associated himself with a band of minstrels, who filled up the intervals of his recitations and songs with their music, much as vocal and instrumental pieces are alternated in our modern concerts. With a band of minstrels there was also very usually associated a mime, who amused the audience with his feats of agility and leger-de-main. The association appears at first sight somewhat undignified—the heroic harper and the tumbler—but the incongruity was not peculiar to the Middle Ages; the author of the “Iliad” wrote the “Battle of the Frogs,”—the Greeks were not satisfied without a satiric drama after their grand heroic tragedy; and in these days we have a farce or a pantomime after Shakspeare. We are not all Heraclituses, to see only the tragic side of life, or Democrituses, to laugh at everything; the majority of men have faculties to appreciate both classes of emotion; and it would seem, from universal experience, that, as the Russian finds a physical delight in leaping from a vapour-bath into the frozen Neva, so there is some mental delight in the sudden alternate excitation of the opposite emotions of tragedy and farce. If we had time to philosophise, we might find the source of the delight deeply seated in our nature:—alternate tears and laughter—it is an epitome of human life!
In the accompanying woodcut from a Late Saxon MS. in the British Museum (Cott. Tiberius C. vi.) we have a curious evidence of the way in which custom blinded men to any incongruity there may be in theassociation of the harper and the juggler, for here we have David singing his Psalms and accompanying himself on the harp, the dove reminding us that he sang and harped under the influence of inspiration. He is accompanied by performers who must be Levites; and yet the Saxon illuminator was so used to see a mime form one of a minstrel band, that he has introduced one playing the common feat of tossing three knives and three balls.
Saxon Band of Minstrels.
The Saxons were a musical people. We learn from Bede’s anecdote of the poet Cædmon, that it was usual at their feasts to pass the harp round from hand to hand, and every man was supposed to be able to sing in his turn, and accompany himself on the instrument. They had a considerablenumber of musical instruments. In a MS. in the British Museum, Tiberius C. vi., folios 16 v., 17 v., 18, are a few leaves of a formal treatise on the subject, which give us very carefully drawn pictures of different instruments, with their names and descriptions. There are also illustrations of them in the Add. 11,695, folios 86, 86 v., 164, 170 v., 229, and in Cleopatra E. viii. Among them are the Psaltery of various shapes, the Sambuca or sackbut, the single and double Chorus, &c. Other instruments we find in Saxon MSS. are the lyre, viol, flute, cymbals, organ, &c. A set of hand-bells (carillons) which the player struck with two hammers, was a favourite instrument. We often find different instruments played together. At folio 93 v. of the MS. Claudius B iv. there is a group of twelve female harpists playing together; one has a small instrument, probably a kind of lyre, the rest have great harps of the same pattern. They probably represent Miriam and the women of Israel joining in the triumphal song of Moses over the destruction of the Egyptians in the Red Sea.
Saxon Organ.
The organ, already introduced into divine service, became, under the hands of St. Dunstan, a large and important instrument. William ofMalmesbury says that Dunstan gave many to churches which had pipes of brass and were inflated with bellows. In a MS. psalter in Trinity College, Cambridge, is a picture of one of considerable size, which has no less than four bellows played by four men. It is represented in the accompanying wood-cut.
The Northmen who invaded and gave their name to Normandy, took their minstrels with them; and the learned assert that it was from them that the troubadours of Provence learned their art, which ripened in their sunny clime intola joyeuse science, and thence was carried into Italy, France, and Spain. It is quite certain that minstrelsy was in high repute among the Normans at the period of the Conquest. Every one will remember how Taillefer, the minstrel-knight, commenced the great battle of Hastings. Advancing in front of the Norman host, he animated himself and them to a chivalric daring by chanting the heroic tale of Charlemagne and his Paladins, at the same time showing feats of skill in tossing his sword into the air; and then rushed into the Saxon ranks, like a divinely-mad hero of old, giving in his own self-sacrifice an augury of victory to his people.
