"To obtain an intelligent understanding of the real character and purpose of such certificates it will be well to treat somewhat of the circumstances under which they are issued. In the course of the present century the United States has undergone periodical derangements of business affairs, when confidence was displaced by mistrust, when the payment of debts became difficult, when property values declined, and business houses failed; when industry and trade were paralyzed, and general stagnation ensued in all lines of enterprise. In such times depositors in banks, stricken with fear and sometimes pressed by need, draw out their deposits, in many cases to such an extent as to render it difficult or even impossible for the banks to contract their loans sufficiently to meet the demands thus made upon them. Under our present currency system no adequate method is provided for expanding the money volume as occasion demands, whereby the banks can continue their usual loans and discounts, and thus prevent a panic with all its evil consequences. Hence it is left in a large measure to the financiers of each community to work out their own remedy, supplemented by such mutual assistance as a courteous regard for each other may dictate or as business relations may demand.
"Quick to see the defects in our currency system, and the desirability of in some way supplying it, the bankers of New York, nearly fifty years ago, devised the scheme of issuing Clearing House Loan Certificates as a method of relief from temporary stringencies. Subsequently, nearly all the Clearing Houses in the great centers adopted the same device, and by their heroic resort to the measure they have at different times relieved the business community of untold disaster, for which invaluable service they have justly received the grateful recognition of the entire country.
"The great value of Clearing House loan certificateslies in the fact that they take the place of money in settlements at the Clearing House, and hence save the use of so much actual cash, leaving the amount to be used by the banks in making loans and discounts, and in meeting other obligations. The volume of currency, to all intents and purposes, is expanded by this means to the full amount of the certificates issued."
In the history of the past the denominations have varied from 25 cents to $100,000 in the different associations and in proportions varying from $50 to $100 of certificates to $100 of collateral deposited.
The total amount of its balances is not always paid in Clearing House loan certificates by a bank to which such certificates have been issued. Thus, for example, the debit balance of a given bank may be $500,000, which in ordinary times would be paid in money or gold certificates. In a time of panic a part of this sum—say $300,000—is paid in Clearing House loan certificates and the remaining $200,000 in currency. Another, with the same balance, might pay the whole in Clearing House certificates, while still another would pay the full amount without the use of any certificates whatsoever.
The first issue of Clearing House certificates occurred in 1860. In the autumn of that year there was a rapid shrinkage in bank deposits and a corresponding contraction in loans and discounts. The situation grew more and more serious as the end of the year approached. The presidential election was a disturbing factor of more than ordinary significance. Immediately succeeding the election of Abraham Lincoln to the presidency the situation began to assume a critical aspect. Distrust and uncertainty were universally felt.
In accordance with the authority thus given, the first issue of certificates was made Nov. 23, 1860, and the beneficial effect was immediately felt. The banks rapidly extended their loans, deposits increased, and commercial paper, which formerly could not be sold for 20 per cent, was now freely marketed at 7 per cent and 8 per cent.As a result of the pressure the association passed a resolution in the following September, authorizing another issue of loan certificates, and on Sept. 19, 1861, the first issue was made.
In 1863 the association issued certificates for the third time. The first bore the date of November 6th, and the largest amount outstanding at any one time was $9,608,000.
Owing to the prolongation of the war, with the consequent unrest in business circles, the issue of certificates for the fourth time began March 7, 1864, and reached its maximum, $16,418,000, on April 20th of the same year.
No more loan certificates were issued until the year 1873, when for the first time the Clearing House associations of other cities, seeing their great practical utility, began to avail themselves of their use. In the year mentioned the association at New York followed the precedent established in 1860, and the same course was taken by the Clearing House Associations at Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Cincinnati, St. Louis and New Orleans. The panic which called forth such united action was one of unusual severity. It reached its climax in September, and so severe were its ravages that the New York Stock Exchange closed its doors on the 20th of the same month, for an indefinite period, but reopened them ten days thereafter.
The usual resolutions were passed by the Clearing House Association, authorizing the issue of certificates, and on September 22d the first issue was made. The amount was fixed at the outset at $10,000,000, which, with the announcement that the Government would purchase the same amount of bonds, caused an immediate subsidence of the panic, and in less than three days its most acute stages were over. During the two months referred to, certificates to the amount of $26,565,000 were issued.
New Orleans alone issued certificates in 1879, theamount being $54,000. New York alone issued certificates in 1884, the amount being $24,915,000.
The next certificates were issued Nov. 12, 1890, and the issue ceased December 22d, amounting in the aggregate to $16,645,000; the largest amount outstanding at any one time was $15,205,000, on December 12th; and the last certificates were retired February 7, 1891, less than three months from the date of the first issue. Boston and Philadelphia followed. Then came one of the memorable panics, 1893.
The issue was commenced June 21, 1893, and ceased September 6th of the same year, the total issue having been $41,490,000. The largest amount outstanding at one time ($38,280,000) was attained August 20th, which amount remained unaltered until September 6th. Then followed Philadelphia, Baltimore, New Orleans, Cincinnati, Buffalo, Atlanta and Birmingham. Birmingham to protect its cash issued denominations all the way from twenty-five and fifty cents up to $1, $2, $5, $10, and all the larger amounts.
Besides the loan certificates issued in 1893, there was a considerable amount of emergency circulation taken out by the banks in the Southeast, under the title of "Clearing House certificates," in cities where no Clearing Houses existed. In adopting the name of Clearing House certificates, it was not the purpose of the banks to practice deception on the people, but to indicate what was really true and what the term would seem to imply, namely, that such certificates were temporary loans made by the banks associated together, and that the banks were pledged for their redemption. The denominations in the cities referred to were: Albany, Ga., $10, $5, and $1; Chester, S.C., $10, $5, and $1; Columbia, S.C., $50, $20, $10, $5, $2 and $1; Danville, Va., $100, $50, $20, $10, $5, $2, and $1; Newman, Ga., $10, $5 and $1; and Rock Hill, S.C., $5, $2 and $1. There is no doubt that the relief afforded in this manner was of great public assistance in the several communities where it was given, effecting results similar to those accomplished by the actual Clearing House loan certificates in the great centres. Business houses and corporations came to the relief of the situation and among them was the New Bedford Mfg. Co., Social Mfg. Co., Hartford, Conn., Eagle and Phœnix Mfg. Co., Columbus, Ga., Swift Mfg. Co., Columbus, Ga., Arnold Print Works, North Adams, Mass., Richmond Locomotive Works, Richmond, Va., Minneapolis and Northern Elevator Co., City of Tacoma, City of Richmond, City of Johnstown, Pa., Loomis and Hart Mfg. Co., Chattanooga, Tenn.
