FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:1The Reverend Henry Tollin, Pastor of the French Protestant Church, of Magdeburg, who has made the life and works of Servetus the particular subject of his studies for many years, inclines to Tudela as the place, and 1511 as the year, of Servetus’s birth. See his ‘Servet’s Kindheit und Jugend’ in Kahnis’Zeitschrift für die Historische Theologie. Jahrg. 1875, S. 545.2VideTollin: ‘Servet’s Kindheit und Jugend,’ in Kahnis’Zeitschrift für die Historische Theologie, 1875, S. 557. We have, however, searched in vain for any evidence of Angleria’s presence in Saragossa at any time, even as a casual resident. In his comprehensive and highly entertaining work, the ‘Opus Epistolarum,’ we find letters of his from Valladolid, Burgos, Vittoria, Madrid, and elsewhere, but not one from Saragossa during the years covered by Servetus’s stay at the university, according to Tollin.3Tollin (Toulouser Studenten-Leben im Anfang des 16ten Jahrhunderts), in Riehl’sHistorisches Taschenbuch von 1874, S. 76, speaks as if he had been present with Servetus at Toulouse; accompanied him over the St. Michael’s bridge that spanned the Garonne; beheld the iron cage suspended from its balk above the river for ducking heretics until they died; looked on at the religious processions that filed incessantly through the streets, etc.4McCrie’sHist. of the Reformation in Spain.5The last edition of Sabunde we have seen is neat and available, ‘curante Joachim Sighart,’ Solisbach. 1852, 8vo. It is unfortunately without the Prologue.6There is a copy of what we believe to be the second edition of Sabunde, fol. Argentorat. 1495, in the British Museum, over which we spent some hours with much delight. Also a copy of Montaigne’s translation, beautifully printed, and in fine preservation.—8vo. Paris, 1569.7Tollin: ‘Die Beichtväter Kaiser Karls V.;’ inMagazin für die Literatur des Auslandes, April, Mai, 1874. A series of three short papers, but of surpassing interest, to which we are happy to refer.8Robertson,History of Charles V., vol. ii. book v. p. 40.9‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ p. 462.10Dialogi de Trinitate II., ad calcem (1532). ‘Ce n’est point par des réticences hypocrites qu’on fait durer un jour de plus une croyance qui a fait son temps. Toute opinion librement conçue est bonne et morale pour celui qui l’a conçue. De toutes parts on arrive à résumer la législation extérieure de la Religion en un seul mot:Liberté.’ Renan, ‘Fragments philosophiques,’ 1876.11By Tollin, who makes him visit Luther at Coburg, in company with Bucer. See hisLuther und Servet, eine Quellenstudie. 8vo. Berlin, 1875.12Cochlæus,De Actis et Scriptis Martini Luther, p. 233, fol. Mogunt. 1549.13Tollin,Die Beichtväter Karls V., S. 261.14Jo. Œcolampadii et Huldrici Zwinglii Epist.Lib. iv. Basil, 1536, fol.15Op. cit. ut supra.16Sandius,Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum, 12mo. Freistadt. 1684.17Tollin inMagazin für ausländische Literatur, Juni 10, 1876.18Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii.Basil. 1535, fol.19Vom Ampt der Oberkait in Sachen der Religion. Ain Bericht auss götlicher Schrüft des hailigen alten Lerers und Bischoffs Augustini, &c.4to. Augsb. 1535.20Luther’s Werke by Walch, vol. xxii.21Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum.22Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum.Ep. ad Camerarium.23Conf. H. Tollin,Melanchthon und Servet, eine Quellenstudie. 8vo. Berlin, 1876, pp. 9-31.24Ep. ad Camerar. apud Bretschneider, ut sup.25It is upon this passage, which we translate and interpret somewhat differently from Tollin, that he grounds his statement of Servetus having come into contact with Luther; a presumed meeting of which we fail to find a trace in any contemporary document. See Tollin’sDr. M. Luther und Dr. M. Servetus—Eine Quellenstudie. 8vo. Berlin, 1875.26Epistolæ ab Ecclesiæ Helveticæ Reformatoribus, a Jo. Fueselino editæ.8vo. Tigur., 1742.27‘E noi non cercano la Divinità fuor del Infinito Mondo e le Infinite Cose, ma dentro questo et in quelle’ (1585).Opere di Giordano Bruno, da Dottore Adolpho Wagner, i. 275. Lips. 1830.28‘Natur hat weder Kern noch Schale:Sie ist das All mit einem Male.’Nor core nor husk in nature see:The All and All in One is she.Im Innern ist ein Universum auch;Daher der Völker löblicher Gebrauch,Ein jeglicher das Beste das er kennetEr Gott—ja seinen Gott—benennet.—Goethe.Which may be rendered somewhat literally thus:—Within there is an Universum too;Whence the folks’ custom, good and true,That each the Best he knows of all,He God—his God, indeed—doth call.29‘Der alte und der neue Glaube.’ All Theists agree in this: that God is One, Changeless, and Eternal. But God without the Universe would not be the same as God with the Universe; whence the conclusion that God and the Universe can only be conceived of as correlatives. Seeing the impossibility of dissevering Property from the Object in which it inheres, the modern philosopher discards hypothetical agencies, under the name of Spirits, of every kind; from the all-pervading force that keeps suns and planets in their spheres, to such special agencies as those of brain and nerve. Servetus, we have seen, had himself got the length of saying that out of man there was no Holy Spirit.30To Calvin God was no other than the Immanent Pantheistic principle of Modern Philosophy: ‘Ubique diffusus, omnia sustinet, vegetat et vivificat in cœlo et in terra—everywhere diffused, he gives life and growth and continuance to all things in heaven and earth.’ These are his words. He then goes on to say: ‘Fateor quidem pie hoc posse dici, modo a pio animo proficiscatur,Naturam esse Deum—I own, indeed, that provided we speak reverently it may be said thatNature is God.’ As this would be a ‘hard and inappropriate expression,’ however, and as in using it ‘God is confounded with his works,’ he thinks it is objectionable.Institut. Religionis Christianæ, I. iv. 14, and I. v. 5 of an early edition.31Newspaper report of a Sermon preached by Dean Stanley on Christmas day, 1875.32At the end of the copy of the ‘De Trin. Error.,’ which Alwörden describes in hisHistoria Michaelis Serveti, now in the National Library at Paris, there is a MS.Refutationof the views of the writer, which Tollin ascribes with great show of probability to Bucer, who, as we know, was personally acquainted with Servetus. Of this Refutation (Confutatio) Tollin has given an extended analysis inRiehm und Köstlin’s Theologische Studien und Kritiken für 1875, S. 711.33Conf.Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii. Basil, 1592.34Dialogi de Trinitate, 12mo. (1532), in the same form and type as theDe Erroribus, and still without the name of the publisher or place of publication.35Servetus’sDe Trinitatis Erroribusis generally believed to be one of the rare books, yet it is commonly enough met with in England. So long ago as the year 1725, however, a copy bound with theDialogisold for the large sum of between four and five hundred French livres. There is a counterfeit edition published in Holland, and only to be distinguished from the original by the paper being somewhat better and the type a shade larger. The Book was never, in so far as we know, publicly condemned and burned. It was translated into Dutch (4to. 1620) with the epigraph: Prœft alle Dingen ende behout het gœde, 1 John iv.36‘Claudii Ptolemæi Alexandrini Geographicæ Enarrationis Libri Octo; ex Bilibaldi Pirckhemeri Tralatione, sed ad Græca et prisca exemplaria a Michaele Villanovano jam primum recogniti. Adjecta insuper ab eodem Scholia,’ etc. Lugduni, ex Officina Melch. et Gasp. Trechsel, 1535. Fol.37Accipe non noti præclara volumina mundi,Oceani et magnas noscito lector opes.Plurima debetur typhis tibi gratia, gentesIgnotas, et aves quas vehis orbe novo;Magna quoque autori referenda et gratia nostroQui facit hæc cunctis regna videnda locis.38Tollin has collected a great deal of very interesting information on Servetus’s geographical studies, in his paper entitled ‘Michel Servet als Geograph,’ in theZeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde, 1875, S. 182 et seq.39Quoted by Tollin in his Essays: ‘Wie Servet ein Mediciner wurde,’ in Goschen’sDeutsche Klinik, No. 8, 1875; and ‘Servet und Symphorien Champier,’ in Virchow’sArchiv für pathologische Anatomie, Bd. 61. Berlin, 1875.40Paradoxorum Medicinæ, Libri iii., fol. Basil. 1535.41InLeonhardum Fuchsium Defensio Apologetica, pro Symphoriano Campeggio.42Disceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia.I have searched the libraries of London in vain for either of these Treatises of Servetus. That the one addressed to Fuchs once existed among us, however, is certain; for its title is to be seen in the catalogue of Dr. Williams’s Library (Grafton Street, University College); but unfortunately the work is not now to be found—it had disappeared before the present Librarian, Dr. Hunter, came into office. Mosheim went so far as to maintain that the Defence of Champier was a myth (Versuch, &c., einer Ketzergeschichte, S. 72), and Dr. de Murr, though he did not question its existence, never saw it. (In Bibliothecas Hallerianas additamenta, 4to. Helmst.) The Rev. Henri Tollin of Magdeburg has been more fortunate; for he has not only seen but actually possesses copies of both the Apologetic defences, as well as a copy of the pamphlet against the Parisian Doctors, if I understand him aright. In a letter with which I was lately favoured, he informs me that he intends to publish the more interesting passages from the Defence of Champier, and the entire Tract on Judicial Astrology.43‘Qua in re auxiliarios habui, primum Andreum Vesalium, juvenem Mehercule! in Anatome diligentissimum; post hunc, Michael Villanovanus familiariter mihi in consectionibus adhibitus est, vir omni genere literarum ornatissimus, in Galeni doctrina vix ulli secundus. Horum duorum præsidio atque opera, tum artuum, tum aliarum partium exteriorum, musculos omnes, venas, arterias et nervos in ipsis corporibus examinavi studiosisque ostendi.’Io. Guinteri Institutionum Anatomicarum, Lib. iv., 4to. Basil, 1539.44The reader who is curious on this matter will find what I believe to be the first representation of the anatomist engaged in dissecting the human body in theFasciculus Medicinæ of Io. à Ketham, fol. Venet. 