From the period of the Conquest, authorities on the subject of which we are treating, though still not so numerous as could be desired, become too numerous to be all included within the limits to which our space restricts us. The reader may refer to Wharton’s “History of English Poetry,” to Bishop Percy’s introductory essay to the “Reliques of Early English Poetry,” and to the introductory essay to Ellis’s “Early English Metrical Romances,” for the principal published authorities. For a series of learned essays on mediæval musical instruments he may consult M. Didron’s “Annales Archæologiques,” vol. iii. pp. 76, 142, 260; vol. iv. pp. 25, 94; vol. vi. p. 315; vol. vii. pp. 92, 157, 244, 325; vol. viii. p. 242; vol. ix. pp. 289, 329.[327]We propose only from these and other published and unpublished materials to give a popular sketch of the subject.
Throughout this period minstrelsy was in high estimation with allclasses of society. The king himself, like his Saxon[328]predecessors, had a king’s minstrel, or king of the minstrels, who probably from the first was at the head of a band of royal minstrels.[329]
This fashion of the royal court, doubtless, like all its other fashions, obtained also in the courts of the great nobility (several instances will be observed in the sequel), and in their measure in the households of the lesser nobility. Every gentleman of estate had probably his one, two, or more minstrels as a regular part of his household. It is not difficult to discover their duties. In the representations of dinners, which occur plentifully in the mediæval MSS., we constantly find musicians introduced; sometimes we see them preceding the servants, who are bearing the dishes to table—a custom of classic usage, and which still lingers to this day at Queen’s College, Oxford, in the song with which the choristers usher in the boar’s head on Christmas-day, and at our modern public dinners,when the band strikes up “Oh the Roast Beef of Old England,” as that national dish is brought to table.
We give here an illustration of such a scene from a very fine MS. of the early part of the fourteenth century, in the British Museum (marked Royal 2 B vii., f. 184 v. and 185). A very fine representation of a similar scene occurs at the foot of the large Flemish Brass of Robert Braunche and his two wives in St. Margaret’s Church, Lynn; the scene is intended as a delineation of a feast given by the corporation of Lynn to King Edward III. Servants from both sides of the picture are bringing in that famous dish of chivalry, the peacock with his tail displayed; and two bands of minstrels are ushering in the banquet with their strains: the date of the brass is about 1364A.D.In the fourteenth-century romance of “Richard Cœur de Lion,” we read of some knights who have arrived in presence of the romance king whom they are in quest of; dinner is immediately prepared for them; “trestles,” says Ellis in his abstract of it, “were immediately set; a table covered with a silken cloth was laid; a rich repast, ushered in by the sound of trumpets and shalms, was served up.”[330]
A Royal Dinner.
Having introduced the feast, the minstrels continued to play during its progress. We find numerous representations of dinners in the illuminations, in which one or two minstrels are standing beside the table, playing their instruments during the progress of the meal. In a MS. volume of romancesof the early part of the fourteenth century in the British Museum (Royal 14 E iii.), the title-page of the romance of the “Quête du St. Graal” (at folio 89 of the MS.) is adorned with an illumination of a royal banquet; a squire on his knee (as in the illustration given on opposite page) is carving, and a minstrel stands beside the table playing the violin; he is dressed in a parti-coloured tunic of red and blue, and wears his hat. In the Royal MS. 2 B vii., at folio 168, is a similar representation of a dinner, in which a minstrel stands playing the violin; he is habited in a red tunic, and is bareheaded. At folio 203 of the same MS. (Royal 2 B vii.), is another representation of a dinner, in which two minstrels are introduced; one (wearing his hood) is playing a cittern, the other (bareheaded) is playing a violin: and these references might be multiplied.
Royal Dinner of the time of Edward IV.
We reproduce here, in further illustration of the subject, engravings of a royal dinner of about the time of our Edward IV., “taken from an illumination of the romance of the Compte d’Artois, in the possession ofM. Barrois, a distinguished and well-known collector in Paris.”[331]The other is an exceedingly interesting representation of a grand imperial banquet, from one of the plates of Hans Burgmair, in the volume dedicated to the exploits of the Emperor Maximilian, contemporary with ourHenry VIII. It represents the entrance of a masque, one of those strange entertainments, of which our ancestors, in the time of Henry and Elizabeth, were so fond, and of which Mr. C. Kean some years ago gave the play-going world of London so accurate a representation in hismise en sceneof Henry VIII. at the Princess’s Theatre. The band of minstrels who have been performing during the banquet, are seen in the left corner of the picture.
