CHAPTER VIII.
The death of Alexander, without heirs, reunited to the Scottish kingdom the appanage of Cumbria, which had been so unwisely severed from it by Edgar; and the last surviving son of Malcolm and Margaret, the rightful heir by ancient Gaelic custom as well as by feudal law, ascended the throne without dispute. An intimate connection with the Court of England for upwards of a quarter of a century, had effectually “rubbed off the Scottish rust” from David,—to use the words of the contemporary Malmesbury,—converting him into a feudal baron; and many years before he was called upon to fill the throne, he had gathered around him in his Cumbrian principality a body of knights and barons, from whom sprung the older Norman chivalry of Scotland. During his residence in the south he married Matilda, the widow of Simon de St. Liz and heiress of Earl Waltheof of Northumberland, a portion of whose vast estates had been conferred upon each of her husbands in succession—St. Liz having been created Earl of Northampton, whilst the Honour of Huntingdon was granted to the Scottish prince; but the great earldom of Northumberland was retained in the Crown, for after the forfeiture of Robert de Mowbray, the English kings were jealous of intrusting that importantprovince out of their own hands.[231]The sole offspring of the second marriage of Matilda was an only son, to whom his parents gave the name of Henry, born about ten years before the accession of his father to the throne of Scotland.
David was the first of his family who united the character of an English baron to that of a Scottish king; and in the former capacity he was soon called upon to exercise the political sagacity through which he had reaped the reward of the appanage of Cumbria, which he held during the lifetime of his brother Alexander. Upon the death of Henry the Fifth of Germany, the English king, despairing of any male heir from his second marriage, determined upon adopting as his successor his daughter Alicia, who fifteen years before had been betrothed, whilst a mere child, to the deceased Emperor. The princess, it is said, was reluctant to leave a country in which she had resided since her infancy, and where she still enjoyed vast possessions with the title of Empress; but she had become a necessary instrument for furthering the views of her father, and he turned a deaf ear to the entreaties of the princes of Lombardy and Lorraine, whose desire to retain their Empress interfered with the tenor of his policy. The assistance of the Scottish king was early sought to join in securing the succession to his sister’s child, and he passed a whole year in England in concerting measures for this purpose. In the great council of London, to which every baron of note was summoned, David was the first to swear fealty to his niece,—who now, like her mother, had assumed thepopular name of Matilda—as heiress of the kingdom in which he held the Honour of Huntingdon; and it was by his advice that the unfortunate Robert Curtois was removed from the custody of the bishop of Salisbury, and placed in Bristol Castle under the safer charge of the Earl of Gloucester:A. D. 1226.for the fears of Henry were at this time directed against Robert and his son William, nor did he harbour any suspicion of his frank and jovial nephew, Stephen of Boulogne, upon whom he had heaped honours and dignities in return for his gallant services in war.[232]
The feudal obligations of his English fief, and his anxiety to promote the interests of the future queen, led to the frequent and prolonged absence of David from his own kingdom at this period of his reign, offering many favourable opportunities for the inveterate enemies of his family to enter once more upon a struggle for the superiority. Heth the contemporary, and possibly the opponent of Alexander, was no longer living, but his hereditary animosity survived in his sons Angus and Malcolm, who availed themselves of one occasion when David was detained in England,A. D. 1130.about six years after his accession, to rise in arms and assert those claims upon the crown of Scotland which they inherited through their mother, the daughter of Lulach.[233]In the absence of the king, the leader of the royal forces was the Constable, and the safety of the kingdom now depended upon Edward, the first historical personage upon whom the dignity is known to have been conferred, and the son of that Siward Beorn who accompanied the Atheling into Scotland.Edward in this crisis proved himself to be worthy of the trust, and meeting the Moraymen at the entrance of one of the passes into the Lowlands of Forfarshire, overthrew them with a loss of four thousand men at Stickathrow, not far from the northern Esk—Angus the Earl, or as the Irish annalists call him, the king of Moray, being left amongst the dead, though Malcolm the other brother, escaping from the field, prolonged the struggle amidst the recesses of the remoter Highlands, and the contest was not brought to a conclusion until four years later.