1495, of which there is a copy in fine preservation in the library of the Royal College of Surgeons.45Syruporum universa Ratio ad Galeni censuram diligenter exposita; cui, post integram de Concoctione disceptationem, præscripta est vera purgandi methodus, cum expositione Aphorismi: Concocta medicari.Michaele Villanovano Authore.Πρὸς τὸν φιλιατρον. εύροα ποιήσον τατεσώματατατεπεπανων Ωμὰ Χυμων, ταυτης δογματα ἴσθι βιθλιου.Parisiisex officino Simonis Colinæi. [1537].46Syr. Universa Ratio, fol. 9.47Doubtless theDisceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia.48See Landseer’sSabæan Researches, 4to. London.49VideDe Murr,Annotamenta ad Bibliothecas Hallerianas, 4to. Helmstadt, 1805. Since this was written I have an interesting letter from Pastor Tollin, in which he informs me that he actually possesses a copy of the pamphlet!50Bolsec,Vie de Calvin, 12mo. Paris, 1557.51The title is the same as before. In addition to the old address to his reader, however, Villeneuve now appends these lines:—Ad Eundem.Si terras et regna hominum, si ingentia quæqueFlumina, cœruleum si mare nôsse juvat,Si montes, si urbes, populos opibusque superbos,Huc ades, hæc oculis prospice cuncta tuis.Which may be paraphrased thus:—This world and all its kingdoms wouldst thou know,What mighty rivers to blue oceans flow,What mountains rise, what cities grace the lands,Thick-peopled, rich through toil of busy hands,——If for such lore thou hast a mind to call,Open this book, and there survey it all.52Vie de Calvin, &c.53This, the second edition of Villanovanus’s Ptolemy, is one of the very rare books. All of the impression that could be discovered when Servetus was burned in effigy at Vienne, along with hisChristianismi Restitutio, appears to have been seized and committed to the flames. I find both editions in the library of the British Museum.54Habes in hoc Libro, prudens Lector, utriusque Instrumenti novam Tralationem editam a Reverendo sacræ theologiæ Doctore Sancte Pagnini.Lugdun. 1527-28, fol. Such is the title of this, which we presume to be the first edition of Pagnini’s Bible. Between it and the one of Cologne of 1541, edited by Melchior Novesianus, we find no other until we come to that of Villanovanus. Pagnini is said in the letter of J. F. Pico de Mirandola, which precedes the text, to have been twenty-five years engaged on the work. It is accompanied by no fewer than two commendatory epistles from Popes Adrian VI. and Clement VII., and is said to be the first edition of the Bible that is found divided into chapters. Richard Simon (Hist. du vieux Testament, liv. ii.) speaks slightingly of its merits; but it has been highly prized by others, as good judges as he. To us it appears a very admirable version, our own English Bible being generally so like it, that we fancy it must have been used by our Translators.55Sandius,Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum.56Neue Nachrichten, etc. Helmst. 1750, 4to., S. 89-90.57‘Servetus nuper ad me scripsit, ac literas adjunxit longum volumen suorum deliriorum, cum thrasonica jactantia, dicens me stupenda et hactenus inaudita visurum. Si mihi placeat, huc se venturum recepit. Sed nolo fidem meam interponere. Nam si venerit, modo valeat mea authoritas, vivum exire nunquam patiar.’ Calvin to Farel, dated Ides of February, 1546. From the original letter in the Paris Library; a certified copy, published by Paul Henry in hisLeben Johann Calvins, 3ter. Band; Beilagen, S. 65; from which the above paragraph is transcribed.58Cont. Bolsec (Hieron. Hermes), Docteur Médecin à Lyon:Histoire de la Vie, Mœurs, Actes, Doctrine, Constance et Mort de Jean Calvin, Grand Ministre à Genève. Paris 1577, 12mo. Also in Latin, but of later date—Vita Calvini, &c.59It is a capital mistake to suppose, as Mosheim and others have done, that theChristianismi Restitutiowas ever exposed for sale, or readily to be had either at Geneva or elsewhere. It cannot be shown that more than four or five copies at most of the book ever left the bales in which the whole impression was packed. There was,first, the copy sent, as I venture to think, by Servetus through Frelon to Calvin, which led to the arrest and trial at Vienne.Second, the copy taken from the five bales seized at Lyons for the use of the Inquisitor Ory.Third, the copy transmitted for their inspection to the Swiss Churches and Councils.Fourth, the copy given to Colladon by way of Brief by Calvin, with the passages underscored, on which Servetus was finally arraigned and condemned. AndFifth, the copy which we find Calvin sending to Bullinger at his request. Of these copies one may even have served two ends: after making the round of the Churches and coming again into Calvin’s hands, it may very well have been that which he despatched to Bullinger. That the book was not to be had immediately after the execution of Servetus is proved conclusively by what Sebastian Castellio, the accredited author of the work entitled,Contra Libellum Calvini, says on the subject:He had not been able to obtain a sight of Servetus’s book, so as to inform himself of what he writes, Calvin having taken such pains to have it burned—‘cum Serveti libros, quippe combustos diligentia Calvini, non habeam, ut ex iis possem videre quid scriberet.’TheChristianismi Restitutio, in fact, remained completely unknown in the Republic of Letters until its existence was proclaimed by Wotton in hisReflections on Learning, Ancient and Modern, in the year 1694 (all but a century and a half after the death of its author), by the publication of the passage on the pulmonary circulation, extracted, we must conclude, from the copy that was then in England, and subsequently became, if it were not already, the property of Dr. Meade—the identical copy with the name on the title-page of Germain Colladon, the advocate who prosecuted Servetus at the instance of Calvin, now in the national library of Paris.60The title of the original, in full, is as follows:—Christianismi Restitutio.Totius Ecclesiæ Apostolicæ est ad sua limina vocatio, in Integrum Restituta Cognitione Dei, Fidei Christi, Justificationis nostræ, Regenerationis Baptismi, et Cœnæ Domini Manducationis Restitutio denique nobis Regno Cœlesti, Babylonis impia Captivitate soluta, et Antichristo cum suis penitus destructo.בעת ההיא יעמוד מיכאר השׂרκαὶ ὲγένετο πόλεμος ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ.MDLIII.61‘Whose soever sins ye remit,’ etc., John, xx. 23—writing added to the original text, beyond doubt, and dating from long after the time of Jesus, when the Church had acquired a status and was looking for power.62It were beyond the scope of my work to pursue this subject further; but let me say that having compared the first edition of the ‘Loci’ (1521) with the one of 1536 and others, of which there are copies in the British Museum Library, I find it impossible to overlook the influence of Servetus on Melanchthon, as of Melanchthon on Servetus. For fuller information the reader is referred to Tollin’s exhaustive,Philip Melanchthon und Michael Servet, eine Quellenstudie. 8vo. 1876.63For some account of the existing copies of theChristianismi Restitutio, see the Appendix to this book.64It may be well to remark on the confusion in the notice of thevolumeor book which in Trie’s second letter, as we read it, is said to have been sent among other documents, twenty-four in number; whilst in his third epistle he regrets thatthe volumecannot be forwarded at the moment, because of its having been lent two years ago to a friend of Calvin, resident in Lausanne. The ‘great book’ first sent may have been the copy of Calvin’s ‘Institutes,’ annotated on the margins by Servetus; a conclusion that is borne out by the reference, by and by made in the impending trial, towards the end of the first day’s proceedings, to pages 421-424, where Baptism is the subject treated. The volume that cannot be forwarded at the time, because it had been lent to some one in Lausanne, is certainly the MS. copy of the ‘Restitutio Christianismi,’ sent by Servetus to Calvin some years before for his strictures, which he could never get returned, Calvin having lent it to Viret of Lausanne, and grown careless to take so much notice of the writer as would have been implied in recovering and returning him his work.65They were leaves from theInstitutionsof Calvin, with annotations by Servetus.66Chorier,Etat politique de Dauphiné, tome i., p. 335, quoted by D’Artigny.67Calvin to Farel, Book I., p. 169.68Who loves not woman, wine, and song,A fool is he his life-time long.69Lucii Annæi Senecæ De Clementia Libri Tres, Paris, 1532. The work was published by Calvin at his own expense, as a warning, unquestionably against persecution on religious grounds. It is of great rarity in its original shape, but is reprinted in the Geneva Edition of hisOpera Minoraof the year 1597.Seneca on Clemencyis also to be found translated into English: ‘Lucius Annæus Seneca, his first Book of Clemency, written to Nero Cæsar,’ Lond. 1553. The sentence quoted above and commented by the French editor is rendered by the English translator briefly but not unhappily thus:For it doth rather cowardice appearThan clemency an injury in mind to bear:’Tis he in whose command revenge doth lieThat’s merciful if he do pass it by.70Thesaur. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss, v. 450.71Thes. Ep. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss, v. 577.72Conf. Mosheim, op. cit. Beylagen. S. 255.73Thes. