CHAPTER XXVIIPUNITIVE EXPEDITION OR WORLD-WAR?
Germany and Austria-Hungary hastened on their preparations. Transports of munitions were hurried to the front. The building of the new War Ministry in Vienna, which had long been proceeding, was hurried on. The Government did not care to go to war with all the mobilisation plans lying in the old building. It was situated in a crowded part of the city close to the flower market. It would have been very easy to blow up the entire structure. Many of the Slavs within the Empire would not have hesitated to use their opportunity of throwing everything into confusion. The new War Office on the Ringstrasse, built in the newest and worst style of architecture, was easily guarded.
The German preparations were on a much vaster scale than those made in Austria-Hungary.Germany was preparing for a world-war, Austria-Hungary for a punitive expedition against Servia. Austria has always been solicitous of the good opinion of other countries. She now sent out batches of official despatches intended to incriminate Servia in the eyes of Europe. Germany, who cared little upon what pretext she began the Great War, and knew that she must earn hatred for herself throughout the civilised world, did nothing to prepare the world. She knew that it was a general war. Why waste time and efforts in justifying Germany’s right to be “über alles”? Conquerors of the world do not stop to explain their methods.
As the weeks went by Austria-Hungary began to weaken in her resolve. German diplomatists noticed the hesitation. They suggested that a stiff Note should be sent to Servia. When the text of the famous Note appeared, it was noticed that the phraseology was not Austrian. It was not couched in the soft language—a sort of modified German—spoken on the banks of the Danube, but in the rude terms heard farther north. Everyone said that the text of the Note had been written in Berlin. It is just possible that Count Tisza had been a party to it. He kept up constantintercourse with Berlin, and may have visited the Emperor or been consulted over the telephone. The intention of the Note was clear. No State with any claim to sovereign rights could accept it. Austria-Hungary demanded the right to send her own police to Servia to investigate the crime of Sarajevo, although it had been committed on Austrian ground by Austrian subjects. No Serb was implicated. The Austrian Government was unable to bring any proofs of Servian complicity beyond vague assertions that the assassin had received instruction in military exercises in the ranks of a volunteer corps in Belgrade. Austria relied upon the strength of unproven assertions to establish an absolutely untenable case. The Note was not only couched in the most insulting terms; it demanded an answer within forty-eight hours. During those forty-eight hours strong diplomatic pressure was brought to bear upon Servia. She finally consented to eat humble pie. She was willing to do this in spite of her recent conquests. She had vanquished Bulgaria and had added considerably to the extent of her territory. Russia fully appreciated her position. It was difficult for any Government to accept the terms of such a Note, for the people could not be expected tounderstand the political necessity. Nevertheless, at four o’clock on the fatal Saturday, news was received from Belgrade that Servia had resolved to submit. Her diplomatists said that she had no choice. Her army was exhausted. Her stock of munitions was low. She needed all her available funds to carry on the work of reconstruction of the devastated country. The Albanians, in the newly acquired regions, were giving continual trouble. They descended from their mountains and stole cattle from the Serbs. Expeditions had been sent against them, but, as the Serbs said, the Albanians had been accustomed from time immemorial to make an annual descent into the plains for the purpose of re-victualling, and the fact that the land where their depredations were made belonged to Servia instead of being a part of the decrepit Turkish Empire made no difference. Many of the Albanians hardly knew of the change of government. They needed cattle and corn, and naturally made raids to get it. Servia, however, was forced to keep an army on the frontier because of them.
These considerations, and the pressure brought to bear by the Russian Ambassador, rendered Servia willing to consent to any terms.
Russia stood by her small ally, and sent outan official warning that she could “not remain indifferent to Servia’s fate.” This softened the natural chagrin felt by the small State in yielding to Austria. Servia’s answer was a soft reply to a rough question. She accepted most of the cruel conditions imposed upon her, but desired to refer one point to a Hague Convention. Everyone in Austria considered the answer sufficient. The news circulated in Vienna that the crisis was over. An emissary from the Vatican, who had been working hard for peace, spread the joyful news through the city. His face shone with satisfaction as he passed from group to group in the waiting crowd. “It was a near thing,” he said, “but the Serbs are well advised to give in.”
Big financiers breathed again, and some of the newspapers began printing extra editions. The editions were mere sheets of paper, distributed gratis, as newspapers may not be hawked in the streets in Austria. They quoted an article in the Servian official paper, saying that Servia was willing to give in to the demands.
Time went on; such information as could be obtained from persons connected with foreign diplomatic circles confirmed the news of peace.
As evening set in the news was received thatthe official answer from Servia had come. It was quite satisfactory. The Austrian Government had never thought of Servia’s making such complete surrender. Many people started off for week-ends in the country, sure that thecommuniquéthat would be issued by the Vienna Foreign Office that night would be merely an elaboration of the news already spread throughout the city.