So much for panics up to our last. Then came the panic of 1907. Of this a prominent banker and economist has said: "The truth is that responsibilities for the panic of 1907 lie at the door of our currency system. No other adequate cause can be found. We do business by the modern system of bank credits, but we have failed to supplement this machinery with the means for readily converting bank credits into cash."
On Oct. 26, 1907, New York issued Clearing House loan certificates. On Oct. 26, 1907, Chicago also issued Clearing House loan certificates. On Nov. 6th, Chicago issued Clearing House checks for $1, $2, $5, $10, amounting to $7,500,000. These checks were secured by Clearing House loan certificates.
On November 16th, Philadelphia issued Clearing House certificates and the business houses issued pay checks for wages which were cleared through the Clearing House.
During the fall many cities issued Clearing House checks in small denominations which were used for currency. Canton issued pay checks for $1, $2, $5 and $10, amounting to $200,000, which had no security back of them.
In November pay checks in denominations of $2, $5, $10, $20 were issued to the fourteen banks of the Clearing House of Cincinnati.
Cleveland followed Chicago in denominations of $1, $2, $5, $10.
Fargo, Dakota, issued $5, $10, $20, $100 and $500.
Los Angeles issued October 30th "Clearing House certificates or scrip," designed as a circulating medium for the general use of the public.
Mr. Cannon records the action taken by the associated banks of Group No. 2 of the Ohio Bankers' Association, which includes twelve counties, and is worthy of comment since it offers the first concrete example of the possibilities of the banks of any particular section of any state, uniting in an effort to overcome the disastrous consequences resulting at times from false rumors in panic periods.
Mr. Merchant:Now, gentlemen, why all this frightful agony, this terrific straining, this ever-recurring tragedy and universal ruin, simply because we persist in being utterly ignorant of the simplest economic truths which our own actions on every such occasion have demonstrated—that there is absolutely no difference between a bank book credit and a bank note credit, except that the people want something that passes current in greatly increased quantities, when loaning stops or credit is checked. You have only to go to Scotland, and note the fact that there has been in operation there two hundred and seventeen years the vital principle involved, the conversion of bank book credits into bank note credits, and the current redemption of all bank credits in gold coin, whenever called for.
Why, gentlemen, if the man who wants to find the cure would only shake the moss from off his back, and take time to read what I am going to submit to you now, or pull the cobwebs out of his eyes and go up to Montreal, or Toronto, or any Canadian city, and see the bank notes come into the Clearing Houses, with the checks and drafts, he would wonder why he had been such a complete idiot all his life, when our nearest neighbor was enjoying perfect immunity from our troubles.
L. Carroll Root, an American economist and historical student of the first rank, after a most thorough and exhaustive investigation of banks and banking in New England before the war, concludes his comment as follows:
"When the National Banking System appeared upon the scene it found the channels of circulation in New England filled by a State bank currency of well recognized soundness.
"In general, it was a currency based upon the 'banking principle.' It was issued against general assets—not against the deposit of bonds. It was secured in addition, in most of the states, by the further liability of officers and stockholders, or by a first lien upon all the assets of the bank, or both. It was limited—rather loosely, we would now say—to one hundred and twenty-five or one hundred per cent of the capital. But though issued under the legislation of six different states, it was in reality a single currency system—made so through the agency of a commercial enterprise, established and carried on without the aid of law. The bills of banks in any one part of New England passed at par in every other part; and for years the notes of New England banks had been enjoying an extended circulation in the west, where its reputation found for it ready acceptance. At home, too, its valuable points were appreciated and its forced transference to the national system a matter of regret.
"The history of New England bank currency, thus closed, is significant for two developments which characterize it:
"First, the steady growth, under the teachings of experience, of the system as to the issue and regulation of bank currency, which has since then become generally approved among the English-speaking peoples of the New World. In one direction after another special opportunities for fraud or exploitation of a confiding public by rash banking developed their legitimate disasters and prompted the invention of remedies 'to fit the crime.'Conditions were so nearly alike throughout the New England states that each was prompt to suffer from any financial disease affecting any other, and equally prompt to adopt, with such improvements as its own enterprise might suggest, the remedies which had been found effectual elsewhere. As a result, the complete system, at the time of its practical suppression by the National Bank Act, was utilizing nearly every expedient to secure safe and conservative banking that were then or have since been incorporated in our own National Banking system, or in that of Canada—the two great plans which have since been matured.
"A second feature was the development of redemption facilities and methods. Starting with absolute chaos, assisted by no law, progressing tentatively as each necessity prompted the invention of new means to meet it, the result was a carefully buttressed and easily working system, under which, to an extent never approached in its efficiency by any plan elsewhere created by law, the bank note currency of New England was made elastic, safe and ideally convenient and inexpensive in use.
"For a full generation before the war, the amount of ultimate loss to noteholders was too small to be reckoned as an appreciable percentage on the amount of currency outstanding, while the delays and minor inconvenience in the prompt cashing of the bills of broken banks were the result rather of the imperfect communication and exchange facilities of those days than of material defects in the banking system itself; indeed, so satisfactory had been the workings of what is known as the 'Suffolk Bank Redemption Plan'—that the need even of the most modest guarantee fund for instant redemption of broken bank bills was not felt until after the panic of 1857; and even then the total loss was petty when compared with the total circulation, and such as the most moderate plan of subsidiary guarantee would have forever obviated."
Mr. Manufacturer: That is most astonishing, actually astounding; they went through identically the sameexperiences during the first fifty years of this country that we have been going through during the last fifty, and they perfected a banking system which we killed by the 10 per cent tax on bank notes. Now we are gradually, whenever necessary, even in defiance of law coming back to the same principle of credit currency, for certainly, whatever may be said of the Clearing House loan certificates, generally speaking, all those $1, $2, $5, $10, $20, $50 and $100 Clearing House checks were nothing but a pure credit currency, and we do not seem to have sense enough to see it, and adopt that principle.
New England redeemed all her currency at the Suffolk Bank at Boston, the financial centre of that commercial zone. New England did before the war, precisely in the redemption of her bank currency what she has been doing since 1899, in redeeming New England checks at Boston. We must take our hats off to New England. All we want to do is to adopt the currency system which she worked out, and her free zone system for check redemptions.
Canada obtained her original banking law by copying the statutes of Massachusetts before the war. She has improved upon them in detail, but the great underlying principle is the same.