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss, v. 591.74Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy, p. 357, in ed. of collected minor works in French.75Mém. de la Société d’histoire et d’Archéologie de Genève, tom iii., 1844.76Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy; original ed., p. 354. Let us reiterate that Servetus spoke truly when he said that the comment on Palestine was none of his. We have already said that it is copied without change of a word from the Ptolemy of Pirckheimer. We add further that the scholium of the German editor was not challenged by Erasmus, Melanchthon, or Œcolampadius, who seem all to have corresponded with Pirckheimer on his edition. (VideTollin, inZeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin. Bd. für 1875.) It was only, therefore, when the comment came to be looked at through the distorting medium of personal enmity that it was seen as libelling Moses and outraging the Holy Ghost.77Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy.78See a letter of Jo. Haller to H. Bullinger, quoted farther on.79Compare Galiffe inMém. de l’Institut National Genevois, 1862, p. 75.80The documents connected with the case of Bolsec must, we apprehend, have been communicated to Servetus. He often uses the same words as his predecessor in Calvin’s displeasure; and imitates him also in the desire he expresses to have Calvin interrogated and put on his trial for certain matters especially interesting to himself.81There is in fact a minute in theRecords of Genevaof a formal requisition made by Farel on October 30, and so three days after the execution of Servetus, to have Wm. Geroult summoned to appear and give an account of himself to the Council. The Lieutenant-Criminel, Tissot, had even, as it seems, been charged with the business of making the necessary inquiries preliminary to the institution of a criminal suit. But we find no mention of any further step being taken in the matter. The civil authorities, with three days for reflection, probably thought that enough, more than enough perhaps, had already been done by the burning of the principal offender.82By the writer of theDialogus inter Vaticanum et Calvinum.83Fidelis Refutatio, andDéclaration pour maintenir, &c.84From theCriminal Records, first published by Mosheim, op. cit. Beylagen, S. 414.85In the summary of the trial given by Trechsel86from the archives of Berne, the articles now brought forward by Rigot, and the questions founded on them, are in the handwriting of the amanuensis usually employed by Calvin to make copies of his letters and papers; and beyond question were all dictated by Calvin himself. He perceived that he could trust Rigot no further without risk of failure, and so resumed the position he had taken with Trie, his servant Fontaine, and even in person, as we have seen.86Die Antitrinitarier: Michel Servet und seine Vorgänger, S. 307.87Conf.Chr. Rest.pp. 433 and 655, and Ep. 29 to Calvin.88Videpp. 34, 48, Book I.89Herniosus ab utero Servetus dicit se uno latereresectumfuisse, ad lævandam infirmitatem. Uno oculo amisso, attamen, non ideo cæcus homo; neque teste uno ablato impollens.90The letter of the Council of Geneva and the reply of the authorities of Vienne are published in the new ed. of Calvin by Cünitz and Reuss, vol. xiv.91Conf.De Trin. Error.fol. 93.92First under Calvin with Nicolas de la Fontaine as his agent; then under Colladon engaged by Calvin; next under Rigot as public prosecutor and now under Calvin and the Swiss Churches.93Here is what Servetus says on this subject, in connection with the Sabellian or Patripassian heresy, in his earlier work: As the proper passion of the flesh is to be born, so is it the proper passion of the flesh to suffer, to be scourged, to be crucified, to die. But all this does not touch the spirit, for it is not the soul that suffers or that dies, but the body. Who so profane as to imagine that the angel in me dies although I die? (De Trinitatis Erroribus, f. 76, b.)94From Mosheim’sNeue Nachrichten, Beilagen, S. 102, copied from the archives of the Church of Zürich.95Bullinger’s letter bears date from Zürich, Sep. 14, 1553, and is printed in Calvin’s correspondence by Cünitz and Reuss.96The letter is given at length in theThes. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss, v. 591.97Calvin to Bullinger, April 21, 1555, inEpist. Calvini, 8vo. Hanov. 1597.98Vue le sommaire du procés de Michel Servet, prisonnier, le rapport de ceux, esquel on a consultez, et considéré les grands erreurs et blasfémes—Est este arreté: Il soyt condamné à estre mené a Champel, et la brulez tout vivfz, et soyt exequeté a demain, et ses livres bruslés.99Defensio Orthodoxæ Fidei, &c.100Calvin only took letters of naturalisation as a citizen of Geneva four years before his death in 1564, eleven years after the death of Servetus.101See the Confession in full, in Cünitz and Reuss’s edit. of theOpera Calvini, viii. 704.102De Voce Trinitate et Voce Persona.103Quoniam voces istas Trinitatis et Personarum plurimum Ecclesiæ Christi commodare intelligimus, ut et vera Patris, Filii et Spiritus Sancti distinctio clarius exprimatur, et contentiosis controversiis melius occurratur, ab his usque adeo non abhorremus, ut libenter amplexemur, sive ex aliis audiendæ sive a nobis usurpandæ sint. Itaque quod antea a nobis factum est, in posterum quoque operam daturos, quoad licebit recipimus, ne earum usus in Ecclesiis nostris aboleatur. Nam neque ab iis inter scribendum, vel in Scripturæ ennarrationibus in concionibus ad populum, abstinebimus ipsi, et alios docebimus ne superstitiose refugiant. Si quis autem, præpostera religione, teneatur quominus eas usurpare libenter ausit, quanquam ejusmodi superstitionem nobis non probari testamur, cui corrigendæ non sit defuturum nostrum studium; quia tamen non videtur nobis hæc satis firma causa cur vir alioqui pius et in eandem religionem nobis sensu consentiens repudietur, ejus imperitiam hac in parte eatenus feremus ne abjiciamus ipsum ab Ecclesia, aut tanquam male sentientem de fide notemus. Neque, interim maligne interpretabimur si Bernensis Ecclesiæ Pastores eos ad verbi ministerium admittere non sustineant quos comperint voces istas aspernari.103Op. sup. cit. viii. p. 707.104Fidelis expositio Errorum Michaelis Serveti, &c.105These words I have, however, since found quoted by Henry:Leben Calvins, i. 181, and by Kampschulte,Johann Calvin, i. 297.106Fuessli, Epistolæ ab Ecclesia Helvet. Reformatoribus.8vo. Tigur. 1748.107Calvini Epist. et Respons.108The full titles are these: Déclaration pour maintenir la vraye Foy que tiennent tous Chrétiens de la Trinité des Personnes en un seul Dieu. Par Jean Calvin. Contre les Erreurs de Michel Servet, Espaignol; où il est aussi monstré qu’il est licite de punir les heretiques; et qu’a bon droit ce meschant à esté executé par justice en la Ville de Genève. Chez Jean Crespin. A Genève, 1554, p. 356. 8vo.Defensio orthodoxæ fidei de sacra Trinitate contra prodigiosos errores Michaelis Serveti, Hispani; ubi ostenditur hæreticos jure gladii coercendos, et nominatim de homine hoc, tam impio, justè et merito sumptum Genevæ fuisse supplicium, per Johannem Calvinum. Apud Olivum Roberti Stephani, 1554, p. 262. 8vo. Both of the versions are subscribed by all the Genevese clergy, and though they differ somewhat in minute particulars, they agree in everything essential. We have fine copies of both originals in our national Library.109For a more particular account of Calvin’s severities, the reader is referred to a paper by M. Galiffe in theMémoires de l’Institut National de Genèvefor 1862, p. 79. But torture was an old institution in Geneva, and Servetus is said only to have escaped the rack on the remonstrance of Vandel, one of the senators of the libertine party. In older days we read of one Postel, who, failing to answer so satisfactorily as was desired when cited before the Roman Catholic bishop and his court, for some offence, was ‘suspended by the rope’—by the wrists we believe. A first suspension, however, not proving effectual, a second was ordered; but it being now dinner time, the culprit was suspended a second time whilst his lordship the bishop dined! In more recent times, and under Calvin’s rule, a certain Billiard, having been guilty of jeering at the thunder and lightning during a terrible storm, whilst the inhabitants of Geneva generally were on their knees praying to God for mercy, was adjudged to be lashed by the common hangman at the tail of a cart through the streets of the city! Germain Colladon declared that he deserved death; but as he had a wife and family they might be content with the scourging!110Em. Saisset: Michel Servet comme philosophe. In Mélanges de Critique et d’ Histoire.12mo., Paris, 1865.111First printed by Mosheim from the autograph, in hisNeue Nachrichten von dem berühmten Spanischen Aertzte Michael Serveto, Beilagen, S. 106. 8vo., Helmst. 1750.112Corpus Reform. Ep. Melanch. ad An., 1554.113Comment. inActa Apostol. ad Regem Daniæ.114Institutiones Religionis Christ.Lib. i. Cap. 2, of the earlier editions.115Joris’s able letter in low German is given by Mosheim, op. cit., p. 421.116The proper title of this rare book, of which we have a copy in the library of the British Museum is:De Hæreticis an sint persequendi et omnino quomodo sit cum eis agendum, doctorum virorum, tum veterum tum recentiorum, sententiæ, &c. The opinions of the learned, both of ancient and modern times, concerning heretics: Are they to be persecuted; or how otherwise are they to be dealt with? A book most necessary and useful in these distracted times to sovereign princes and magistrates in dealing with a matter of such difficulty and danger. 12mo., Magdeburgh, 1554.117Contra libellum Calvini quo ostendere conetur hæreticos jure gladii coercendos esse.S. L. [1554]. Of this rare book I have not met with an original copy; but there is the reprint (after 1602) in the Brit. Mus. Library.118Conf.Fuessli: Sebastian Castellio, eine Lebensgeschichte zur Erläuterung der Reformation. 8vo. Zürich und Leipz. 1767.119Mini Celsi Senensis de Hæreticis capitali supplicio afficientibus; adjuncta sunt Theod. Bezæ ejusdem argumenti et And. Duditii Epistolæ duæ contrariæ.8vo. s. L. 1584.120Ketzergeschichte, S. 301.