The Vienna Bourse, which had been falling slowly and steadily ever since the assassination of the Archduke, had reached its lowest point that morning. Servia’s answer had reached Vienna in time to effect a lightning improvement, and prices were better than they had been since the beginning of the crisis. Thus there resulted the remarkable phenomenon that prices were steady and firm on the very day that a world-war was decided. The Bourse was closed for many months after the fatal Saturday, the official closing prices remaining a remarkable testimony to the narrowness of the margin between war and peace. While the great financiers played on a peace basis, others waited. Why was thecommuniquénot issued? Was there a hitch? It was known that Count Berchtold, the Austro-Hungarian Minister, had telephoned to Berlin. He wishedto consult with the Kaiser before accepting the reply as sufficient. The German Government said it was too late to retreat; Servia’s answer must not be accepted, and counselled Berchtold to recall the Austro-Hungarian Minister at Belgrade. Count Berchtold followed Germany’s advice; the news became known in Vienna very quickly. Extra editions were distributed, saying that the Minister had left Belgrade and that diplomatic relations with Servia were broken off. Austrian officials let it be known that no declaration of war would be made, and that a Great Power would not parley with Servia. Gunboats had already started down the Danube to bombard Belgrade. Austria considered that a small force would be sufficient to subjugate Servia, and in the city people spoke of the promenade into Belgrade. This news was circulated to make any subsequent retreat or withdrawal impossible.
No one thought of a great war that night, for the news that Russia intended to stand by Servia had been carefully kept back.
Count Berchtold, having committed the Government to war, had a difficult task before him. It was very doubtful whether Emperor Francis Joseph could be prevailed upon to sign the order for a general mobilisation. Largebodies of troops had already left for both the Servian and Russian fronts, but no general mobilisation could take place without an order signed by the Emperor. The aged monarch was anxious that Servia should be chastised. But he did not wish to risk a world-war. He was afraid of Russia, with her immense resources both in men and material. It was now that the long years of work accomplished by German diplomacy in Vienna bore fruit.
Tchirsky, the German Ambassador, visited Count Berchtold. He showed him that Austria must go to war or lose her position as a Great Power in Europe. There would be a world-war, but it must come. Germany intended to go to Paris and St. Petersburg. This was an opportunity such as might never come again. It was only the question of dealing with the old Emperor. If he knew the truth, he would never sign the mobilisation order. Why should he be consulted? He did not know of the Russian Note. Why not keep it back until the irrevocable decision had been taken?
Berchtold listened to the voice of the tempter and fell. He informed the Emperor that Europe would look on with folded hands while Servia was chastised for the assassination of the Archduke. This seemed very natural to theold autocrat. He was in residence at Ischl, as usual in summer-time, and had no opportunity of conversing with anyone who could have told him the truth about Russia.
It is doubtful whether Berchtold was fully aware of the magnitude of the decision he had taken upon himself. He was fully aware that he was deceiving the Emperor, and excused his conduct by his conviction that the ruler was no longer capable of judging what was best for the country. He had been attacked by the Vienna Press for years. He was accused of feebleness and weakness by Count Tchirsky’s organs; now he would show strength and resolution. As often happens with weak men, he showed it at the wrong time.
When the news of war was announced in Vienna, the crowd immediately started for the Servian Legation. The Serbs, with great astuteness, had always chosen a legation that could not be looted or even damaged without the rest of the house being pulled down. They always took the quiet apartments at the back of one of the immense barrack-like houses that line the great streets in Vienna. Demonstrations had been made frequently in front of the Legation during the last few weeks, and the crowd reached the street to find it blocked by troops. It then turned towards the Embassyquarter. The Vienna police were well prepared. Several regiments of soldiers had been called out to assist them, and the Embassies being for the most part close together, it was easy to guard them. None the less, it was a stirring night. The procession divided into two streams. One went to the French Embassy, the other turned its steps towards the Russian and British Embassies. Neither Germany nor Austria-Hungary imagined for an instant that England would take part in the fight. They were convinced that she would consider it to her interest to remain neutral. The crowd, however, with a correct instinct, regarded England as an enemy. Three times the roughs broke through the cordon of guards and rushed upon the Embassy buildings, but were turned back by the military. Those in command had received very definite orders. The Embassies were to be protected at all costs. Later on the crowd wreaked its fury upon shops owned by Serbs. They were gutted in a few minutes, and no one interfered. The police even stood by and admired the good work. Serbs and Russians were maltreated in the streets. Terrible incidents occurred. The police were to blame, for it would have been easy to interfere. Just as they had allowed the Mohammedans toplunder the Serbs and appropriate their belongings at Sarajevo after the assassination, so they permitted the same thing to be done in Vienna. A spirit was roused that will not be easy to quell. The bloodthirstiness of the mob is easily excited, but calming it is another matter, as the old despots in France learned to their cost. The latent quality of cruelty, which is hidden beneath the more obvious characteristics of the Viennese, was seen at its worst. Good-tempered toleration gave way to bestiality. That spirit of fair-play which habitually animates an Austrian crowd was replaced by a desire for other people’s belongings. The truce between the members of the various races, kept for half a century, was over. German and Slav were at war. Racial hate flamed up. Passions that will take long to cool were excited. The great and tremendous struggle between the two great predominating races in Eastern Europe, the Germans and the Slavs, had begun.