Imperial Banquet.
So in “The Squier’s Tale” of Chaucer, where Cambuscan is “holding his feste so solempne and so riche.”
“It so befel, that after the thridde cours,While that this king sat thus in his nobley,[332]Harking his ministralles her[333]thinges play,Beforne him at his bord deliciously,” &c.
The custom of having instrumental music as an accompaniment of dinner is still retained by her Majesty and by some of the greater nobility, by military messes, and at great public dinners. But the musical accompaniment of a mediæval dinner was not confined to instrumental performances. We frequently find a harper introduced, who is doubtless reciting some romance or history, or singing chansons of a lighter character. He is often represented as sitting upon the floor, as in the accompanying illustration, from the Royal MS., 2 B vii., folio 71 b. Another similar representationoccurs at folio 203 b of the same MS. In the following very charming picture, from a MS. volume of romances of early fourteenth century date in the British Museum (Additional MS., 10,292, folio 200), the harper is sitting upon the table.
Harper.
Gower, in his “Confessio Amantis,” gives us a description of a scene of the kind. Appolinus is dining in the hall of King Pentapolin, with the king and queen and their fair daughter, and all his “lordes in estate.” Appolinus was reminded by the scene of the royal estate from which he is fallen, and sorrowed and took no meat; therefore the king bade his daughter take her harp and do all that she can to enliven that “sorry man.”
“And she to dou her fader’s hest,Her harpe fette, and in the festeUpon a chaire which thei fette,Her selve next to this man she sette.”
Royal Harper.
Appolinus in turn takes the harp, and proves himself a wonderful proficient, and
“When he hath harped all his fille,The kingis hest to fulfille,A waie goth dishe, a waie goth cup,Doun goth the borde, the cloth was up,Thei risen and gone out of the halle.”
In the sequel, the interesting stranger was made tutor to the princess, and among other teachings,
“He taught hir till she was certeyneOf harpe, citole, and of riote,With many a tewne and many a note,Upon musike, upon measure,And of her harpe the temprure,He taught her eke, as he well couth.”
Another occasion on which their services would be required would be for the dance. Thus we read in the sequel of “The Squire’s Tale,” how the king and his “nobley,” when dinner was ended, rose from table, and, preceded by the minstrels, went to the great chamber for the dance:—
“Wan that this Tartar king, this Cambuscán,Rose from his bord ther as he sat ful hie;Beforne him goth the loudé minstralcie,Til he come to his chambre of parements,[334]Theras they sounden divers instruments,That it is like an Heaven for to here.Now dauncen lusty Venus children dere,” &c.
In the tale of Dido and Æneas, in the legend of “Good Women,” he calls it especially the dancing chamber:—
“To dauncing chambers full of paraments,Of riché bedés[335]and of pavements,This Eneas is ledde after the meat.”
Mediæval Dance.
But the dance was not always in the great chamber. Very commonly it took place in the hall. The tables were only movable boards laid upon trestles, and at the signal from the master of the house, “A hall! a hall!” they were quickly put aside; while the minstrels tuned their instruments anew, and the merry folly at once commenced. In the illustration, of early fourteenth-century date, which we give on the preceding page, from folio 174 of the Royal MS., 2 B vii., the scene of the dance is not indicated; the minstrels themselves appear to be joining in the saltitation which they inspire.
In the next illustration, reproduced from Mr. Wright’s “Domestic Manners of the English,” we have a curious picture of a dance, possibly in the gallery, which occupied the whole length of the roof of most fifteenth-century houses; it is from M. Barrois’s MS. of the “Compte D’Artois,” of fifteenth-century date. In all these instances the minstrels are on the floor with the dancers, but in the latter part of the Middle Ages they were probably—especially on festal occasions—placed in the music gallery over the screens, or entrance-passage, of the hall.
A Dance in the Gallery.
Marriage processions were, beyond doubt, attended by minstrels. An illustration of a band consisting of tabor, bagpipes, regal, and violin, headinga marriage procession, may be seen in the Roman d’Alexandre (Bodleian Library) at folio 173; and at folios 173 and 174 the wedding feast is enlivened by a more numerous band of harp, gittern, violin, regal, tabor, bagpipes, hand-bells, cymbals, and kettle-drums—which are carried on a boy’s back.[336]
SACRED MUSIC.