[234]A. D. 1134.The prestige of the Moray Mormaors was still very great throughout the northern and north-western Highlands, and as many of the national party, even though partisans of the reigning family, viewed with jealousy the increasing influence of “foreigners,” and the introduction of laws and customs against which they entertained a rooted antipathy, as long as a descendant of Kenneth Mac Duff remained at large, claiming to be the representative of one of their ancient line of kings, his standard became a dangerous rallying point both for open enemies and disaffected friends. David, seriously alarmed, besought the assistance of the barons of Yorkshire and Northumberland, who answering to his call with alacrity, the flower of the northern counties speedily assembled at Carlisle under the banner of Walter Espec. The numbers and equipment of these Anglo-Norman auxiliaries, with the rumour of a vast fleet with which theScottish king intended to prosecute the war to extremity amongst the island fastnesses of the western chieftains, filled the supporters of Malcolm with such dismay, that, in the hope of atoning for their disaffection towards the king by treachery to his unfortunate rival, Mac Heth was surprised by a body of his own partisans, and delivered into the hands of David. He was at once dispatched as a prisoner to the castle of Roxburgh, and David, in the full determination of eradicating every trace of his enemies from the district in which they had so long ruled supreme, declared the whole earldom of Moray forfeited to the Crown, regranting great portions of it to knights of foreign extraction, or to native Scots upon whose fidelity he could depend. The confiscation of their hereditary patrimony struck a death blow at the power of the great Moray family, and more than one Scottish name of note dates its first rise from the ruin of the senior branch of that ancient and far descended race.[235]
Four more years had barely passed away before David was destined to meet, in hostile array, the very men upon whose assistance he had relied against his formidable adversary Malcolm Mac Heth. Upon the 1st of December 1135, died Henry the First of England,A. D. 1135.bequeathing with his latest breath the whole of his dominions to his daughter the Empress Queen. His spirit had hardly passed away before Stephen, arriving suddenly in England, gained over to his cause Roger, Bishop of Salisbury, the mostfavoured and confidential friend of Henry, and William du Pont de l’Arche, who was joint keeper, with the Bishop, of the immense wealth accumulated in the coffers of the late king; and as the possession of the royal treasure in those days was the surest means of opening a path to the throne, before the year was ended Stephen was crowned king of England without opposition. The Earl of Gloucester, whose unsuccessful contest for precedency with the new king, when they both swore fealty to Matilda, had strengthened his devotion to the cause of the latter, was still in Normandy with his sister; but of all the other barons and prelates who pledged their faith to support the Empress Queen in her claim upon her father’s throne, none proved mindful of his oath save her uncle the king of Scotland.
No sooner had intelligence of the death of Henry reached Scotland, than aware of the necessity for promptitude, David led an army across the frontier, and at the very moment of Stephen’s coronation in London, the Scottish king was receiving the allegiance of the northern barons in behalf of his royal niece. Carlisle and Norham, Werk, Alnwick, and Newcastle, in short all the border fortresses beyond the Tyne, with the exception of Bamborough, opened their gates at his appearance, and he had advanced far into the territory of St. Cuthbert, upon his route to Durham, when he was anticipated by the approach of a numerous army under Stephen.A.D. 1136.No time could have been lost by that prince in collecting his forces, as upon the 5th of February, little more than six weeks after his coronation, he marched into Durham. David retired upon Newcastle, and the two kings remained in a hostile attitude for another fortnight before a conference was arranged, at which conditionsof peace were finally agreed upon. The Scottish king, still true to his oath, refused to hold any fiefs of Stephen; but Carlisle and Doncaster were conferred upon his son Henry, in addition to the Honour of Huntingdon, with a promise that the claims of the prince upon Northumberland, in right of his maternal ancestry, should be taken into consideration if the English king ever regranted that earldom. Peace was concluded upon these terms; all the castles surrendered to David were restored with the exception of Carlisle; and Henry, after performing homage at York for his English fiefs, accompanied Stephen upon his return to the south.[236]
Advancing years, and a disposition naturally pliant and easy, are the reasons assigned by a contemporary historian for the acquiescence of David in the usurpation of Stephen; but however willing he might have been to support the cause of his niece Matilda, he must naturally have shrunk from sustaining the whole weight of a contest, in which he alone was in arms in her behalf. Nor must it be forgotten, that the wife of Stephen was equally a daughter of one of David’s sisters; and however the approach of age may have increased his aversion to war, it had hardly yet diminished his characteristic sagacity, ashe was undoubtedly a gainer by the conditions of the peace.[237]
The event, as it proved, frustrated the intentions of both parties. Stephen, when he held his court in London at Easter, assigned the place of honour, upon his right hand, to his guest the Scottish prince; an arrangement which so excited the jealousy of some of the English barons, more especially of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and of Ranulf Earl of Chester—the latter of whom had claims upon Carlisle and Cumberland—that, after openly expressing their discontent in the presence of Henry, they left the court in a body. Incensed at this unprovoked insult to his son, David recalled him from England; and though Henry was repeatedly summoned by Stephen to perform his feudal obligations, he was not permitted by his father to return to the south.[238]