1The Reverend Henry Tollin, Pastor of the French Protestant Church, of Magdeburg, who has made the life and works of Servetus the particular subject of his studies for many years, inclines to Tudela as the place, and 1511 as the year, of Servetus’s birth. See his ‘Servet’s Kindheit und Jugend’ in Kahnis’Zeitschrift für die Historische Theologie. Jahrg. 1875, S. 545.

2VideTollin: ‘Servet’s Kindheit und Jugend,’ in Kahnis’Zeitschrift für die Historische Theologie, 1875, S. 557. We have, however, searched in vain for any evidence of Angleria’s presence in Saragossa at any time, even as a casual resident. In his comprehensive and highly entertaining work, the ‘Opus Epistolarum,’ we find letters of his from Valladolid, Burgos, Vittoria, Madrid, and elsewhere, but not one from Saragossa during the years covered by Servetus’s stay at the university, according to Tollin.

3Tollin (Toulouser Studenten-Leben im Anfang des 16ten Jahrhunderts), in Riehl’sHistorisches Taschenbuch von 1874, S. 76, speaks as if he had been present with Servetus at Toulouse; accompanied him over the St. Michael’s bridge that spanned the Garonne; beheld the iron cage suspended from its balk above the river for ducking heretics until they died; looked on at the religious processions that filed incessantly through the streets, etc.

4McCrie’sHist. of the Reformation in Spain.

5The last edition of Sabunde we have seen is neat and available, ‘curante Joachim Sighart,’ Solisbach. 1852, 8vo. It is unfortunately without the Prologue.

6There is a copy of what we believe to be the second edition of Sabunde, fol. Argentorat. 1495, in the British Museum, over which we spent some hours with much delight. Also a copy of Montaigne’s translation, beautifully printed, and in fine preservation.—8vo. Paris, 1569.

7Tollin: ‘Die Beichtväter Kaiser Karls V.;’ inMagazin für die Literatur des Auslandes, April, Mai, 1874. A series of three short papers, but of surpassing interest, to which we are happy to refer.

8Robertson,History of Charles V., vol. ii. book v. p. 40.

9‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ p. 462.

10Dialogi de Trinitate II., ad calcem (1532). ‘Ce n’est point par des réticences hypocrites qu’on fait durer un jour de plus une croyance qui a fait son temps. Toute opinion librement conçue est bonne et morale pour celui qui l’a conçue. De toutes parts on arrive à résumer la législation extérieure de la Religion en un seul mot:Liberté.’ Renan, ‘Fragments philosophiques,’ 1876.

11By Tollin, who makes him visit Luther at Coburg, in company with Bucer. See hisLuther und Servet, eine Quellenstudie. 8vo. Berlin, 1875.