Mr. Merchant: The total amount of certificates in one form or other, cash checks, etc., issued in 1907, was stated by the Comptroller of the Currency to be $248,279,700. It is a most interesting fact to note that just prior to the panic Hon. Charles N. Fowler, then Chairman of the Committee on Banking and Currency, of the House of Representatives, introduced a bill for the purpose of allowing the banks to issue $250,000,000 of bank notes of the pure credit currency character, and urged its adoption, as a measure of relief for the impending crisis. You will note the amount was only one million and three quarters in excess of the amount actually issued, or an estimate within three-fifths of one per cent of the amount actually used.
Never before in the history of the country was such license taken by the banks of the country as in 1907 in using bank credits in the form of cash checks indiscriminately; but they demonstrated this great economic truth that the nearer they approached to a pure credit currency, the nearer right they were. And they demonstrated this fact also to the satisfaction of every intelligent man on this question; that, if this country had been blessed with a credit currency redeemed through the Clearing Houses every day, precisely as these Clearing House certificates and pay checks were, the panic of 1907 would never have marred the commercial history of this country.
With all of our own experience before us, from the establishment of the banks of Virginia in 1803, is our stupidity to continue. And are we now to do something possibly more than stupid when we are naturally, even in defiance of law, as we have seen, finding our way out? If left alone, we shall soon adopt these same principles, now in practice in Scotland, Ireland and Canada? Principles which, without statutory laws, gave New England, before the war, the most perfect banking system that has ever existed anywhere in this world, all things considered.
Mr. Farmer: Then why in thunder don't we adopt it now? I suppose we are through with the Clearing House now, aren't we? I hope so, for I am due at the farm. They are waiting for me.
Uncle Sam: Just hold on a minute. If I understand the facts, you are all wrong about one thing, and this includes both Mr. Cannon and Mr. Hallock. The first Clearing House on this continent was not at New York at all, but it was established at Boston, where I held my first Tea Party, and it was started in 1818, thirty-five years before New York got to going. It only took two clerks to do the business for the first six years. By 1855, just two years after New York started, it took seventy clerks to do the business, and the redemptions amounted to four hundred million dollars per year. Transactions inNew England in those days were comparatively very small, and the business was carried on as it is in France today, very largely with bank notes instead of checks. You remember, we learned one night that the Bank of France owed $1,000,000,000 (one billion) in notes, and only one-tenth as much, or only $100,000,000 subject to check; and that if a bank could issue notes, as freely as take deposits, the habits of the people would always determine whether the amount of bank notes was greater than the deposits.
From 1840 to 1860 the note issue of the 510 banks in New England ranged from $30,000,000 to $57,000,000, and averaged $43,000,000, while the deposits ranged from $15,000,000 to $47,000,000, and averaged only $31,000,000, or the note issue was nearly 50 per cent greater than the deposits. The note issue then was the main feature of the banking business, precisely as it is at the Bank of France, and they started a Clearing House to clear the bank notes and it was called "The Suffolk Bank," where all the New England bank notes were cleared, precisely as New England checks and drafts are cleared today. New England was a free bank note zone before the war precisely as it is a free check zone today. All notes were par at Boston, as all checks are par today, and the Suffolk Bank, where the bank notes were cleared, was just as much a Clearing House as the one they have in Boston today, for clearing the checks and drafts. There is not the slightest difference between the two, and the fact that no one of you men recognized it as a Clearing House, convinces me that you do not yet fully comprehend and appreciate the fact that there is not the slightest difference between deposits subject to check, and a true credit currency, or a bank note issue. This is the great fundamental, economic truth, and unless you understand and recognize it, you might as well quit now.
Mr. Banker: I thoroughly appreciate what you say, Uncle Sam, and I think we all do, but you have driven this matter home, so that I don't think we will everforget it, or fail to apply it under such circumstances again, will we, boys?
Mr. Laboringman: No, never. That discovery of Uncle Sam's was a centre shot, a real bull's eye.
Uncle Sam: The result of this evening's talk is then, as I recall it:
First: There is no statutory authority for any Clearing House, either in England or the United States.
Second: The first Clearing House started in London in 1775. The second Clearing House started in Boston in 1818 under the Suffolk Bank. The third started in New York in 1853.
Third: Clearing country checks was established in London in 1857. New England became a free zone for country checks in 1899.
Fourth: Clearing Houses without any authority of law have adopted the following functions: (a) They have fixed charges for services; (b) they have provided reserves for their convenience; (c) they have forced all those banks, which are members, and all those clearing through them to submit to examinations; (d) they have not only issued Clearing House certificates for use in settling balances, but for circulation as currency in denominations of $1, $2, $5, $10, $20, $50, $100, to meet the demands of trade.
If you'll give them fifty years more, and will not interfere with them, they will in actual defiance of law reëstablish the currency system of New England before the war and now in operation in Canada.
It's too late to detain you a minute longer. You may go now, but remember that it took your Uncle Samuel to discover the important historical fact that the first Clearing House established in this country was the Suffolk Bank at Boston.
Good Night.
FOOTNOTES:[1]Since the above was written New York City has become a free check zone for a large territory tributary to it.
FOOTNOTES:
[1]Since the above was written New York City has become a free check zone for a large territory tributary to it.
[1]Since the above was written New York City has become a free check zone for a large territory tributary to it.
FOURTEENTH NIGHT
BANKING IN 1860
Uncle Sam: This is the fourteenth night, boys, since we began to meet, and discuss what in a way concerns me far more than any other question except the morals of the people. The tariff you can change, any time, any day, and, as I think should be changed schedule by schedule, so that there would not be any disturbance of business. Nor could corrupt trades between the various interests be made, if that policy were pursued. When we take up our money plan we must be sure we are right, before we adopt it. I mean absolutely right; for there is no hope apparently of changing our monetary laws when once they get upon the statute books.
Mr. Lawyer: That is certainly true, Uncle Sam, for we've not made a single substantial change in our National Bank Act since it was passed Feb. 23, 1863, almost fifty years ago. Of course, we dotted an "i" here and crossed a "t" there, but that is all.
Mr. Banker: I never thought of that before, but it is literally true. The only change ever made, worth mentioning, in the National Bank Act was that made in connection with the funding of the National Debt in the Act of March 14, 1900. Then Congress adopted word for word a provision contained in Congressman Fowler's first general Financial and Banking bill of March, 1897. This provision provided: That the new bonds should be payable in gold coin and bear interest at the rate of 2 per cent per annum and that the banks could issue circulation up to par of the bonds, and that the tax of 1 per cent should be reduced to one-half of 1 per cent. Not another change has been made, and this was incidental, rather than the direct purpose of the Act.