A. D. 1137.
The absence of Stephen in Normandy, in the following year, afforded David a favourable opportunity of avenging the indignity offered to his son, and of forwarding, at the same time, the interests of his niece Matilda. Already an army was collected to cross the Borders, and the barons of the north of England were assembled at Newcastle to repel the invasion, when Thorstein, the aged archbishop of York, by his intercessionwith both parties, obtained a promise from the Scottish king to abstain from hostilities until Advent, by which time it was expected that Stephen would have returned from the Continent. Shortly before Christmas, therefore, a Scottish embassy arrived at the English court, charged to declare the truce at an end unless Prince Henry was placed in immediate possession of Northumberland; and as this abrupt demand for the earldom was all but tantamount to a declaration of war, Stephen, who had just concluded a peace for two years with Geoffrey of Anjou, and was consequently in a position to concentrate all his energies upon establishing his power at home, at once declined to listen to the proposal; and his refusal to comply with the conditions of David led to an immediate rupture with Scotland.[239]
A. D. 1138.
Upon the 10th of January 1138 the advance guard of the Scottish army, under the command of William Fitz-Duncan the king’s nephew, crossed the Borders, and attempted to surprise Werk Castle before daylight; but, failing in their object, they wasted the surrounding country until the arrival of the main body under David and his son Henry, when a regular siege was commenced with all the engineering appliances of the age. The castle was the property of Walter Espec, and so gallantly was it defended by his nephew, Jordan de Bussy, that, before long, the king, converting the siege into a blockade, marched with the remainder of his army to effect a junction with William Fitz-Duncan, whom he had already dispatched to lay waste the remainder of Northumberland; and once more the northern counties endured a repetition of the scenes of horror enacted, nearly seventy years before, in the early days of theConqueror. David, who had been long preparing for war, had gathered his army from every quarter of his dominions; and around the royal standard, the ancient Dragon of Wessex, might be seen the representatives of nearly every race contributing to form the varied ancestry of the modern Scottish people. The Norman knight and the Low Country “Reiter,” the sturdy Angle and the fiery Scot, marched side by side with the men of Northumberland and Cumberland, of Lothian and of Teviotdale; whilst the mixed population of the distant islands, Norwegians from the Orkneys, and the wild Picts of Galloway, flocked in crowds to the banner of their king, to revel in the plunder of the south.[240]The Galwegians, an unruly host of tributary allies rather than of subjects, claimed to march in the van, and a piteous account of their ravages, and enormities, has been left on record by the contemporary chroniclers of Hexham. It was only by a great exertion of authority, that William Fitz-Duncan was enabled to save that priory from the destruction with which it was menaced by a body of exasperated clansmen, whose chieftain had fallen in an affray with some retainers of the monastery; and to prevent the possibility of such a sacrilege, David quartered a body of Scots within its walls, whilst he granted to the community his own share of the plunder, in reparation for the injuries they had sustained from his undisciplined and semi-barbarous followers.
The approach of Stephen’s army, early in February, warned the Scottish leaders that it was time tocollect their scattered forces either for battle or retreat; but David, who was in secret correspondence with many of Stephen’s barons, entertained the hope of finishing the war by a stratagem, without the hazard of a contest. All of the wretched country-people who had escaped the slaughter—and they were principally women—were either bartered for cattle on the spot, or driven northward with the prospect of a hopeless captivity; whilst the main body of the Scottish army withdrew to a small morass in the neighbourhood of Roxburgh, inaccessible except to the few who possessed an intimate knowledge of the locality. The burghers of the town were instructed to throw open their gates, and admit the English army without resistance; as it was David’s intention to enter with his followers in the dead of night, and surprise Stephen in his fancied security, calculating, that by the capture of the English king and his principal adherents, the war would be brought to a successful conclusion; the accession of the empress secured; and his own claims upon Northumberland readily acknowledged by his grateful niece.