12Cochlæus,De Actis et Scriptis Martini Luther, p. 233, fol. Mogunt. 1549.

13Tollin,Die Beichtväter Karls V., S. 261.

14Jo. Œcolampadii et Huldrici Zwinglii Epist.Lib. iv. Basil, 1536, fol.

15Op. cit. ut supra.

16Sandius,Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum, 12mo. Freistadt. 1684.

17Tollin inMagazin für ausländische Literatur, Juni 10, 1876.

18Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii.Basil. 1535, fol.

19Vom Ampt der Oberkait in Sachen der Religion. Ain Bericht auss götlicher Schrüft des hailigen alten Lerers und Bischoffs Augustini, &c.4to. Augsb. 1535.

20Luther’s Werke by Walch, vol. xxii.

21Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum.

22Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum.Ep. ad Camerarium.

23Conf. H. Tollin,Melanchthon und Servet, eine Quellenstudie. 8vo. Berlin, 1876, pp. 9-31.

24Ep. ad Camerar. apud Bretschneider, ut sup.

25It is upon this passage, which we translate and interpret somewhat differently from Tollin, that he grounds his statement of Servetus having come into contact with Luther; a presumed meeting of which we fail to find a trace in any contemporary document. See Tollin’sDr. M. Luther und Dr. M. Servetus—Eine Quellenstudie. 8vo. Berlin, 1875.

26Epistolæ ab Ecclesiæ Helveticæ Reformatoribus, a Jo. Fueselino editæ.8vo. Tigur., 1742.

27‘E noi non cercano la Divinità fuor del Infinito Mondo e le Infinite Cose, ma dentro questo et in quelle’ (1585).Opere di Giordano Bruno, da Dottore Adolpho Wagner, i. 275. Lips. 1830.

28‘Natur hat weder Kern noch Schale:Sie ist das All mit einem Male.’Nor core nor husk in nature see:The All and All in One is she.Im Innern ist ein Universum auch;Daher der Völker löblicher Gebrauch,Ein jeglicher das Beste das er kennetEr Gott—ja seinen Gott—benennet.—Goethe.Which may be rendered somewhat literally thus:—Within there is an Universum too;Whence the folks’ custom, good and true,That each the Best he knows of all,He God—his God, indeed—doth call.

‘Natur hat weder Kern noch Schale:Sie ist das All mit einem Male.’Nor core nor husk in nature see:The All and All in One is she.Im Innern ist ein Universum auch;Daher der Völker löblicher Gebrauch,Ein jeglicher das Beste das er kennetEr Gott—ja seinen Gott—benennet.—Goethe.

‘Natur hat weder Kern noch Schale:Sie ist das All mit einem Male.’

Nor core nor husk in nature see:The All and All in One is she.

Im Innern ist ein Universum auch;Daher der Völker löblicher Gebrauch,Ein jeglicher das Beste das er kennetEr Gott—ja seinen Gott—benennet.—Goethe.

Which may be rendered somewhat literally thus:—

Within there is an Universum too;Whence the folks’ custom, good and true,That each the Best he knows of all,He God—his God, indeed—doth call.

29‘Der alte und der neue Glaube.’ All Theists agree in this: that God is One, Changeless, and Eternal. But God without the Universe would not be the same as God with the Universe; whence the conclusion that God and the Universe can only be conceived of as correlatives. Seeing the impossibility of dissevering Property from the Object in which it inheres, the modern philosopher discards hypothetical agencies, under the name of Spirits, of every kind; from the all-pervading force that keeps suns and planets in their spheres, to such special agencies as those of brain and nerve. Servetus, we have seen, had himself got the length of saying that out of man there was no Holy Spirit.

30To Calvin God was no other than the Immanent Pantheistic principle of Modern Philosophy: ‘Ubique diffusus, omnia sustinet, vegetat et vivificat in cœlo et in terra—everywhere diffused, he gives life and growth and continuance to all things in heaven and earth.’ These are his words. He then goes on to say: ‘Fateor quidem pie hoc posse dici, modo a pio animo proficiscatur,Naturam esse Deum—I own, indeed, that provided we speak reverently it may be said thatNature is God.’ As this would be a ‘hard and inappropriate expression,’ however, and as in using it ‘God is confounded with his works,’ he thinks it is objectionable.Institut. Religionis Christianæ, I. iv. 14, and I. v. 5 of an early edition.

31Newspaper report of a Sermon preached by Dean Stanley on Christmas day, 1875.

32At the end of the copy of the ‘De Trin. Error.,’ which Alwörden describes in hisHistoria Michaelis Serveti, now in the National Library at Paris, there is a MS.Refutationof the views of the writer, which Tollin ascribes with great show of probability to Bucer, who, as we know, was personally acquainted with Servetus. Of this Refutation (Confutatio) Tollin has given an extended analysis inRiehm und Köstlin’s Theologische Studien und Kritiken für 1875, S. 711.

33Conf.Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii. Basil, 1592.

34Dialogi de Trinitate, 12mo. (1532), in the same form and type as theDe Erroribus, and still without the name of the publisher or place of publication.

35Servetus’sDe Trinitatis Erroribusis generally believed to be one of the rare books, yet it is commonly enough met with in England. So long ago as the year 1725, however, a copy bound with theDialogisold for the large sum of between four and five hundred French livres. There is a counterfeit edition published in Holland, and only to be distinguished from the original by the paper being somewhat better and the type a shade larger. The Book was never, in so far as we know, publicly condemned and burned. It was translated into Dutch (4to. 1620) with the epigraph: Prœft alle Dingen ende behout het gœde, 1 John iv.

36‘Claudii Ptolemæi Alexandrini Geographicæ Enarrationis Libri Octo; ex Bilibaldi Pirckhemeri Tralatione, sed ad Græca et prisca exemplaria a Michaele Villanovano jam primum recogniti. Adjecta insuper ab eodem Scholia,’ etc. Lugduni, ex Officina Melch. et Gasp. Trechsel, 1535. Fol.

37Accipe non noti præclara volumina mundi,Oceani et magnas noscito lector opes.Plurima debetur typhis tibi gratia, gentesIgnotas, et aves quas vehis orbe novo;Magna quoque autori referenda et gratia nostroQui facit hæc cunctis regna videnda locis.

Accipe non noti præclara volumina mundi,Oceani et magnas noscito lector opes.Plurima debetur typhis tibi gratia, gentesIgnotas, et aves quas vehis orbe novo;Magna quoque autori referenda et gratia nostroQui facit hæc cunctis regna videnda locis.

38Tollin has collected a great deal of very interesting information on Servetus’s geographical studies, in his paper entitled ‘Michel Servet als Geograph,’ in theZeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde, 1875, S. 182 et seq.

39Quoted by Tollin in his Essays: ‘Wie Servet ein Mediciner wurde,’ in Goschen’sDeutsche Klinik, No. 8, 1875; and ‘Servet und Symphorien Champier,’ in Virchow’sArchiv für pathologische Anatomie, Bd. 61. Berlin, 1875.

40Paradoxorum Medicinæ, Libri iii., fol. Basil. 1535.

41InLeonhardum Fuchsium Defensio Apologetica, pro Symphoriano Campeggio.

42Disceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia.I have searched the libraries of London in vain for either of these Treatises of Servetus. That the one addressed to Fuchs once existed among us, however, is certain; for its title is to be seen in the catalogue of Dr. Williams’s Library (Grafton Street, University College); but unfortunately the work is not now to be found—it had disappeared before the present Librarian, Dr. Hunter, came into office. Mosheim went so far as to maintain that the Defence of Champier was a myth (Versuch, &c., einer Ketzergeschichte, S. 72), and Dr. de Murr, though he did not question its existence, never saw it. (In Bibliothecas Hallerianas additamenta, 4to. Helmst.) The Rev. Henri Tollin of Magdeburg has been more fortunate; for he has not only seen but actually possesses copies of both the Apologetic defences, as well as a copy of the pamphlet against the Parisian Doctors, if I understand him aright. In a letter with which I was lately favoured, he informs me that he intends to publish the more interesting passages from the Defence of Champier, and the entire Tract on Judicial Astrology.