Mr. Lawyer: This indifference, or non-interferencewith monetary laws, is not peculiar to ourselves, however. You find the same is true in England. There has been no change in the English Bank Act since it was adopted in 1844, although practically all the English banking economists during the past fifty years have agreed that it is most faulty in some respects, particularly in its currency provisions. The same is true of the Bank of France which was established in 1803 by Napoleon, who proved to be as great an economist as he was a general. The same was true during the first fifty years of our banking legislation. The same will always be true in every country, for nothing is ever done, affecting a financial system, until the situation becomes intolerable as it is in this country today, and as it is fast becoming in Germany. Of course, the reason is not far to seek; it arises out of the fact that there is a general fear that any change in the banking practices, or system of any country, will disturb the existing business conditions, or arrangements. Hence nothing is ever done, as long as the people will put up with it. It takes the terrors and wastes of business misfortune to bring any change however obviously needed; therefore, we must be very patient, and most thorough in our work of preparing a measure for the reformation of our present banking practices which have been correctly described as "archaic," "barbaric" and "the worst in the world."
Mr. Merchant: That is right, we must be both patient and thorough; and to be thorough I think we ought to know what the situation was in this country in 1860, at the breaking out of the war; because if there is one fact that has impressed me more than any other, it is this, that all the real progress we have made during the past fifty years or since the war, has been either without any law, or in actual defiance of law. Under these circumstances I think it is of the utmost importance that we find out if we can what progress, if any, this country had made up to 1860, which was certainly a breaking up point in banking, as well as in all other lines.
Mr. Banker: I agree with Mr. Merchant, and ever since we began these discussions I have taken every opportunity to go back and investigate the banking situation, before 1860, hoping and expecting that our experience then would help us now. I have been literally amazed at what I have discovered in the way of sound banking in many of the states, and I have been profoundly impressed with the fact that then, too, as well as now, all that they had secured that was good was the outgrowth of experience.
Mr. Manufacturer: I was so greatly impressed with the complete and, as it seemed to me, practically perfect system that had grown up under the Suffolk Clearing House, which started at Boston in 1818, that I have been wondering whether there were not other instances like that which would help us; for, gentlemen, whatever we may think, or want, personally, one thing is certain, and that is this, that we must take things largely as we find them, and legislate as far as possible in harmony with them, bringing the inefficient, the laggard and the "sucker" up to the approved standards of our banking experience and compelling every individual bank to do its part in providing its own insurance by carrying equal and adequate reserves and by carrying on its business in accordance with the highest standards of banking practices today. Then we must bring all of the banks of the country under the reign of economic law, and into one harmonious whole for the benefit of all the people. We must protect our gold reserves against the demands of the rest of the commercial world.
Now, if any one of you has any information about banking conditions before the war that can possibly be helpful, I hope he will give it to us for our consideration.
Mr. Banker: I have no hesitation whatever in saying that there were better banking institutions in the United States in 1860 than there are today, so far as the principles are concerned upon which they were operated. But, of course, we must note two things in this connection: First, banking generally was not nearly as good upon the average as it is today; nor could you expect it to be. Second, banks generally were small, and only in a very few states was banking any more under governmental direction and control than the grocery business, stock buying or horse trading. The result was that sharpers all over the country were using the word "bank" or "banker" to swindle the unwary people and defraud the public generally. Third, in some states the legislators were so ignorant of economic law that the laws passed by them only facilitated the schemes of the swindlers in their diabolical work.
It was the reaction against the disastrous and disgusting experiences in one state after another because of the rotten conditions prevailing that some of the states finally passed laws for the establishment of banking systems, which for soundness and efficiency had never been surpassed, nor even equalled for the territory covered and services rendered.
Let me cite you a few instances; I will take first Louisiana.
The State of Louisiana passed a Bank Act which, though erring in one or two particulars, was nevertheless almost ideal; and under it, the state in 1860 stood fourth in banking capital, and held more specie than any other state except one. No limit was placed upon the amount of credit notes the banks could issue, nor the deposits they could receive and no security was pledged for their redemption. The virtue and real substance of the Act was in requiring a coin reserve of 33-1/3 per cent of all liabilities, deposits as well as notes, and confining the loans outside of capital to paper running for ninety days, or less.
Not a single bank organized under this law suspended specie payments during the panic of 1857, and all were conforming to the requirements of redemption when General Butler marched down the streets of New Orleans. The capital of the banks in 1860 amounted to $24,496,000,the $12,115,000, the circulation $11,579,000 and the deposits $19,777,000.
On Feb. 24, 1845, the Legislature of Ohio passed a Bank Act under which the Ohio State Bank was organized, with the right to establish branches and to issue credit bank notes. Each bank was required to deposit 10 per cent of the amount of its circulation to create a safety fund to redeem the notes of any branch that might fail. In 1846 there were seventeen branches; in 1848 twenty-five branches; in 1849 thirty-eight branches and in 1850 thirty-nine branches.
The note issues were of a purely credit character, and were proportioned to the capital as follows: For the first $100,000 of capital, there might be $200,000 of notes; for the second $100,000 of capital, $150,000 of notes; for the third $100,000 of capital, $125,000 of notes; for the fourth $100,000 of capital, $100,000 of notes, and for each additional $100,000 of capital, $75,000 of notes.
The evident purpose of the Act was to give the people a uniform and sound currency, and the plan succeeded admirably. The State Bank of Ohio was regarded as one of the soundest in the country.
The essence of the Act was in the requirement that the notes issued by the respective branches should be redeemed in gold or silver coin, the lawful currency of the United States, and in the insurance given of this result by a reserve equal to 30 per cent, of which at least one-half should be gold or silver and the balance equivalent to gold or silver coin.
John Jay Knox says: "The banks authorized under the laws of 1845 and 1851 were uniformly successful and furnished a currency for the people, not one dollar of which was ever lost by the holder thereof."
The capital in 1863 was $5,674,000, specie $3,033,000, circulation $9,057,000 and deposits $11,697,000.
Mr. Merchant: I have often heard my father speak of the State Bank of Indiana. Can you give us the history of that system?
Mr. Banker: Indiana presents the anomaly of having organized the most admirable system of banking of any state in the Union, and also of having had a banking system or banking practices at one time so vicious that under it the banks bankrupted nearly the whole people. The State Bank of Indiana and its successor, the Bank of the State of Indiana, stood all the tests of financial panic from 1834 until the banks were all absorbed by the National Banking System, without closing their doors for a minute, or losing a dollar to bill holders, depositors or stockholders. It is a proud distinction for Indiana that its State Bank was long the model bank of the country. So well were its affairs managed that in a period of twenty-two years of actual business, the profit to the state on its $800,000 of stock amounted to three and a half millions of dollars.