But though in the multitude of counsellors there may be wisdom, in the multitude of confidants there is little chance of secrecy; and through some unknown channel Stephen became aware of his enemy’s intentions. Avoiding Roxburgh, he retaliated upon other Scottish districts the injuries which had been inflicted on the north of England; but as he began to entertain suspicions of the fidelity of certain barons, and his army was weakened, as well by the want of provisions as by the religious scruples—either real or pretended—of several of his followers who objected to bearing arms in Lent, he soon retraced his stepstowards the south, first possessing himself of Bamborough on his passage through Northumberland, and placing in it a garrison on which he could depend. The castle belonged to Eustace Fitz-John, a powerful baron, of whose fidelity the king was so mistrustful, that, contrary to all feudal precedent, he caused his person to be seized whilst in actual attendance at court upon a summons of military service; and Eustace was not restored to liberty until he yielded up to Stephen the key-stone of his power in the north, long famous as the ancient residence of the royal race of Ida, and the strongest fortress in Northumberland.[241]
The conclusion of the Easter festival set at liberty the scrupulous chivalry of the age, to enter with renewed zest upon the pursuits of war; and David was fast approaching Durham, when a mutiny amongst the unruly Galwegians threatened both the life of the king, and the safety of his army. A report, judiciously fabricated for the occasion, that the enemy was approaching, restored order for the moment; the mutineers flew to arms to repel the foe, and David at once leading them to Norham, employed them, with the rest of his army, in besieging the castle. The garrison surrendered after a short resistance, and it affords a curious instance of the impregnability of the fortresses of that age against the limited means of offence available to besieging armies, that it was accounted a disgraceful occurrence when nine men-at-arms, all of whom were inexperienced, and the majority suffering from wounds, hopeless of relief from their lord the Bishop of Durham, yieldeda well victualled castle to the whole force of Scotland! An offer was made to restore Norham to the bishop, if he would consent to hold it as a fief from the Scottish king; but as the proposed terms were declined, it was immediately reduced to ashes.
The success at Norham was counterbalanced by a sally from Werk, in which the indefatigable castellan of that fortress overthrew a body of knights and men-at-arms, capturing several of the party, whom he put to ransom, and carrying off a convoy of provisions intended for the army of the Scots, which by this daring feat he once more drew around his walls. Again the siege of Werk was converted into a blockade when David marched to join the force, collected by the exasperated Eustace Fitz-John, in an attempt to recover Bamborough; but though the burghers of that place were driven, with considerable loss, from an outwork in front of the castle, no permanent impression was made upon the fortress itself, and it was useless to attempt a blockade without the assistance, and co-operation, of a fleet.
Whilst the king was engaged before the castles of Norham and Werk, the intractable division under William Fitz-Duncan, of little use in a regular siege, had been dispatched to the more congenial occupation of harrying Craven, and the adjoining districts of the shires of York and Lancaster. The inhabitants assembled to resist the invaders, and upon the 10th of June took post in four divisions at Clitheroe on the Ribble; but their courage failing at the sight of the enemy, they broke and fled at the first onset. As this was the first occasion upon which the hostile parties had met in arms in the open field, the result increased the audacity of the victors, who, spreading over the face of the country, plundered and wastedit on every side, surpassing if possible their former excesses; but laying the foundation of future retribution in the very extent to which they carried their ravages.
Hitherto the barons of Yorkshire had looked upon the distant warfare with lukewarm indifference, each mistrusting his neighbour, and hardly knowing whether to oppose the Scots, as became the trusty partizans of King Stephen, or to support them as loyal subjects of the Empress Queen, whose standard was already raised by Robert of Gloucester, and her other friends, in the south and west. But when the war was now fast approaching their own neighbourhood, when their own lands were about to be plundered and their own vassals to be put to the sword, it was time to shake off their apathy, and out of the very excesses of the foe arose their strongest bond of union. Archbishop Thorstein preached a holy war; and through every parish, priests bore the relics of the saints, with all the imposing paraphernalia of the Roman Catholic religion, proclaiming it to be the duty of every Christian man to rise in defence of the church against barbarians, hateful alike to God and man. Ilbert de Lacy and Robert de Bruce, the youthful William Albemarle and the aged Walter de Ghent, summoned their followers to meet at Thirsk; and even Robert de Mowbray, then a mere child, appeared in armour at the head of his vassals to animate the courage of the numerous retainers of his house. To the same place of meeting hurried William Percy and William Fossard, Richard de Courcy and Robert d’ Estoteville; the knights of Nottinghamshire under William Peveril, and the chivalry of Derbyshire under Robert Ferrers: whilst Stephen, too much occupied to leave the south ofEngland, dispatched a chosen body of knights, under Bernard de Balliol, to join the flower of the midland and northern chivalry in repelling the inroads of the Scottish foe. Walter Espec, a baron of vast possessions, whose age and experience, united to a gigantic stature and a ready eloquence, marked him out as a leader fit to inspire confidence and exact obedience, reminded the confederate nobles of the glories of their ancestry, and pointed out to their retainers that the enemy was little better than an unarmed mob.[242]Ralph, the titular bishop of the Orkneys, was commissioned, in the place of the aged and infirm Thorstein, to grant a general absolution to the army, which, strengthened by the consolations of the ministers of religion, and encouraged by the exhortations of military experience, viewed the impending contest in the light of a holy war, and prepared with alacrity for battle.