43‘Qua in re auxiliarios habui, primum Andreum Vesalium, juvenem Mehercule! in Anatome diligentissimum; post hunc, Michael Villanovanus familiariter mihi in consectionibus adhibitus est, vir omni genere literarum ornatissimus, in Galeni doctrina vix ulli secundus. Horum duorum præsidio atque opera, tum artuum, tum aliarum partium exteriorum, musculos omnes, venas, arterias et nervos in ipsis corporibus examinavi studiosisque ostendi.’Io. Guinteri Institutionum Anatomicarum, Lib. iv., 4to. Basil, 1539.

44The reader who is curious on this matter will find what I believe to be the first representation of the anatomist engaged in dissecting the human body in theFasciculus Medicinæ of Io. à Ketham, fol. Venet. 1495, of which there is a copy in fine preservation in the library of the Royal College of Surgeons.

45Syruporum universa Ratio ad Galeni censuram diligenter exposita; cui, post integram de Concoctione disceptationem, præscripta est vera purgandi methodus, cum expositione Aphorismi: Concocta medicari.Michaele Villanovano Authore.Πρὸς τὸν φιλιατρον. εύροα ποιήσον τατεσώματατατεπεπανων Ωμὰ Χυμων, ταυτης δογματα ἴσθι βιθλιου.Parisiisex officino Simonis Colinæi. [1537].

Michaele Villanovano Authore.

Πρὸς τὸν φιλιατρον. εύροα ποιήσον τατεσώματατατεπεπανων Ωμὰ Χυμων, ταυτης δογματα ἴσθι βιθλιου.

Parisiisex officino Simonis Colinæi. [1537].

46Syr. Universa Ratio, fol. 9.

47Doubtless theDisceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia.

48See Landseer’sSabæan Researches, 4to. London.

49VideDe Murr,Annotamenta ad Bibliothecas Hallerianas, 4to. Helmstadt, 1805. Since this was written I have an interesting letter from Pastor Tollin, in which he informs me that he actually possesses a copy of the pamphlet!

50Bolsec,Vie de Calvin, 12mo. Paris, 1557.

51The title is the same as before. In addition to the old address to his reader, however, Villeneuve now appends these lines:—Ad Eundem.Si terras et regna hominum, si ingentia quæqueFlumina, cœruleum si mare nôsse juvat,Si montes, si urbes, populos opibusque superbos,Huc ades, hæc oculis prospice cuncta tuis.Which may be paraphrased thus:—This world and all its kingdoms wouldst thou know,What mighty rivers to blue oceans flow,What mountains rise, what cities grace the lands,Thick-peopled, rich through toil of busy hands,——If for such lore thou hast a mind to call,Open this book, and there survey it all.

51The title is the same as before. In addition to the old address to his reader, however, Villeneuve now appends these lines:—

Ad Eundem.

Si terras et regna hominum, si ingentia quæqueFlumina, cœruleum si mare nôsse juvat,Si montes, si urbes, populos opibusque superbos,Huc ades, hæc oculis prospice cuncta tuis.

Which may be paraphrased thus:—

This world and all its kingdoms wouldst thou know,What mighty rivers to blue oceans flow,What mountains rise, what cities grace the lands,Thick-peopled, rich through toil of busy hands,——If for such lore thou hast a mind to call,Open this book, and there survey it all.

52Vie de Calvin, &c.

53This, the second edition of Villanovanus’s Ptolemy, is one of the very rare books. All of the impression that could be discovered when Servetus was burned in effigy at Vienne, along with hisChristianismi Restitutio, appears to have been seized and committed to the flames. I find both editions in the library of the British Museum.

54Habes in hoc Libro, prudens Lector, utriusque Instrumenti novam Tralationem editam a Reverendo sacræ theologiæ Doctore Sancte Pagnini.Lugdun. 1527-28, fol. Such is the title of this, which we presume to be the first edition of Pagnini’s Bible. Between it and the one of Cologne of 1541, edited by Melchior Novesianus, we find no other until we come to that of Villanovanus. Pagnini is said in the letter of J. F. Pico de Mirandola, which precedes the text, to have been twenty-five years engaged on the work. It is accompanied by no fewer than two commendatory epistles from Popes Adrian VI. and Clement VII., and is said to be the first edition of the Bible that is found divided into chapters. Richard Simon (Hist. du vieux Testament, liv. ii.) speaks slightingly of its merits; but it has been highly prized by others, as good judges as he. To us it appears a very admirable version, our own English Bible being generally so like it, that we fancy it must have been used by our Translators.

55Sandius,Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum.

56Neue Nachrichten, etc. Helmst. 1750, 4to., S. 89-90.

57‘Servetus nuper ad me scripsit, ac literas adjunxit longum volumen suorum deliriorum, cum thrasonica jactantia, dicens me stupenda et hactenus inaudita visurum. Si mihi placeat, huc se venturum recepit. Sed nolo fidem meam interponere. Nam si venerit, modo valeat mea authoritas, vivum exire nunquam patiar.’ Calvin to Farel, dated Ides of February, 1546. From the original letter in the Paris Library; a certified copy, published by Paul Henry in hisLeben Johann Calvins, 3ter. Band; Beilagen, S. 65; from which the above paragraph is transcribed.

58Cont. Bolsec (Hieron. Hermes), Docteur Médecin à Lyon:Histoire de la Vie, Mœurs, Actes, Doctrine, Constance et Mort de Jean Calvin, Grand Ministre à Genève. Paris 1577, 12mo. Also in Latin, but of later date—Vita Calvini, &c.

59It is a capital mistake to suppose, as Mosheim and others have done, that theChristianismi Restitutiowas ever exposed for sale, or readily to be had either at Geneva or elsewhere. It cannot be shown that more than four or five copies at most of the book ever left the bales in which the whole impression was packed. There was,first, the copy sent, as I venture to think, by Servetus through Frelon to Calvin, which led to the arrest and trial at Vienne.Second, the copy taken from the five bales seized at Lyons for the use of the Inquisitor Ory.Third, the copy transmitted for their inspection to the Swiss Churches and Councils.Fourth, the copy given to Colladon by way of Brief by Calvin, with the passages underscored, on which Servetus was finally arraigned and condemned. AndFifth, the copy which we find Calvin sending to Bullinger at his request. Of these copies one may even have served two ends: after making the round of the Churches and coming again into Calvin’s hands, it may very well have been that which he despatched to Bullinger. That the book was not to be had immediately after the execution of Servetus is proved conclusively by what Sebastian Castellio, the accredited author of the work entitled,Contra Libellum Calvini, says on the subject:He had not been able to obtain a sight of Servetus’s book, so as to inform himself of what he writes, Calvin having taken such pains to have it burned—‘cum Serveti libros, quippe combustos diligentia Calvini, non habeam, ut ex iis possem videre quid scriberet.’TheChristianismi Restitutio, in fact, remained completely unknown in the Republic of Letters until its existence was proclaimed by Wotton in hisReflections on Learning, Ancient and Modern, in the year 1694 (all but a century and a half after the death of its author), by the publication of the passage on the pulmonary circulation, extracted, we must conclude, from the copy that was then in England, and subsequently became, if it were not already, the property of Dr. Meade—the identical copy with the name on the title-page of Germain Colladon, the advocate who prosecuted Servetus at the instance of Calvin, now in the national library of Paris.

60The title of the original, in full, is as follows:—Christianismi Restitutio.Totius Ecclesiæ Apostolicæ est ad sua limina vocatio, in Integrum Restituta Cognitione Dei, Fidei Christi, Justificationis nostræ, Regenerationis Baptismi, et Cœnæ Domini Manducationis Restitutio denique nobis Regno Cœlesti, Babylonis impia Captivitate soluta, et Antichristo cum suis penitus destructo.בעת ההיא יעמוד מיכאר השׂרκαὶ ὲγένετο πόλεμος ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ.MDLIII.