The Bank of Indiana, which became a model, was chartered in 1834, with a capital of $1,600,000, and the state was divided into ten districts, afterwards increased to seventeen, there being a branch of the bank in each.
Under its charter the bank could receive deposits, buy and sell gold, silver, bullion and foreign coins, discount commercial paper, and issue bills payable to bearer—a true credit note. A forfeiture of 12½ per cent was imposed upon all notes not redeemed in coin.
The institution was hardly under way when the panic of 1837 broke upon the country. The New York banks suspending, compelled the Indiana Bank to follow in order that it could protect itself. John J. Knox says: "No bank in the country stood higher than did the State Bank of Indiana during the panic. In all the western and southern states its notes commanded a premium, and in the east were taken at a small discount.... Its loans were made in small amounts and scattered all over the entire state, thus affording the greatest possible measure of relief."
Great as was the success of this splendid institution, the Jacksonian democrats, coming into power, at oncebegan an assault upon it, precisely as their leader had laid the axe to the roots of the United States Bank.
The Indiana democrats failed to destroy the Bank of Indiana, but succeeded in passing a general banking law permitting banks to be established upon filing with the auditor of the state the bonds, or other evidences of debt, of the Federal Government, or of any of the states, as security for the notes to be issued.
The State of Indiana itself went into the business of issuing notes, and even plank-road companies issued them. The Indiana state notes could be had for sixty cents on the dollar and were called "Red Dog." The plank-road notes and others of similar value were called "Blue Pup."
The Bank of the State of Indiana organized in 1855 with twenty branches to take the place of the Indiana State Bank, maintained the same high standard as its predecessor, going through the panic of 1857 without suspension, although every private bank in the state, except two at Indianapolis and one at Fort Wayne, went down.
Like its predecessor, the Bank of the State of Indiana fell on evil times soon after its organization. The panic of 1837 came two years after the organization of the State Bank; and in 1857, before the Bank of the State had been in operation quite two years, a great financial panic swept over the country, precipitated by the failure of the Ohio Life Insurance & Trust Co. Every bank in the east, except the Chemical Bank of New York, suspended specie payment, and all in the west, except the Bank of the State of Indiana and the Bank of Kentucky. The Indiana Bank weathered the storm, and redeemed all its obligations in gold, as fast as they were presented. Many of the branches of the Bank of Kentucky were at remote points from the railroads, and could not be easily reached by the brokers and other bill holders, but those of the Bank of the State of Indiana were within easy reach and holders rushed for the specie.
In 1860 the capital was $3,323,000, specie $1,917,000, circulation $5,753,000, deposits $1,186,000.
Mr. Manufacturer: I can tell you all about the Kentucky banks myself—and I want to tell you there were no better then and there are no better anywhere today.
The Legislature of Kentucky in the session of 1833-4 granted a charter to the Bank of Kentucky with $5,000,000 of capital and the privilege of six branches. Charters were also granted to the Northern Bank of Kentucky, with a capital of $3,000,000, and the Bank of Louisville, with a capital of $5,000,000, each institution having the power or right to issue credit notes to double the amount of their capital.
While the Northern Bank of Kentucky liquidated in 1898 and the Bank of Louisville was merged into the Southern Bank in 1899, the Bank of Kentucky had in the latter year a capital of $1,645,000 and a surplus of $1,103,000, giving indubitable proof that no one had ever suffered because of its power of note issue. And there the Bank of Kentucky stands today, occupying the building it purchased from the United States Bank, a monument to the sound principles upon which it was founded.
It may be most fittingly observed before passing, that when in May, 1837, the blighting wave of suspension swept from New York across the country, these three banks of Kentucky held $1,900,000 in specie against $3,300,000 of notes in circulation—an object lesson for those who may possibly fear that the banks cannot obtain sufficient gold today to protect the notes they are permitted to issue.
The panic of 1857, which was severe in many parts of the country, and which caused great alarm in Kentucky, produced no ill effects on the banks, all of them continuing to pay in specie, even after the New York banks had suspended.
In 1860 the capital of these banks was $12,660,000 and the circulation was $13,520,000.
Mr. Banker: The record made by the Kentucky bankswas excellent, but for organization the State Bank of Iowa, like that of the State of Indiana, has had no superior anywhere in the world, and humanly speaking, the administration and working of both was practically perfect. Iowa in the morning of her statehood was opposed to banking as a business; her first constitution provided that "the general assembly shall provide for the organization of all other corporations except with banking privileges, the creation of which is prohibited."
The Constitution also provided, that "the general Assembly shall prohibit any person or persons, association, company, or corporation from exercising the privilege of banking or creating paper to circulate as money," the penalty for each offense being one year in the county jail and a fine.
During the intervening years down to 1857, when the new Constitution was framed, Iowa had suffered so severely from thebond-secured circulationof Illinois in particular, known as "Wild Cat," "Red Dog" and "Yellow Dog" money that a provision was incorporated permitting the legislature to create corporations with banking power, subject, however, to a vote of the people, and also to establish a State Bank with branches founded on actual specie basis.
I want to call the attention of you fellows to the fact that they had a referendum, a state referendum, in Iowa in those days.
It was provided that the branches should be mutually responsible for each other's notes; that the stockholders should be liable for an additional amount equal to their stock; that the bank could issuepure credit notes for double the amount of the paid-up capital; that in case of insolvency the bill holders should have a prior lien over other creditors and that specie redemption must be maintained.
To secure this solvency beyond peradventure, each branch was required to deposit with the State Bank either coin, United States stocks or interest-bearing statestocks at their market value in New York, but in no case above par. This deposit was equal to 12½ per cent of the note issue, and was known as "the Safety Fund" to redeem the notes of the branches in case any of them failed to do so. In addition each branch must have on hand an amount of coin, equal to 25 per cent of its notes outstanding and deposits held. Here is a replica of the banking system of the Bank of the State of Indiana, and it contains all of the prerequisites of a well-nigh perfect banking system; and the result proved the soundness of the plan.
This bank was prohibited from paying interest upon deposits. The parent bank was not a bank of issue or of deposit. It transacted no business, except with and for the branches.
Certainly there is no bank in the United States today with so good a charter as that of the State Bank of Iowa.
By an act approved in February, 1862, County Treasurers and the State Treasurer were authorized to accept the notes of these branches in payment of taxes, and by an Act approved March 10, 1864, payment of taxes and the interest and principal on the school fund might be paid in United States Treasury Notes, National Bank Notes, orNotes of the State Bank of Iowa, thus showing the unquestionable value of the State Bank Circulating Notes.