After waiting in the neighbourhood of Bamborough until the arrival of some expected reinforcements from Carlisle, Cumberland, and Galloway, David moved southward to effect a junction with William Fitz-Duncan. Their forces, when united, amounted to twenty-six thousand men, and as most of the historians of the period represent this army as “innumerable,” it affords some clue for estimating what was in those days looked upon as a countless host. David was well aware of the character of the army against which he was advancing, and with the concurrence of his most experienced officers, hedetermined upon opposing his own knights and men-at-arms to the mailed chivalry of England; rightly calculating, that, if he once broke through the rival phalanx, his light armed irregulars, of little real use in the first onset, would easily complete the victory. But the native warriors of Alban, elated with the victory at Clitheroe, and vainly imagining that the flower of England’s knights and men-at-arms would fly before their impetuous charge, like the undisciplined peasantry and townsmen of the district, loudly exclaimed against such tactics. “Of what use were their breastplates and their helmets at Clitheroe?” exclaimed the Scots. “Why trust you to these Normans?” added Malise Earl of Strathearn, when David still remained unmoved; “unprotected as I am, none shall be more forward in the fight.” “A great boast,” retorted Alan Percy, “which for your life you cannot make good.” Alarmed at the probable consequences of dissension at such a moment, David reluctantly yielded the point in dispute, and the post of honour in the approaching conflict was assigned to the men of Galloway.
One course yet held out a fair hope of success—a surprise—and David determined to make the attempt.[243]He ranged his army in four divisions, the Galwegians marching in the van, with all who claimed to share with them the honour of the first attack. The contingent from Cumberland and Teviotdale composed the second division, with the knights, archers, and men-at-arms under Prince Henry and Eustace Fitz-John, by whom the battle ought to have been commenced. Then followed the men of the Lothians, Lennox[244]and the Isles; whilst the kingin person brought up the rear with the Scots and Moraymen, and his own body-guard of English and Norman knights.
The morning of Monday the 22d of August favoured the design of the Scots. A dense fog hung over the country, and under cover of the mist the Scottish host rapidly advanced in unwonted order; for the commands of David were rigorous in prohibiting his men from firing the villages along their route, according to their usual practice. They had reached the Tees, and were already crossing, when they were accidentally discovered by an esquire, who galloped back to Thirsk, to warn the confederate barons of the rapid approach of the hostile army.[245]In the hope of yet averting the contest, perhaps also to gain time, Robert de Bruce and Bernard de Balliol,—names singularly associated as the emissaries of an English army to a Scottish king,—rode forward to hazard a last appeal, pledging themselves, in the joint name of the confederates, to obtain for Prince Henry the grant of Northumberland. Bruce, in particular, warned the king of the danger he was about to incur, in entering into a contest with the very men upon whose aid he most relied, for curbing the refractory Galwegians, or for repressing his own disaffected subjects; whilst, with tears in his eyes, he besought him to be mindful of his ancient friendship, and by accepting the conditions of peace, to put a stop to the frightful enormities of his followers. The easy and kindly nature of David was fast yielding to theentreaties of Bruce, who had been his friend from childhood, when William Fitz-Duncan, a man of high spirit and the chief promoter of the war, angrily interposed, and reproaching the latter with a breach of fealty to his lord, prevailed upon his uncle to break off the conference; on which the two barons, formally renouncing their allegiance to the Scottish king, turned their horses heads and rode back to share the fortunes of the confederate army.