Every nobleman and gentleman in the Middle Ages, we have seen, had one or more minstrels as part of his household, and among their other duties they were required to assist at the celebration of divine worship. Allusions occur perpetually in the old romances, showing that it was the universal custom to hear mass before dinner, and even-song before supper,e.g.: “And so they went home and unarmed them, and so to even-song and supper.... And on the morrow they heard mass, and after went to dinner, and to their counsel, and made many arguments what were best to do.”[337]“The Young Children’s Book,” a kind of mediæval “Chesterfield’s Letters to his Son,”published by the Early English Text Society, from a MS. of about 1500A.D., in the Bodleian Library, bids its pupils—
“Aryse be tyme oute of thi bedde,And blysse[338]thi brest and thi forhede,Then wasche thi handes and thi face,Keme thi hede and ask God graceThe to helpe in all thi workes;Thou schalt spede better what so thou carpes.Then go to the chyrche and here a massé,There aske mersy for thi trespasse.When thou hast done go breke thy fasteWith mete and drynk a gode repast.”
In great houses the service was performed by the chaplain in the chapel of the hall or castle, and it seems probable that the lord’s minstrels assisted in the musical part of the service.
The organ doubtless continued to be, as we have seen it in Saxon times, the most usual church instrument. Thus the King of Hungary in “The Squire of Low Degree,” tells his daughter:—
“Then shal ye go to your even song,With tenours and trebles among;****Your quere nor organ song shal wantWith countre note and dyscant;The other half on organs playing,With young children ful fayn synging.”
And in inventories of church furniture in the Middle Ages we find organs enumerated:[339]Not only the organ, but all instruments in common use, were probably also used in the celebration of divine worship. We meet with repeated instances in which David singing the psalms is accompanied by a band of musicians, as in the Saxon illumination on p. 272, and again in the initial letter of this chapter, which is taken from a psalterof early thirteenth-century date in the British Museum (Harl. 5,102). The men of those days were in some respects much more real and practical, less sentimental and transcendental, than we in religious matters. We must have everything relating to divine worship of different form and fashion from ordinary domestic appliances, and think it irreverent to use things of ordinary domestic fashion for religious uses, or to have domestic things in the shapes of what we call religious art. They had only one art, the best they knew, for all purposes; and they were content to apply the best of that to the service of God. Thus to their minds it would not appear at all unseemly that the minstrels who had accompanied the divine service in chapel should walk straight out of chapel into the hall, and tune their instruments anew to play symphonies, or accompany chansons during dinner, or enliven the dance in the great chamber in the evening—no more unseemly than that their master and his family should dine and dance as well as pray. The chapel royal establishment of Edward IV. consisted of trumpets, shalms, and pipes, as well as voices; and we may be quite sure that the custom of the royal chapel was imitated by noblemen and gentlemen of estate. A good fifteenth-century picture of the interior of a church, showing the organ in a gallery, is engraved in the “Annales Archæologiques,” vol. xii., p. 349. A very good representation of an organ of the latter part of the sixteenth century (1582) is in the fine MS. Plut. 3,469, folio 27.[340]An organ of about this date is still preserved in that most interesting old Manor House, Igtham Mote, in Kent. They were sometimes placed at the side of the chancel, sometimes in the rood-loft, which occupied the same relative position in the choir which the music gallery did in the hall.