When the National Banking System was established in 1865, and the 10 per cent tax on circulation was imposed, the life was choked out of one of the most perfect banking systems that had ever existed; and every note of the $1,439,000 outstanding on Jan. 2, 1865, was redeemed without the loss of a single cent to the holders.
The capital was $1,048,000; specie, $389,800; circulation, $1,439,000; deposits, $2,851,000.
Mr. Lawyer: In 1898 I heard an attorney from Richmond speak upon the State Banks of Virginia so boastfully, that out of pure suspicion I investigated them, not believing anything he said at the time.
About 1800 there sprung into life in Virginia a system of state banks based on the old Scotch system under which a half dozen banks of issue were authorized, with numerous branch banks in every part of the state. The charter provisions of these banks were the basis of the few laws that have been enacted in relation to banking since that day.
The first of the banks to be established under state control was the Bank of Virginia, incorporated by the General Assembly, Jan. 13, 1804, with a capital stock of $1,500,000 in shares of $100 apportioned; three thousand seven hundred and fifty shares to Richmond, three thousand to Norfolk, two thousand two hundred and fifty to Petersburg, one thousand to Fredericksburg, five hundred and twenty-five to Winchester, four hundred and fifty to Staunton and five hundred and twenty-five to Lynchburg.
The Charter provided that the banks should hold real estate and other effects to the value of $3,500,000, including the capital stock. The cashier was required to give bond for $50,000; the total amount of notes to be put into circulation by the banks, together with the debts, were restricted to $4,500,000, over and above the money actually deposited in the bank; that is, the issue could be three for one on its cash capital, and this was the established rate for this class of banks.
The bank was well managed and was highly successful. Its notes, all payable in gold, had a wide circulation and were at only one-fourth of 1 per cent discount in New York.
Five other banks were established with the power of establishing branches. These mother banks, six in number, were great institutions, and held the complete confidence of the people. The law did not require that they should keep any reserves and they kept none, except the specie held in their vaults to redeem their notes.
The law provided that the total amount of paper circulation of these banks shouldnever exceed five times theamount of the coin in possession and actually the property of the bank. If the coin of the bank was reduced below one-fifth of its circulation, it was required to stop all discounts until the ratio was restored. As a matter of fact some of the banks issued as high as 8 to 1.
The banks at such times kept their coin reserve up by keeping the discounts down.
The banks of Virginia from 1827 to 1860 had a prosperous period, keeping on an average $10,000,000 of notes in circulation without loss.
It is reported that occasionally drafts drawn on New York were placed in the safe to make up a balance, and called "coin." Be that as it may, there is no case on record where a bank of circulation and deposit failed, and it is claimed by those acquainted with the banking of that day that no one ever lost a dollar by a Virginia bank note previous to the war of 1861, and they were at a discount of only one-quarter of one per cent in New York.
On Jan. 31, 1860, the capital was $16,000,000, specie was $2,943,000, circulation was $9,812,000, deposits $7,729,000.
The Bank of the State of Missouri was started in 1837, with authority to issue notes at the ratio of three to one for the specie in its vaults, and with a branch at each of five considerable towns in different sections of the state; Lexington, Fayette, Palmyra, Cape Girardeau and Springfield. Its capital was $3,450,000.
In 1856, when the population of Missouri was eight hundred and forty thousand and that of St. Louis one hundred and twenty-five thousand, and the indications of substantial prosperity were to be seen in every department of business, the bank circulation was only $2,200,000, although its stock of $1,400,000 specie warranted notes to the amount of $4,200,000, and a considerable part of its circulation was doing duty in California, Oregon and New Mexico, whither it had been carried by emigrants and traders. It is no wonder that underthese circumstances Missouri offered an inviting field for the "Wild Cat" money issued so profusely by banks in other western states and that its people became victims of an inconvertible and unreliably currency, which the bank note reporter quoted at a discount all the way from 5 to 25 per cent.
So valuable were the notes of the banks of the State of Missouri in California in the '50's that a gang of counterfeiters took advantage of their popularity, and struck off imitations of them in large quantities.
It was a remedy for this evil, which had become unendurable, and in response to the persistent demands of the important commercial interests of the chief city of the state that the legislature, in 1857, chartered seven banks of issue, with branches conveniently located for the accommodation of business.
These banks were promptly organized in the spring of 1857, immediately after the Act authorizing them was passed; for the state was prosperous, and offered a fair field for legitimate investment. The monetary crisis which was impending but not discerned fell upon the country shortly after they had opened for business; but they stood the strain well; two of them, the Mechanics and the Exchange of St. Louis, refused to suspend specie payment, and continued to redeem in coin through the panic; and when the Civil War broke upon the country four years later, these two banks again refused to join in the general suspension, and maintained coin payment under all conditions that followed.
The system of banks organized under the Act of 1857 rendered the important service of partially displacing the uncertain and variable currency issued by the banks of other states and territories which had found so easy a field in Missouri. The legislature had also authorized the old banks in the state to establish additional branches and to issue notes for $5.00, and in a short time every considerable town in the state had a bank, and the notes of Missouri banks, issued at the rate of $3.00 to everydollar of specie on hand, afforded a local currency better than that brought in from the outside, which had for years almost monopolized the field. The "Wild Cat" money nevertheless made a stubborn contest, and the last of it did not disappear until the National Bank Act went into operation.
In the wild, reckless period, when almost anything in the shape and appearance of an engraved bill, with the name of a bank on it, was good enough to buy public land with, and good enough, therefore, for all other purposes—and in the latter period when other western statesauthorized banks to issue notes based on various kinds of bondswith the place of redemption out of the way and difficult of access—sometimes in a forest or in a swamp—the legislature of Missouri refused to charter institutions to multiply such currency within the limits of the state.
The notes of the Bank of the State of Missouri were preferred to specie in New Mexico, Utah and on the Pacific coast, and the same high character marked the issues of the system of banks authorized by the general law of 1857.
The capital in 1863 was $11,247,000; specie, $3,666,000; circulation, $4,037,000; deposits, $3,434,000.
Everything I have just said I have taken from John Jay Knox's "History of Banking."
During all this varied experience in the west and south, there was a most conspicuous illustration of a complete banking system demonstrating and proving every economic principle that is involved in constructing a financial and banking system for the United States. It was the Suffolk System of New England. Here were six states, the laws varying in each. Portions of these states were far more remote from Boston in those days than any part of the United States is from any other part today, so far as business relations and convenience are concerned.
There were no railroads, nor telegraph lines, nor longdistance telephones. Indeed, almost every essential to anything like a sound banking system as conceived and observed from the standpoint of today was wanting. There was no law requiring a uniform reserve. There was no law requiring coin redemption. There was no law requiring bona fide capital. There was no check upon the amount of notes that might be issued if a bank was dishonestly inclined.