60The title of the original, in full, is as follows:—

Christianismi Restitutio.Totius Ecclesiæ Apostolicæ est ad sua limina vocatio, in Integrum Restituta Cognitione Dei, Fidei Christi, Justificationis nostræ, Regenerationis Baptismi, et Cœnæ Domini Manducationis Restitutio denique nobis Regno Cœlesti, Babylonis impia Captivitate soluta, et Antichristo cum suis penitus destructo.

בעת ההיא יעמוד מיכאר השׂרκαὶ ὲγένετο πόλεμος ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ.MDLIII.

61‘Whose soever sins ye remit,’ etc., John, xx. 23—writing added to the original text, beyond doubt, and dating from long after the time of Jesus, when the Church had acquired a status and was looking for power.

62It were beyond the scope of my work to pursue this subject further; but let me say that having compared the first edition of the ‘Loci’ (1521) with the one of 1536 and others, of which there are copies in the British Museum Library, I find it impossible to overlook the influence of Servetus on Melanchthon, as of Melanchthon on Servetus. For fuller information the reader is referred to Tollin’s exhaustive,Philip Melanchthon und Michael Servet, eine Quellenstudie. 8vo. 1876.

63For some account of the existing copies of theChristianismi Restitutio, see the Appendix to this book.

64It may be well to remark on the confusion in the notice of thevolumeor book which in Trie’s second letter, as we read it, is said to have been sent among other documents, twenty-four in number; whilst in his third epistle he regrets thatthe volumecannot be forwarded at the moment, because of its having been lent two years ago to a friend of Calvin, resident in Lausanne. The ‘great book’ first sent may have been the copy of Calvin’s ‘Institutes,’ annotated on the margins by Servetus; a conclusion that is borne out by the reference, by and by made in the impending trial, towards the end of the first day’s proceedings, to pages 421-424, where Baptism is the subject treated. The volume that cannot be forwarded at the time, because it had been lent to some one in Lausanne, is certainly the MS. copy of the ‘Restitutio Christianismi,’ sent by Servetus to Calvin some years before for his strictures, which he could never get returned, Calvin having lent it to Viret of Lausanne, and grown careless to take so much notice of the writer as would have been implied in recovering and returning him his work.

65They were leaves from theInstitutionsof Calvin, with annotations by Servetus.

66Chorier,Etat politique de Dauphiné, tome i., p. 335, quoted by D’Artigny.

67Calvin to Farel, Book I., p. 169.

68Who loves not woman, wine, and song,A fool is he his life-time long.

Who loves not woman, wine, and song,A fool is he his life-time long.

69Lucii Annæi Senecæ De Clementia Libri Tres, Paris, 1532. The work was published by Calvin at his own expense, as a warning, unquestionably against persecution on religious grounds. It is of great rarity in its original shape, but is reprinted in the Geneva Edition of hisOpera Minoraof the year 1597.Seneca on Clemencyis also to be found translated into English: ‘Lucius Annæus Seneca, his first Book of Clemency, written to Nero Cæsar,’ Lond. 1553. The sentence quoted above and commented by the French editor is rendered by the English translator briefly but not unhappily thus:For it doth rather cowardice appearThan clemency an injury in mind to bear:’Tis he in whose command revenge doth lieThat’s merciful if he do pass it by.

Seneca on Clemencyis also to be found translated into English: ‘Lucius Annæus Seneca, his first Book of Clemency, written to Nero Cæsar,’ Lond. 1553. The sentence quoted above and commented by the French editor is rendered by the English translator briefly but not unhappily thus:

For it doth rather cowardice appearThan clemency an injury in mind to bear:’Tis he in whose command revenge doth lieThat’s merciful if he do pass it by.

70Thesaur. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss, v. 450.

71Thes. Ep. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss, v. 577.

72Conf. Mosheim, op. cit. Beylagen. S. 255.

73Thes. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss, v. 591.

74Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy, p. 357, in ed. of collected minor works in French.

75Mém. de la Société d’histoire et d’Archéologie de Genève, tom iii., 1844.

76Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy; original ed., p. 354. Let us reiterate that Servetus spoke truly when he said that the comment on Palestine was none of his. We have already said that it is copied without change of a word from the Ptolemy of Pirckheimer. We add further that the scholium of the German editor was not challenged by Erasmus, Melanchthon, or Œcolampadius, who seem all to have corresponded with Pirckheimer on his edition. (VideTollin, inZeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin. Bd. für 1875.) It was only, therefore, when the comment came to be looked at through the distorting medium of personal enmity that it was seen as libelling Moses and outraging the Holy Ghost.

77Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy.

78See a letter of Jo. Haller to H. Bullinger, quoted farther on.

79Compare Galiffe inMém. de l’Institut National Genevois, 1862, p. 75.

80The documents connected with the case of Bolsec must, we apprehend, have been communicated to Servetus. He often uses the same words as his predecessor in Calvin’s displeasure; and imitates him also in the desire he expresses to have Calvin interrogated and put on his trial for certain matters especially interesting to himself.

81There is in fact a minute in theRecords of Genevaof a formal requisition made by Farel on October 30, and so three days after the execution of Servetus, to have Wm. Geroult summoned to appear and give an account of himself to the Council. The Lieutenant-Criminel, Tissot, had even, as it seems, been charged with the business of making the necessary inquiries preliminary to the institution of a criminal suit. But we find no mention of any further step being taken in the matter. The civil authorities, with three days for reflection, probably thought that enough, more than enough perhaps, had already been done by the burning of the principal offender.

82By the writer of theDialogus inter Vaticanum et Calvinum.

83Fidelis Refutatio, andDéclaration pour maintenir, &c.

84From theCriminal Records, first published by Mosheim, op. cit. Beylagen, S. 414.

85In the summary of the trial given by Trechsel86from the archives of Berne, the articles now brought forward by Rigot, and the questions founded on them, are in the handwriting of the amanuensis usually employed by Calvin to make copies of his letters and papers; and beyond question were all dictated by Calvin himself. He perceived that he could trust Rigot no further without risk of failure, and so resumed the position he had taken with Trie, his servant Fontaine, and even in person, as we have seen.

86Die Antitrinitarier: Michel Servet und seine Vorgänger, S. 307.

87Conf.Chr. Rest.pp. 433 and 655, and Ep. 29 to Calvin.

88Videpp. 34, 48, Book I.

89Herniosus ab utero Servetus dicit se uno latereresectumfuisse, ad lævandam infirmitatem. Uno oculo amisso, attamen, non ideo cæcus homo; neque teste uno ablato impollens.

90The letter of the Council of Geneva and the reply of the authorities of Vienne are published in the new ed. of Calvin by Cünitz and Reuss, vol. xiv.

91Conf.De Trin. Error.fol. 93.

92First under Calvin with Nicolas de la Fontaine as his agent; then under Colladon engaged by Calvin; next under Rigot as public prosecutor and now under Calvin and the Swiss Churches.

93Here is what Servetus says on this subject, in connection with the Sabellian or Patripassian heresy, in his earlier work: As the proper passion of the flesh is to be born, so is it the proper passion of the flesh to suffer, to be scourged, to be crucified, to die. But all this does not touch the spirit, for it is not the soul that suffers or that dies, but the body. Who so profane as to imagine that the angel in me dies although I die? (De Trinitatis Erroribus, f. 76, b.)

94From Mosheim’sNeue Nachrichten, Beilagen, S. 102, copied from the archives of the Church of Zürich.

95Bullinger’s letter bears date from Zürich, Sep. 14, 1553, and is printed in Calvin’s correspondence by Cünitz and Reuss.

96The letter is given at length in theThes. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss, v. 591.

97Calvin to Bullinger, April 21, 1555, inEpist. Calvini, 8vo. Hanov. 1597.