In the MSS. we not unfrequently find the ordinary musical instruments placed in the hands of the angels;e.g., in the early fourteenth-century MS. Royal 2 B. vii., in a representation of the creation, with the morning stars singing together, and all the sons of God shouting for joy, an angelic choir are making melody on the trumpet, violin, cittern, shalm (or psaltery), and harp. There is another choir of angels at p. 168 of the same MS., twocitterns and two shalms, a violin and trumpet. Similar representations occur very significantly in churches. On the arch of the Porta Della Gloria of Saragossa Cathedral, of the eleventh century, from which there is a cast at the entrance to the South Kensington Museum, are a set of angel minstrels with musical instruments. In the bosses of the ceiling of Tewkesbury Abbey Church we find angels playing the cittern (with a plectrum), the harp (with its cover seen enveloping the lower half of the instrument)[341]and the cymbals. A set of angel musicians is sculptured on the rood loft of York Minster. In the triforum of the nave of Exeter Cathedral is a projecting gallery for the minstrels, with sculptures of them on the front playing instruments.[342]In the choir of Lincoln Cathedral, some of the noble series of angels which fill the spandrels of its arcades, and which have given to it the name of the Angel Choir, are playing instruments, viz., the trumpet, double pipe, pipe and tabret, dulcimer, viol and harp. They represent the heavenly choir attuning their praises in harmony with the human choir below: “Therefore with angels and archangels, and with all the company of heaven, we laud and magnify thy glorious name.” There is a band of musicians sculptured on the grand portal of the Cathedral at Rheims; a sculptured capital from the church of St. Georgesde Bocherville, now in the Museum at Rouen, represents eleven crowned figures playing different instruments.[343]On the chasse of St. Ursula at Bruges are angels playing instruments beautifully painted by Hemling.[344]We cannot resist the temptation to introduce here another charming little drawing of an angelic minstrel, playing a psaltery, from the Royal MS. 14 E iii.; others occur at folio 1 of the same MS. The band of village musicians with flute, violin, clarinet, and bass-viol, whom most of us have seen occupying the singing-gallery of some country church, are the representatives of the band of minstrels who occupied the rood-lofts in mediæval times.
The Morning Stars singing together.
An Angel Minstrel.
Clerical censors of manners during the Middle Ages frequently denounce the dissoluteness of minstrels, and the minstrels take their revenge by lampooning the vices of the clergy. Like all sweeping censures of whole classes of men, the accusations on both sides must be received cautiously. However, it is certain that the minstrels were patronised by the clergy. We shall presently find a record of the minstrels of the Bishop of Winchester in the fourteenth century; and the Ordinance of Edward II., quoted at p. 296, tells us that minstrels flocked to the houses of prelates as well as of nobles and gentlemen. In the thirteenth century, that fine sample of an English bishop, Grostête of Lincoln, was a great patron of minstrel science: he himself composed an allegorical romance, the Chasteau d’Amour. Robert de Brunne, in his English paraphrase of Grostête’s Manuel de Peches (begun in 1303), gives us a charming anecdote of the Bishop’s love of minstrelsy.
“Y shall yow telle as y have herde,Of the bysshope seyut Robérde,Hys to-name ys Grostet.Of Lynkolne, so seyth the gestHe loved moche to here the harpe,For mannys witte hyt makyth sharpe.Next hys chaumber, besyde his stody,Hys harpers chaumbre was fast therby.Many tymes be nyght and dayys,He had solace of notes and layys.One askede hym onys resun whyHe hadde delyte in mynstralsy?He answered hym on thys manereWhy he helde the harper so dere.The vertu of the harpe, thurghe skylle and ryght,Wyl destroy the fendes myght;And to the croys by gode skylleYs the harpe lykened weyle.Tharfor gode men, ye shul lereWhan ye any gleman here,To wurschep Gode al youre powére,As Dauyde seyth yn the sautére.”
We know that the abbots lived in many respects as other great people did; they exercised hospitality to guests of gentle birth in their own halls, treated them to the diversions of hunting and hawking over their manors and in their forests, and did not scruple themselves to partake in those amusements; possibly they may have retained minstrels wherewith to solace their guests and themselves. It is quite certain at least that the wandering minstrels were welcome guests at the religious houses; and Warton records many instances of the rewards given to them on those occasions. We may record two or three examples.