There were, in 1848, three hundred and six banks, deriving their authority from six states, and one hundred and fifty-nine of them did not possess an average capital of $100,000; nor was the average capital outside of Boston more than $160,000, and including that city, it was not more than $206,000.
By 1860 there were five hundred and four banks. There are only seven hundred and forty banks today in the same states. Can any fair-minded, impartial man deny that the conditions today are vastly in favor of better results than they were then? One law for all; a bona fide capital; a required reserve; a system of redemption established by law; notes furnished by the United States Government; a common national supervision. These all unite to compel the admission that any system that could prove its adequacy under such adverse conditions as existed from 1840 to 1860 would certainly approximate perfection today.
Nowhere in the whole range of banking experience have so many things, which the student of this subject wants to know, been demonstrated beyond cavil.
To all intents and purposes the possible issues were without limit. The actual circulation in 1840 was only 23 per cent of that permitted. The circulation of 1850 was only 40 per cent of that permitted; and the circulation in 1860 was only 36 per cent of that permitted.
During every year from 1840 to 1860, except one, the note issues were greater (and usually nearly double) than the deposits, illustrating with what certainty and perfect nicety such a system adapted itself to the evervarying needs of the people who were fortunate enough to have it, and how it invariably, with peculiar fitness, met the needs of the rural districts where currency and not checks was especially required.
The States of New Hampshire and Vermont had bank capital amounting to $8,150,000 in 1850, and notes outstanding amounting to $7,300,000, while Boston with $33,200,000 of capital had only $7,500,000 of notes outstanding.
A marvelous exhibition of this interplay and interchange of bank book credits and bank note credits occurred in the six New England States as a result of the panic of 1857. The authorized note issue of the five hundred and ten banks constituting the Suffolk System with capital ranging all the way from $25,000 to $500,000 each was $131,000,000. In 1856, the year before the panic, the note issue amounted to $50,000,000, and the deposits amounted to $32,000,000. In 1857, as the result of the panic, the note issue rose to $55,000,000 and the deposits dropped to $25,000,000; in 1858, one year after the panic, the note issue had fallen to $36,000,000, and the deposits had risen to $47,000,000, or there had been a conversion of $20,000,000 of bank note debts into deposit debts. The exigency for cash had disappeared and the depression had come.
Do not fail to observe three important facts in this connection:
First: That although the banks were authorized to issue $131,000,000, they never exceeded $57,000,000, which was the highest point of circulation, and that was reached as the result of the panic of 1857, and that they averaged $43,000,000 from 1840 to 1860.
Second: That there was a perfect adaptation of the deposits and note issues to the peculiar and ever changing demands of the people during the panic, and during the depression in trade that followed the panic.
Third: That the number of banks in New England in 1856, the year before the panic, was four hundred andninety-five, and in the year 1858, the year after the panic, there were four hundred and ninety-nine banks, or four more banks the year after the panic than there were the year preceding the panic, an unquestionable tribute to the principle of current coin redemption.
Now, mark this, that the very heart and the very soul of the Suffolk System was in the fact that the notes were redeemed in Boston in coin. So good were these notes considered to be throughout the entire west, that at Buffalo, Chicago, Milwaukee and all commercial points in the then far west, they were always taken at a premium of from 1 to 5 per cent. It was not the size of the bank of issue that made them good and desirable, but the fact that they were redeemed in coin in Boston.
When the soundness of this system is tested by a comparison with that of the national banks, the result more than justifies the assertion that the Suffolk Bank System of New England was incomparably better than the National Bank System; for, when the conditions during the twenty years from 1840 to 1860 are compared with those of the past thirty years, all must admit that argument is futile and the conclusion is inevitable.
Mark this, that while a tax of one-eighth of 1 per cent of all the notes in circulation would have paid all the notes of the banks that failed under the Suffolk System from 1840 to 1860, it would have taken a tax of one-fifth of 1 per cent on all the notes outstanding issued by the national banks to pay the notes of the failed national banks.
In confirmation of what I have said in praise of the Suffolk System let the bank commissioners of Connecticut, Vermont, Maine, Massachusetts and theNew York Courier and Enquirertestify.
"The currency of this state is of the first order and can not be improved, being equal to gold and silver. This is strong language, we admit, yet perfectly true, for every bill holder can on demand convert his billsinto coin." (Connecticut Bank Commissioners' Report, 1841.)
"The bills of any country bank, redeemed at par in any commercial city, will always be current throughout the extent of region whose business channels flow to that city. Hence, New England money is worth more in the cities of New York and Philadelphia than the bills of their own country banks. Vermont bills have uniformly borne a premium in the eastern cities without loss, while bills of their own states are at a heavy discount." (Vermont Bank Commission's Report, 1852.)
"The 'Suffolk System,' though not recognized in our banking law, has proved to be the great safeguard to the public. Whatever objections may exist to this 'system' in theory, its practical operation is to keep the circulation of our banks within the bounds of safety. No sound bank can have any well-founded reason for refusing to redeem its bills in Boston, and a bank that is not sound can not long do business under that system and ceases to be in good credit when it is 'thrown out at the Suffolk.'" (Maine Commissioners' Report, Dec. 31, 1857.)
"If there was no check upon circulation there might be some danger, but the frequent redemptions at the Suffolk Bank and the rapid communications between different parts of the country will prevent any greater circulation than the natural business wants of the country will sustain.... Indeed, this system of par redemption seems to be a most perfect regulator upon all the New England banks. It would seem somewhat surprising that something has not been adopted in other parts of the country that should produce the same beneficial results." (Connecticut Bank Commissioners' Report, 1848.)
"The charters of the banks have been renewed. If the laws by which they are constituted the agents of the people to provide a currency, and by which their faithfulness in the discharge of such agency is secured, remain unchanged, there is every reason to believe that the currency of Massachusetts will be for the next twenty years what it has been for the twenty years past—as perfect as any in existence, as perfect as in the nature of things it can be. No reasonable man, no practical man, no man who is not bound hand and foot in the fetters of mere theory, can desire for the people a currency better adapted to meet all the circumstances of a business community than that which has been furnished by the banks of Massachusetts for the last quarter of a century." (James B. Congdon, cashier Merchants' Bank, New Bedford, in memorial to Governor of Massachusetts, 1851.)
"We said that the Massachusetts currency was apparently unsecured. In reality their bank paper is well secured. The experience of the last fifteen years has demonstrated that the losses from bank issues in the State of New York are four or five times greater than in Massachusetts. The system of the latter is better than our own." (New York Courier and Enquirer, 1854.)