98Vue le sommaire du procés de Michel Servet, prisonnier, le rapport de ceux, esquel on a consultez, et considéré les grands erreurs et blasfémes—Est este arreté: Il soyt condamné à estre mené a Champel, et la brulez tout vivfz, et soyt exequeté a demain, et ses livres bruslés.

99Defensio Orthodoxæ Fidei, &c.

100Calvin only took letters of naturalisation as a citizen of Geneva four years before his death in 1564, eleven years after the death of Servetus.

101See the Confession in full, in Cünitz and Reuss’s edit. of theOpera Calvini, viii. 704.

102De Voce Trinitate et Voce Persona.103Quoniam voces istas Trinitatis et Personarum plurimum Ecclesiæ Christi commodare intelligimus, ut et vera Patris, Filii et Spiritus Sancti distinctio clarius exprimatur, et contentiosis controversiis melius occurratur, ab his usque adeo non abhorremus, ut libenter amplexemur, sive ex aliis audiendæ sive a nobis usurpandæ sint. Itaque quod antea a nobis factum est, in posterum quoque operam daturos, quoad licebit recipimus, ne earum usus in Ecclesiis nostris aboleatur. Nam neque ab iis inter scribendum, vel in Scripturæ ennarrationibus in concionibus ad populum, abstinebimus ipsi, et alios docebimus ne superstitiose refugiant. Si quis autem, præpostera religione, teneatur quominus eas usurpare libenter ausit, quanquam ejusmodi superstitionem nobis non probari testamur, cui corrigendæ non sit defuturum nostrum studium; quia tamen non videtur nobis hæc satis firma causa cur vir alioqui pius et in eandem religionem nobis sensu consentiens repudietur, ejus imperitiam hac in parte eatenus feremus ne abjiciamus ipsum ab Ecclesia, aut tanquam male sentientem de fide notemus. Neque, interim maligne interpretabimur si Bernensis Ecclesiæ Pastores eos ad verbi ministerium admittere non sustineant quos comperint voces istas aspernari.

102De Voce Trinitate et Voce Persona.103

Quoniam voces istas Trinitatis et Personarum plurimum Ecclesiæ Christi commodare intelligimus, ut et vera Patris, Filii et Spiritus Sancti distinctio clarius exprimatur, et contentiosis controversiis melius occurratur, ab his usque adeo non abhorremus, ut libenter amplexemur, sive ex aliis audiendæ sive a nobis usurpandæ sint. Itaque quod antea a nobis factum est, in posterum quoque operam daturos, quoad licebit recipimus, ne earum usus in Ecclesiis nostris aboleatur. Nam neque ab iis inter scribendum, vel in Scripturæ ennarrationibus in concionibus ad populum, abstinebimus ipsi, et alios docebimus ne superstitiose refugiant. Si quis autem, præpostera religione, teneatur quominus eas usurpare libenter ausit, quanquam ejusmodi superstitionem nobis non probari testamur, cui corrigendæ non sit defuturum nostrum studium; quia tamen non videtur nobis hæc satis firma causa cur vir alioqui pius et in eandem religionem nobis sensu consentiens repudietur, ejus imperitiam hac in parte eatenus feremus ne abjiciamus ipsum ab Ecclesia, aut tanquam male sentientem de fide notemus. Neque, interim maligne interpretabimur si Bernensis Ecclesiæ Pastores eos ad verbi ministerium admittere non sustineant quos comperint voces istas aspernari.

103Op. sup. cit. viii. p. 707.

104Fidelis expositio Errorum Michaelis Serveti, &c.

105These words I have, however, since found quoted by Henry:Leben Calvins, i. 181, and by Kampschulte,Johann Calvin, i. 297.

106Fuessli, Epistolæ ab Ecclesia Helvet. Reformatoribus.8vo. Tigur. 1748.

107Calvini Epist. et Respons.

108The full titles are these: Déclaration pour maintenir la vraye Foy que tiennent tous Chrétiens de la Trinité des Personnes en un seul Dieu. Par Jean Calvin. Contre les Erreurs de Michel Servet, Espaignol; où il est aussi monstré qu’il est licite de punir les heretiques; et qu’a bon droit ce meschant à esté executé par justice en la Ville de Genève. Chez Jean Crespin. A Genève, 1554, p. 356. 8vo.Defensio orthodoxæ fidei de sacra Trinitate contra prodigiosos errores Michaelis Serveti, Hispani; ubi ostenditur hæreticos jure gladii coercendos, et nominatim de homine hoc, tam impio, justè et merito sumptum Genevæ fuisse supplicium, per Johannem Calvinum. Apud Olivum Roberti Stephani, 1554, p. 262. 8vo. Both of the versions are subscribed by all the Genevese clergy, and though they differ somewhat in minute particulars, they agree in everything essential. We have fine copies of both originals in our national Library.

Defensio orthodoxæ fidei de sacra Trinitate contra prodigiosos errores Michaelis Serveti, Hispani; ubi ostenditur hæreticos jure gladii coercendos, et nominatim de homine hoc, tam impio, justè et merito sumptum Genevæ fuisse supplicium, per Johannem Calvinum. Apud Olivum Roberti Stephani, 1554, p. 262. 8vo. Both of the versions are subscribed by all the Genevese clergy, and though they differ somewhat in minute particulars, they agree in everything essential. We have fine copies of both originals in our national Library.

109For a more particular account of Calvin’s severities, the reader is referred to a paper by M. Galiffe in theMémoires de l’Institut National de Genèvefor 1862, p. 79. But torture was an old institution in Geneva, and Servetus is said only to have escaped the rack on the remonstrance of Vandel, one of the senators of the libertine party. In older days we read of one Postel, who, failing to answer so satisfactorily as was desired when cited before the Roman Catholic bishop and his court, for some offence, was ‘suspended by the rope’—by the wrists we believe. A first suspension, however, not proving effectual, a second was ordered; but it being now dinner time, the culprit was suspended a second time whilst his lordship the bishop dined! In more recent times, and under Calvin’s rule, a certain Billiard, having been guilty of jeering at the thunder and lightning during a terrible storm, whilst the inhabitants of Geneva generally were on their knees praying to God for mercy, was adjudged to be lashed by the common hangman at the tail of a cart through the streets of the city! Germain Colladon declared that he deserved death; but as he had a wife and family they might be content with the scourging!

110Em. Saisset: Michel Servet comme philosophe. In Mélanges de Critique et d’ Histoire.12mo., Paris, 1865.

111First printed by Mosheim from the autograph, in hisNeue Nachrichten von dem berühmten Spanischen Aertzte Michael Serveto, Beilagen, S. 106. 8vo., Helmst. 1750.

112Corpus Reform. Ep. Melanch. ad An., 1554.

113Comment. inActa Apostol. ad Regem Daniæ.

114Institutiones Religionis Christ.Lib. i. Cap. 2, of the earlier editions.

115Joris’s able letter in low German is given by Mosheim, op. cit., p. 421.

116The proper title of this rare book, of which we have a copy in the library of the British Museum is:De Hæreticis an sint persequendi et omnino quomodo sit cum eis agendum, doctorum virorum, tum veterum tum recentiorum, sententiæ, &c. The opinions of the learned, both of ancient and modern times, concerning heretics: Are they to be persecuted; or how otherwise are they to be dealt with? A book most necessary and useful in these distracted times to sovereign princes and magistrates in dealing with a matter of such difficulty and danger. 12mo., Magdeburgh, 1554.

117Contra libellum Calvini quo ostendere conetur hæreticos jure gladii coercendos esse.S. L. [1554]. Of this rare book I have not met with an original copy; but there is the reprint (after 1602) in the Brit. Mus. Library.

118Conf.Fuessli: Sebastian Castellio, eine Lebensgeschichte zur Erläuterung der Reformation. 8vo. Zürich und Leipz. 1767.

119Mini Celsi Senensis de Hæreticis capitali supplicio afficientibus; adjuncta sunt Theod. Bezæ ejusdem argumenti et And. Duditii Epistolæ duæ contrariæ.8vo. s. L. 1584.

120Ketzergeschichte, S. 301.

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