The monasteries had great annual feasts, on the ecclesiastical festivals, and often also in commemoration of some saint or founder; there was a grand service in church, and a grand dinner afterwards in the refectory. The convent of St. Swithin, in Winchester, used thus to keep the anniversary of Alwyne the Bishop; and in the yearA.D.1374 we find that six minstrels, accompanied by four harpers, performed their minstrelsies at dinner, in the hall of the convent, and during supper sang the same gest in the great arched chamber of the prior, on which occasion the chamber was adorned, according to custom on great occasions, with the prior’s greatdorsal (a hanging for the wall behind the table), having on it a picture of the three kings of Cologne. These minstrels and harpers belonged partly to the Royal household in Winchester Castle, partly to the Bishop of Winchester. Similarly at the priory of Bicester, in Oxfordshire, in the yearA.D.1432, the treasurer of the monastery gave four shillings to six minstrels from Buckingham, for singing in the refectory, on the Feast of the Epiphany, a legend of the Seven Sleepers. InA.D.1430 the brethren of the Holie Crosse at Abingdon celebrated their annual feast; twelve priests were hired for the occasion to help to sing the dirge with becoming solemnity, for which they received four pence each; and twelve minstrels, some of whom came from the neighbouring town of Maidenhead, were rewarded with two shillings and four pence each, besides their share of the feast and food for their horses. At Mantoke Priory, near Coventry, there was a yearly obit; and in the yearA.D.1441, we find that eight priests were hired from Coventry to assist in the service, and the six minstrels of their neighbour, Lord Clinton, of Mantoke Castle, were engaged to sing, harp, and play, in the hall of the monastery, at the grand refection allowed to the monks on the occasion of that anniversary. The minstrels amused the monks and their guests during dinner, and then dined themselves in the painted chamber (camera picta) of the monastery with the sub-prior, on which occasion the chamberlain furnished eight massy tapers of wax to light their table.
These are instances of minstrels formally invited by abbots and convents to take part in certain great festivities; but there are proofs that the wandering minstrel, who, like all other classes of society, would find hospitality in the guest-house of the monastery, was also welcomed for his minstrel skill, and rewarded for it with guerdon of money, besides his food and lodging. Warton gives instances of entries in monastic accounts for disbursements on such occasions; and there is an anecdote quoted by Percy of some dissolute monks who one evening admitted two poor priests whom they took to be minstrels, and ill-treated and turned them out again when they were disappointed of their anticipated gratification.
On the next page is a curious illumination from the Royal MS. 2 B vii., representing a friar and a nun themselves making minstrelsy.
Nun and Friar with Musical Instruments.
At tournaments the scene was enlivened by the strains of minstrels, and horses and men inspirited to the charge by the loud fanfare of their instruments. Thus in “The Knight’s Tale,” at the tournament of Palamon and Arcite, as the king and his company rode to the lists:—
“Up gon the trumpets and the melodie,And to the listés ride the companie.”
And again:—
“Then were the gates shut, and cried was loudeNow do your devoir youngé knightés proud.The heralds left their pricking up and down,Now ringen trumpets loud and clarioun.There is no more to say, but East and WestIn go the spearés sadly in the rest;In goeth the sharpé spur into the side;There see men who can just and who can ride.Men shiveren shaftés upon shieldés thick,He feeleth thro the hearte-spoon the prick.”
In actual war only the trumpet and horn and tabor seem to have been used. In “The Romance of Merlin” we read of
“Trumpés beting, tambours classing”
in the midst of a battle; and again, in Chaucer’s “Knight’s Tale”—
“Pipes, trumpets, nakeres,[345]and clariounsThat in the battle blowen bloody sounds;”
and again, on another occasion—
“The trumping and the tabouring,Did together the knights fling.”
There are several instances in the Royal MS., 2 B vii., in which trumpeters are sounding their instruments in the rear of a company of charging chevaliers.
Again, when a country knight and his neighbour wished to keep their spears in practice against the next tournament, or when a couple of errant knights happened to meet at a manor-house, the lists were rudely staked out in the base-court of the castle, or in the meadow under the castle-walls; and, while the ladies looked on and waved their scarfs from the windows or the battlements, and the vassals flocked round the ropes, the minstrels gave animation to the scene. In the illustration on p. 414 from the title-page of the Royal MS., 14 E iii., a fine volume of romances of early fourteenth-century date, we are made spectators of a scene of the kind; the herald is arranging the preliminaries between the two knights who are about to joust, while a band of minstrels inspire them with their strains.
Not only at these stated periods, but at all times, the minstrels were liable to be called upon to enliven the tedium of their lord or lady with music and song; the King of Hungary (in “The Squire of Low Degree”), trying to comfort his daughter for the loss of her lowly lover by the promise of all kinds of pleasures, says that in the morning—
“Ye shall have harpe, sautry, and songe,And other myrthes you among.”