The delay was fatal to the attempted surprise; for it gave time to the army of the barons to clear the town of Northallerton, and to take up a favourable position, two miles further to the northward, upon Cutton Moor. A ship’s mast, bearing upon its summit the consecrated host, and surrounded by the banners of St. Peter of York, St. John of Beverley, and St. Wilfred of Ripon, was elevated upon a waggon, and marked the centre of the army, around which were grouped dismounted knights and men-at-arms; whilst from the immediate neighbourhood of the sacred standard, Bishop Ralph and his priests dispensed blessings, and absolution, throughout the host. The front of the position was covered by a line of archers, with a body of men-at-arms in support; all the horses were then removed to the rear under the charge of a mounted guard; and the remainder of the English forces—townsmen, apparently, and the array of the county—were ranged around the real strength of the army in the centre.[246]
Levelling their spears, long the national weapon of the Scottish infantry, and with wild cries of Albanach! Albanach! the ancientsloganof the warriorsof the north, the first division of the assailants rushed to the charge; and such was the impetuosity of their onset, that the front ranks of the English reeled beneath the shock, and were borne back in confusion upon the dismounted knights around the standard. But then came to pass all that David had anticipated, and the unprotected lines of Scottish spearmen recoiled, and were dashed back like breakers from off a reef, before the steady discipline of that animated wall of iron. Broken, but not discouraged, they cast aside their fractured and useless lances, and, with drawn swords, once more flung themselves, with reckless valour, upon the foe: but the front ranks of the English had now rallied, and, from behind their dismounted comrades, the archers poured in a storm of arrows, those fatal Norman weapons which won so many a field for England in the days of old. Unsheltered from the shower of missiles by any defensive armour, rank after rank of the assailants went down before the English bowmen, the best and bravest of their leaders falling in fruitless efforts to penetrate the fatal line; and already the attack was slackening, when Prince Henry brought his mounted division into the battle, and the Norman chivalry of Scotland, with the disciplined retainers of Eustace Fitz-John, bore down with levelled lances to the charge. His success was complete. That part of the English army which sustained the shock, was ridden down and swept from the field; and the prince, elated with his easy triumph, and imagining that the whole Scottish army was pressing on in support, wheeled round in the rear of the English position to complete a victory not yet achieved, and charging the mounted guard left to protect the horses, broke and pursued them formany miles. His error was fatal; for the critical moment of the day had arrived, and the English were rapidly giving way, none holding their ground except the veteran phalanx in the centre, when suddenly a gory head was raised aloft, and the voice of one who was never subsequently recognized, loudly proclaimed that the king of Scotland was slain. More than once has such a cry turned the fortune of the day against a brave, but undisciplined, army. Upon the field of Assingdon it won the realm of England for Canute; at Hastings it all but wrested the same prize from the Norman William, though he led the flower of Europe to the field; and it decided the day upon Cutton Moor in favour of the confederate army. No longer pressed by the division of Prince Henry, the English rallied at the cry; and the Galwegians, who for two hours had prolonged their attack with desperate and unflinching courage, until the last of their chieftains fell beneath an English arrow, panic stricken at their loss, turned and fled the field; whilst the confederates, promptly taking advantage of the confusion, advanced at once to the charge. The Saxons of the Lothians broke at the first onset; and though David, leaping from his horse, and placing himself at the head of the reserve, bravely endeavoured to stem the advance of the enemy, the Scots wavered and were carried away in the rout; whilst the king, maddened at the thought of defeat, refused to fly until he was forced off the field by his own body-guard. High above his head still fluttered the ancient Dragon of Wessex, contradicting the report of his death, and numbers who had been swept away in the first confusion of the flight, disengaging themselves from the crowd of fugitives, and rallying around the banner of theirking, presented a formidable front to the advancing foe. The foremost of the pursuers were either cut down or captured, and the rest soon gave up following the Scottish army, which, without further molestation, retreated in perfect order to Carlisle.[247]
The losses of the Scots upon this memorable occasion were estimated at ten thousand men, a number probably exaggerated, together with all the plunder they had accumulated, the place where it was captured being long remembered as Baggage Moor. More perished in the flight than in the battle—and such was generally the case—for not only were the fugitives massacred by the exasperated peasantry, but whenever they came into contact with each other, Angles, Scots, and Picts of Galloway fought with all the animosity of mutual hatred. The victors, deprived of their horses by Prince Henry’s charge, could make no attempt at following up their success: so, separating with mutual congratulations, they dispatched intelligence of their victory to Stephen, who, in acknowledgment of their important services, raised two of their number to the dignity of earls; Robert Ferrers obtaining the Earldom ofDerbyshire, whilst that of Yorkshire was conferred upon William Albemarle.