"It is by no means wonderful that a system which has stood the test of time and struck its roots so deep as to have become incorporated with and formed a part of our banking system should be abandoned with hesitation for one which is new and untried." (Maine Bank Commissioners' Report, 1865.)
"The State parts with these objects of her care and solicitude with many regrets, but with a just pride in their career, inspired by the belief that their capital has been highly instrumental in promoting the prosperity of the state, and that they have furnished as good a paper currency, based on individual credit, as any part of the country has ever enjoyed." (Massachusetts Banking Report, 1865.)
Mr. Lawyer:If, as we have gradually come to understand and firmly believe, the true service of a bank is to furnish credit to its customers, as they want it, andin such form as they need it, then these institutions which you have been describing were certainly far better suited to the purposes of their day than any banks we now have in existence.
Two things seem to have been present in all of these various institutions: ample coin reserves, which ranged from 20 to 33 per cent, to meet any demand for credit redemption and perfect freedom in changing bank credits from the form of book credit to the form of note credit, and the form of note credit to the form of book credit, according to the desires and needs of the customers of those banks.
As a result of interchangeability of book and note credits, a bank could always protect its coin reserve, for if the customer was just as well satisfied to take the bank's notes, instead of coin, or its reserves, it must be apparent to all of you that the cost to the bank would only be from one-sixth to one-fourth as great, and that the bank would have several times as much credit to loan, and at the same time be in a much stronger position.
Let me illustrate what I mean by calling your attention to what happens over in New York every fall. Let us suppose that the New York banks owe the country banks, say $500,000,000 and that the country banks call for it from July to January for the purpose of moving the crops. The banks of New York with the right kind of a currency system would not need to disturb the situation in New York at all because they could send their correspondents their credit notes, or cashier's checks, for $500,000,000. You see the New York banks would simply convert a deposit credit subject to check or draft into a note credit. The amount of the debt would remain the same, the amount of the reserves would remain exactly the same; but, instead of the country banks continuing to keep the deposits subject to check at the banks, they would take the notes which would serve their purpose, because they could in turn send the notes into the corn and cotton fields, to help harvest and gather thecrop; and, just as soon as the notes had served their purpose, they would be returned to the country banks and by them in turn sent on to the New York banks, and would have been reconverted into book credits. Not a single dollar of actual money would have been used in the whole transaction, and yet the country would have been served just as well, as though every bank note sent out had been a gold certificate.
On the other hand, if the New York banks should continue to be as they are today compelled to ship the $500,000,000, they would have to call loans and shift conditions until they could scrape up $500,000,000 with as little injury as possible to their customers and send it west; nearly every dollar so sent out is reserve money of some form, gold certificates, silver certificates and United States notes. Now mark this, the credit notes cost the bank only the interest on the reserves behind the notes; but when the banks ship out their reserves, the cost must necessarily be four or five times as much, to say nothing of the injury they have done to the business conditions in New York. And so this same principle runs on throughout all of our banking business today from one end of the country to the other.
Mr. Merchant: Well, Mr. Lawyer, your entire argument goes to demonstrate with mathematical certainty that the country banks would never have any occasion whatever to send to New York for currency, as they would create their own currency by converting bank book credits into bank note credits to meet all ordinary demands, a fact that not only accentuates, but proves more conclusively what you are saying, and reinforces your argument.
Should we be fortunate enough to secure a right kind of banking system in this respect, we could almost double our bank reserves, that is, make them twice as large, and yet make two or three times as much profit on that part of the banking business, growing out of the substitution of credit notes for reserves, and at the same time bevastly better able to protect the balance of our business from disturbance due to the fact that we are compelled to use reserve money for currency purposes. This now seems to me a very simple matter when you once have grasped it.
Mr. Banker: In this connection I want to call your attention to this fact, and I want to note that it is a very important fact which was so obvious in connection with every single statement of capital, specie, circulation and deposit, that has been given, when referring to the banking systems before the war, and that's this: that the note issues did not begin to average one-half the authorized amounts, proving conclusively that the currency of these banks invariably adapted itself to the exact needs of the people.
Can anyone doubt, after noting these figures, that the note issues of the various banking systems kept as perfect pace with the requirements of trade, as checks and drafts do? Certainly it is perfectly evident that the bank notes came and went precisely as all bank credit should.
Mr. Lawyer: While all these splendid banking systems were snuffed out by the 10 per cent tax upon circulation, the sound principles upon which they were all founded are still most successfully exemplified by the Canadian Banking System which you will remember took its charter from the statutes of Massachusetts.
There are today 27 banks in Canada, with 2,000 branches. The general principle of the Canadian Banking System is identical with that of the Virginia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Indiana, Ohio, Iowa and Missouri banks. It is true there are some differences in matters of detail. The amount of notes that can be issued regularly is that of the capital of the bank. The notes are a first lien upon the assets of the bank, including a double liability of the stockholders; the bank notes are also secured by a guarantee fund of 5 per cent, which is contributed by the banks issuing the notes; there is a provision that the notes shall bear interest at the rate of 5 per cent until notification of redemption. No holder of a Canadian bank note has ever lost a cent since these provisions have been in force.
You remember that we have a chart which shows very graphically with what marvelous accuracy, year in and year out, month in and month out, day in and day out, the Canadian Bank note currency meets the actual requirements of trade; no more, no less, but always just adequate.
The precision with which the currency rises and falls with the demands of trade is the result of the daily redemption of all bank notes, concurrently with the checks and drafts, through the Clearing Houses, or over the counters of the banks, or at the points fixed by lawfor note redemption for the purpose of keeping the notes at par, all over Canada.
We want to keep this diagram here on file, because it speaks louder than words possibly can.
Mr. Banker: One striking characteristic of the Bank of the State of Indiana and the State Bank of Iowa was that the parent, or home institution, did no business at all, except for the branches, and examined and supervised them. Hugh McCulloch, the president of the Bank of the State of Indiana, said, "that the soundness of the bank was due to the frequent examinations."
Another feature to be found in both these systems, and so far as I know peculiar to them, was this: that all the branches were responsible for the failure of any one of them; but the branches did not share in each other's profits. The result of this law was to make every branch the watch dog of every other branch; there was only one instance in which the home, or parent institution, took charge of a branch in either state, and that was in 1860. The executive committee of the State Bank of Iowa having heard that one of the branches had made some unsafe investments, "promptly took charge of its affairs, and authorized a reorganization, calling upon other branches for such aid as was required, which was given so that the branch, with no delay, and without loss of a cent to its customers, or note holders, or suspension even of its legal business, was again put on a firm and solvent basis."