And again a little further on, after dinner—
“When you come home your menie amonge,Ye shall have revell, daunces, and songe;Lytle children, great and smale,Shall syng as doth the nightingale.”
And yet again, when she is gone to bed—
“And yf ye no rest can take,All night mynstrels for you shall wake.”
Doubtless many of the long winter evenings, when the whole household was assembled round the blazing wood fire in the middle of the hall, would be passed in listening to those interminable tales of chivalry which my lord’s chief harper would chant to his harp, while his fellows would play a symphony between the “fyttes.” Of other occasions on which the minstrels would have appropriate services to render, an entry in the Household Book of the Percy family inA.D.1512 gives us an indication: There were three of them at their castle in the north, a tabret, a lute, and a rebec; and we find that they had a new-year’s gift, “xxs.for playing at my lordes chamber doure on new yeares day in the mornynge; and for playing at my lordes sone and heire’s chamber doure, the lord Percy, iis.; and for playing at the chamber dours of my lord’s yonger sonnes, my yonge masters, after viii. the piece for every of them.”
But besides the official minstrels of kings, nobles, and gentlemen, bishops, and abbots, and corporate towns, there were a great number of “minstrels unattached,” and of various grades of society, who roamed abroad singly or in company, from town to town, from court to camp, from castle to monastery, flocking in great numbers to tournaments and festivals and fairs, and welcomed everywhere.
The summer-time was especially the season for the wanderings of these children of song,[346]as it was of the knight-errant[347]and of the pilgrim[348]also. No wonder that the works of the minstrels abound as they do with charming outbursts of song on the return of the spring and summer, and the delights which they bring. All winter long the minstrel had lain in some town, chafing at its miry and unsavoury streets, and its churlish, money-getting citizens; or in some hospitable castle or manor-house, perhaps, listening to the wind roaring through the broad forests, and howling among theturrets overhead, until he pined for freedom and green fields; his host, perchance, grown tired of his ditties, and his only occupation to con new ones; this, from the “Percy Reliques,” sounds like a verse composed at such a time:—
“In time of winter alange[349]it is!The foules lesen[350]her bliss!The leves fallen off the tree;Rain alangeth[351]the countree.”
No wonder they welcomed the return of the bright, warm days, when they could resume their gay, adventurous, open-air life, in the fresh, flowery meadows, and the wide, green forest glades; roaming to town and village, castle and monastery, feast and tournament; alone, or in company with a band of brother minstrels; meeting by the way with gay knights adventurous, or pilgrims not less gay—if they were like those of Chaucer’s company; welcomed everywhere by priest and abbot, lord and loon. These are the sort of strains which they carolled as they rested under the white hawthorn, and carelessly tinkled an accompaniment on their harps:—
“Merry is th’ enté of May;The fowles maketh merry play;The time is hot, and long the day.The joyful nightingale singeth,In the grene mede flowers springeth.****“Merry it is in somer’s tide;Fowles sing in forest wide;Swaines gin on justing ride,Maidens liffen hem in pride.”
The minstrels were often men of position and wealth. Rayer, or Raherus, the first of the king’s minstrels whom we meet with after the Conquest, founded the Priory and Hospital of St. Bartholomew, in Smithfield, London, in the third year of Henry I.,A.D.1102, and became the first prior of his own foundation. He was not the only minstrel who turned religious. Foulquet de Marseille, first a merchant, then a minstrel of note—some of his songs have descended to these days—at length turned monk, and was made abbot of Tournet, and at length Archbishop ofToulouse, and is known in history as the persecutor of the Albigenses: he died in 1231A.D.It seems to have been no unusual thing for men of family to take up the wandering, adventurous life of the minstrel, much as others of the same class took up the part of knight adventurous; they frequently travelled on horseback, with a servant to carry their harp; flocking to courts and tournaments, where the graceful and accomplished singer of chivalrous deeds was perhaps more caressed than the large-limbed warrior who achieved them; and obtained large rewards, instead of huge blows, for his guerdon.