The battle of Northallerton, long famous under the name of the battle of the Standard, adds but another to the many bitter proofs, that an army without discipline is simply a disorderly mob. The discordant elements of the Scottish nation were naturally averse to coalesce; whilst the custom of “Scottish service,” which bound every man to attend “the hosting across the frontier,”[248]swelled the ranks of the army with a body of men, fierce and warlike indeed, and endued with that self-willed and recklesscourage which has on more than one occasion been their bane, but often indifferently armed, and as undisciplined as they were unruly. David, brought up amongst the Norman chivalry of the court of England, was well aware of the military character both of his own followers and of his opponents, and framed his plan of attack accordingly, the result of Prince Henry’s charge fully justifying his original decision; and when the fear of a mutiny at a most critical moment forced him to yield his better judgment, he rightly determined upon the sole course left open—a surprise. But in allowing Bruce and Balliol to gain time by parlying, thus confirming the character ascribed to him by Malmesbury, he committed a serious and fatal error, sacrificing every advantage he had already obtained, and enabling the confederates to clear the town of Northallerton, and receive the shock of his disorderly host in a favourable and well-chosen position, that ensured victory to the defending army.
Upon the third day after the arrival of the Scottish army at Carlisle, the anxiety of the king about his son was set at rest by the safe arrival of the prince. Henry, upon his return from his second charge, instead of meeting, as he had expected, with a victorious army, beheld the royal standard slowly retiring in the distance, and at once comprehending the catastrophe, arranged with his companions to mingle with the pursuers and endeavour if possible to rejoin the king. In order to prevent recognition, they agreed to disperse in different directions, first divesting themselves of everything that could betray their real character; so that out of two hundred knights originally in attendance upon the prince, only nineteen entered Carlisle in armour. Other fugitives reached the same place by degrees, andthe king busied himself in restoring discipline, and in punishing with severity all whom he deemed guilty of misconduct or defection. Heavy fines were levied upon the delinquents, who were also bound by oaths and hostages never again to desert the royal person in battle, and when order was in some measure restored, David once more led his army to the investment of Werk.[249]
He was still prosecuting the siege when he was informed of the approach of the Papal legate Alberic Bishop of Ostia, and hastened to meet him at Carlisle, with the clergy and nobility of his dominions.A. D. 1130.Eight years previously, upon the death of Honorius the Second, sixteen cardinals had declared for Innocent the Second, whilst the majority elected Peter of Leon under the name of Anacletus, who through the wealth of his father, a converted Jew, was enabled successfully to establish himself in Rome. Two princes alone adhered to the antipope, his own brother-in-law Roger Count of Sicily, who by this course converted his coronet into a crown, and David of Scotland, the reasons for whose conduct are not so easily apparent. Upon the death of Anacletus, which occurred in the beginning of this year, an attempt to continue the schism by electing another rival to Innocent, who took the name of Victor the Fourth, was rendered abortive by the speedy resignation of the ephemeral pope; Innocent returned without opposition to Rome, and it was principally to notify the extinction of the schism, that Alberic was dispatched as legate to the kings of England and Scotland.
A. D. 1138.
He arrived at Carlisle four days before Michaelmas, bringing with him the Scottish chancellor WilliamComyn, whom he had ransomed from his captors at Northallerton, and everything was satisfactorily arranged during the three following days. Eardulf was admitted to the see of Carlisle, and John was recalled to Glasgow from the monastery of Tiron, in which that determined absentee had taken refuge from the troublesome duties of his diocese;[250]whilst reparation was made by David, even before it was demanded, for the injuries sustained by the Priory of Hexham from an unauthorised foray of a party of the Scottish army,[251]and the wildest tribes promised to set their captives at liberty, and to abstain henceforth from indiscriminate slaughter. Still the benevolent Alberic was oppressed with anxiety, for during his progress through the north he had been an eyewitness of the frightful consequences of the ravages of the hostile armies. All Northumberland was a desert, no attempt was made at cultivation, nor was an inhabitant to be met with along the route which he had traversed. The barons with their retainers were shut up in their castles, the peasantry and their families crowded the monasteries, or lurked in the wildest and most inaccessible retreats. The good bishop, dreading a recurrence of such horrors, and feeling that his sacred office imposed more than the mere formal duties of his legateship, besought the king to accept of his mediation with Stephen, and thus to put an end to the miseries of the war. Long was David inexorable, until the representative of the haughtiest prelate of Christendom, kneelingbefore the king of Scotland as a humble suppliant for “peace upon earth,” prevailed so far that a truce was arranged to last until St. Martin’s day, from the benefit of which the garrison of Werk was alone to be excepted; and Alberic, departing from Carlisle upon Michaelmas day, retraced his steps towards the court of Stephen, in the true character of a Christian bishop, as the bearer of a message of peace.[252]
The castle of Werk still held out, though David, having ascertained that its defenders were short of provisions, continued to press the siege with unabated rigour. But Jordan de Bussy was indomitable. The horses of the garrison yet survived, and he was determined that they should be sacrificed one by one to enable their masters to continue their stubborn resistance, proposing, when this last resource failed, to make a desperate sally in the all but hopeless attempt to cut his way through the besieging army. From this last alternative he was saved, for when his stock of provisions was reduced to two horses, one alive and the otherin salt, the abbot of Rievaulx arrived, with the commands of Walter Espec to surrender the castle; and David, in a spirit of knightly courtesy that does him credit, provided this gallant little garrison, twenty-four in number, with fresh horses, and permitted them to depart with their arms, and all the honours of war.[253]
Much about the same time arrangements were concluded for the settlement of a firm and lasting peace between the two kings. Alberic had not been unmindful of his mission of peace, and, after the conclusion of the council of London, he pressed uponStephen the necessity of putting a stop to the horrors of the northern war. At first the English king showed as decided an aversion to conclude a peace as his antagonist, and his exasperation was encouraged by a numerous party amongst his barons, who burned to avenge themselves for their losses. But Alberic soon found that he possessed an ally whose influence more than counterbalanced that of the war party, in Matilda the queen of Stephen, who was warmly attached to her uncle and cousin, and most anxious to promote a friendly feeling between her Scottish kinsmen and her husband. She joined her entreaties to those of the legate, who, rightly appreciating the value of such support, hesitated not to return to Rome long before the truce expired, in the full conviction that his benevolent object was attained.[254]A. D.1139.Nor were his anticipations destined to be falsified, and as Stephen left the whole conduct of the negotiation in the hands of his queen, in the following April she repaired to Durham for the purpose of meeting her cousin Henry. Neither of the kings were present upon this occasion,—indeed they never appear to have met,—but the conditions of the peace had been already settled, and it had been decided that Henry was to receive investiture of Northumberland in addition to his other fiefs, the barons of the shire holding of the Scottish prince, saving their fidelity to Stephen. The English king, however, continued to retain Newcastle and Bamborough in his own possession, for which an equivalent was to be provided in the south of England—Henry on his side guaranteeing to preserve unaltered throughout his new fiefs, “the laws and customs” of the late king Henry, and to respect therights of the Archbishop of York and of the Bishop of Durham. The barons of Northumberland then swore fealty to their new Earl, who, delivering up the sons of five of the principal nobles of Scotland as hostages for the due performance of his part of the agreement, accompanied the queen upon her return to the south, when the treaty was confirmed by Stephen at Nottingham.[255]
During the whole of the following summer Henry remained in England, sedulously courting popularity by his lavish munificence and gallant bearing—qualities so acceptable to the Norman chivalry of the age. He accompanied Stephen to the siege of Ludlow Castle, narrowly escaping capture on this occasion; for, on approaching too closely to the walls, he was unhorsed by a hook suddenly launched from the battlements, owing his rescue solely to the prompt and daring gallantry of the king. In the course of the same year he was united to Ada de Warenne, the youngest daughter of the great earl of that name; and as the bride’s family were staunch adherents of the cause of Stephen, and the Scottish prince, bound by no ties to the empress, was probably far more attached to the amiable character of Queen Matilda—whose influence seems traceable in the marriage—than to her haughty and imperious cousin, the arrival of the latter in England with the Earl of Gloucester, appears to have produced no interruption of cordiality between Henry and the English king. He was again present with his countess at the English court in thefollowing year,A. D. 1140.in spite of the civil war then raging, barely escaping, on his return to Scotland, the machinations of his ancient enemy the Earl of Chester, the grant of Carlisle being once more the cause of their quarrel. Ranulph, tempted by the prevailing anarchy, had planned the seizure of Henry and the Countess Ada, counting probably upon extorting, as their ransom, a surrender of the coveted fief; but the queen, anticipating his design, warned Stephen of the danger, who, in accordance with her suggestions, escorted his guests in person to the north, thus frustrating the intentions of Ranulph, but, by so doing, drawing upon himself the hatred of that fickle and revengeful baron.[256]