There are some curious anecdotes showing the kind of people who became minstrels, their wandering habits, their facility of access to all companies and places, and the uses which were sometimes made of their privileges. All our readers will remember how Blondel de Nesle, the minstrel of Richard Cœur de Lion, wandered over Europe in search of his master. There is a less known instance of a similar kind and of the same period. Ela, the heiress of D’Evereux, Earl of Salisbury, had been carried abroad and secreted by her French relations in Normandy. To discover the place of her concealment, a knight of the Talbot family spent two years in exploring that province; at first under the disguise of a pilgrim; then, having found where she was confined, in order to gain admittance, he assumed the dress and character of a harper; and being a jocose person, exceedingly skilled in the Gests of the ancients, he was gladly received into the family. He succeeded in carrying off the lady, whom he restored to her liege lord the king, who bestowed her in marriage, not upon the adventurous knight-minstrel, as ought to have been the ending of so pretty a novelet, but upon his own natural brother, William Longespée, to whom she brought her earldom of Salisbury in dower.
Many similar instances, not less valuable evidences of the manners of the times because they are fiction, might be selected from the romances of the Middle Ages; proving that it was not unusual for men of birth and station[352]to assume, for a longer or shorter time, the character and life of the wandering minstrel.
But besides these gentle minstrels, there were a multitude of others of the lower classes of society, professors of the joyous science; descending through all grades of musical skill, and of respectability of character. We find regulations from time to time intended to check their irregularities. In 1315 King Edward II. issued an ordinance addressed to sheriffs, &c., as follows: “Forasmuch as ... many idle persons under colour of mynstrelsie, and going in messages[353]and other faigned busines, have been and yet be receaved in other men’s houses to meate and drynke, and be not therwith contented yf they be not largely considered with gyftes of the Lordes of the Houses, &c.... We wyllyng to restrayne such outrageous enterprises and idlenes, &c., have ordeyned ... that to the houses of Prelates, Earls, and Barons, none resort to meate and drynke unless he be a mynstrell, and of these mynstrels that there come none except it be three or four mynstrels of honour at most in one day unless he be desired of the Lorde of the House. And to the houses of meaner men, that none come unlesse he be desired; and that such as shall come so holde themselves contented with meate and drynke, and with such curtesie as the Master of the House wyl shewe unto them of his owne good wyll, without their askyng of any thyng. And yf any one do against this ordinaunce at the first tyme he to lose his minstrelsie, and at the second tyme to forsweare his craft, and never to be received for a minstrell in any house.” This curious ordinance gives additional proof of several facts which we have before noted, viz., that minstrels were well received everywhere, and had even become exacting in their expectations; that they used to wander about in bands; and the penalties seem to indicate that the minstrels were already incorporated in a guild. The first positive evidence of such aguild is in the charter (already alluded to) of 9th King Edward IV.,A.D.1469, in which he grants to Walter Haliday,Marshall, and seven others, his own minstrels, a charter by which he restores a Fraternity or perpetual Guild (such as he understands the brothers and sisters of the Fraternity of Minstrels had in times past), to be governed by a marshall, appointed for life, and by two wardens, to be chosen annually, who are empowered to admit brothers and sisters into the guild, and are authorised to examine the pretensions of all such as affect to exercise the minstrel profession; and to regulate, govern, and punish them throughout the realm—those of Chester excepted. It seems probable that the King’s Minstrel, or the King of the Minstrels, had long previously possessed an authority of this kind over all the members of the profession, and that the organization very much resembled that of the heralds. The two are mentioned together in the Statute of Arms for Tournaments, passed in the reign of Edward I.,A.D.1295. “E qe nul Roy de Harraunz ne Menestrals[354]portent privez armez:” that no King of the Heralds or of the Minstrels shall carry secret weapons. That the minstrels attended all tournaments we have already mentioned. The heralds and minstrels are often coupled in the same sentence; thus Froissart tells us that at a Christmas entertainment given by the Earl of Foix, there were many minstrels, as well his own as strangers, “and the Earl gave to Heraulds and Minstrelles the sum of fyve hundred frankes; and gave to the Duke of Tourayne’s mynstreles gowns of cloth of gold furred with ermine, valued at 200 frankes.”[355]