[625]The Blackfriars auditorium was sixty-six feet in length and forty-six feet in breadth.
[625]The Blackfriars auditorium was sixty-six feet in length and forty-six feet in breadth.
[626]Cunningham,The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 104. In hisHandbook for LondonCunningham says that the Salisbury Court Playhouse "was originally the 'barn.'"
[626]Cunningham,The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 104. In hisHandbook for LondonCunningham says that the Salisbury Court Playhouse "was originally the 'barn.'"
[627]Annals(1631), p. 1004. In 1633 Prynne (Histriomastix) refers to it as a "new theatre erected."
[627]Annals(1631), p. 1004. In 1633 Prynne (Histriomastix) refers to it as a "new theatre erected."
[628]Collier,The History of English Dramatic Literature(1879),iii, 106, thought that Salisbury Court was a round playhouse, basing his opinion on a line in Sharpe'sNoble Strangeracted at "the private house in Salisbury Court": "Thy Stranger to the Globe-like theatre."
[628]Collier,The History of English Dramatic Literature(1879),iii, 106, thought that Salisbury Court was a round playhouse, basing his opinion on a line in Sharpe'sNoble Strangeracted at "the private house in Salisbury Court": "Thy Stranger to the Globe-like theatre."
[629]I have not been able to examine this. In the only copy of the second edition accessible to me the Epistle is missing.
[629]I have not been able to examine this. In the only copy of the second edition accessible to me the Epistle is missing.
[630]Malone,Variorum,iii, 178.
[630]Malone,Variorum,iii, 178.
[631]Halliwell-Phillipps,A Collection of Ancient Documents, p. 27.
[631]Halliwell-Phillipps,A Collection of Ancient Documents, p. 27.
[632]See Mrs. Stopes's extracts from the Lord Chamberlain's books, in the ShakespeareJahrbuch(1910),xlvi, 97. This entry probably led Cunningham to say (The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 92) that Blagrove was "Master of the Children of the Revels in the reign of Charles I."
[632]See Mrs. Stopes's extracts from the Lord Chamberlain's books, in the ShakespeareJahrbuch(1910),xlvi, 97. This entry probably led Cunningham to say (The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 92) that Blagrove was "Master of the Children of the Revels in the reign of Charles I."
[633]For Dorset's interest in the matter see Cunningham,The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 96.
[633]For Dorset's interest in the matter see Cunningham,The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 96.
[634]In December, 1631; see Malone,Variorum,iii, 178.
[634]In December, 1631; see Malone,Variorum,iii, 178.
[635]Malone,Variorum,iii, 178.
[635]Malone,Variorum,iii, 178.
[636]The Cockpit, for which Shirley had been writing.
[636]The Cockpit, for which Shirley had been writing.
[637]Cf. "new poets" of Marmion's Prologue.
[637]Cf. "new poets" of Marmion's Prologue.
[638]An allusion to the smallness of the Salisbury Court Playhouse?
[638]An allusion to the smallness of the Salisbury Court Playhouse?
[639]Malone,Variorum,iii, 232. But Malone was a careless transcriber, and Herbert himself sometimes made errors. Possibly the correct date is January 10, 1631.
[639]Malone,Variorum,iii, 232. But Malone was a careless transcriber, and Herbert himself sometimes made errors. Possibly the correct date is January 10, 1631.
[640]Ibid.,iii, 178.
[640]Ibid.,iii, 178.
[641]English Dramatic Companies,i, 221.
[641]English Dramatic Companies,i, 221.
[642]Richard Heton, "Instructions for my Pattent,"The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 96.
[642]Richard Heton, "Instructions for my Pattent,"The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 96.
[643]We find a payment to Richard Heton, "for himself and the rest of the company of the players at Salisbury Court," for performing a play before his Majesty at Court, October, 1635. (Chalmers'sApology, p. 509.) Exactly when he took charge of Salisbury Court I am unable to learn.
[643]We find a payment to Richard Heton, "for himself and the rest of the company of the players at Salisbury Court," for performing a play before his Majesty at Court, October, 1635. (Chalmers'sApology, p. 509.) Exactly when he took charge of Salisbury Court I am unable to learn.
[644]Cunningham,The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 96.
[644]Cunningham,The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 96.
[645]Malone,Variorum,iii, 240.
[645]Malone,Variorum,iii, 240.
[646]For certain troubles at Salisbury Court in 1644 and 1648, see Collier,The History of English Dramatic Poetry(1879),ii, 37, 40, 47.
[646]For certain troubles at Salisbury Court in 1644 and 1648, see Collier,The History of English Dramatic Poetry(1879),ii, 37, 40, 47.
[647]William Beeston was the son of the famous actor Christopher Beeston, who was once a member of the Lord Chamberlain's Men, later manager of the Fortune, and finally proprietor of the Cockpit. In 1639 William had been appointed manager of the Cockpit Company. (See pages358ff.)
[647]William Beeston was the son of the famous actor Christopher Beeston, who was once a member of the Lord Chamberlain's Men, later manager of the Fortune, and finally proprietor of the Cockpit. In 1639 William had been appointed manager of the Cockpit Company. (See pages358ff.)
[648]That is, stripped of its benches, stage-hangings, and other appliances for dramatic performances.
[648]That is, stripped of its benches, stage-hangings, and other appliances for dramatic performances.
[649]The manuscript entry in Stow'sAnnals. SeeThe Academy, October 28, 1882, p. 314. On the same date the soldiers "pulled down on the inside" also the Phœnix and the Fortune.
[649]The manuscript entry in Stow'sAnnals. SeeThe Academy, October 28, 1882, p. 314. On the same date the soldiers "pulled down on the inside" also the Phœnix and the Fortune.
[650]Cunningham,The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 103.
[650]Cunningham,The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 103.
[651]Printed in Malone,Variorum,iii, 243, and Halliwell-Phillipps,A Collection of Ancient Documents, p. 85. The language clearly indicates that Beeston was toreconvertthe building into a theatre.
[651]Printed in Malone,Variorum,iii, 243, and Halliwell-Phillipps,A Collection of Ancient Documents, p. 85. The language clearly indicates that Beeston was toreconvertthe building into a theatre.
[652]Cunningham,The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 103.
[652]Cunningham,The Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 103.
[653]Malone,Variorum,iii, 257; Halliwell-Phillipps,A Collection of Ancient Documents, p. 27.
[653]Malone,Variorum,iii, 257; Halliwell-Phillipps,A Collection of Ancient Documents, p. 27.
[654]By Philip Massinger.
[654]By Philip Massinger.
[655]The subsequent history of Salisbury Court is traced in the legal documents printed by Cunningham. Beeston lost the property, and Fisher and Silver erected nearer the river a handsome new playhouse, known as "The Duke's Theatre," at an estimated cost of £1000.
[655]The subsequent history of Salisbury Court is traced in the legal documents printed by Cunningham. Beeston lost the property, and Fisher and Silver erected nearer the river a handsome new playhouse, known as "The Duke's Theatre," at an estimated cost of £1000.
[656]Edition of 1808,iv, 434. See also Stow'sChronicle, under the year 1581.
[656]Edition of 1808,iv, 434. See also Stow'sChronicle, under the year 1581.
[657]This had once already, on Shrove Tuesday, 1604, been used for a play. The situation and ground-plan of the "Great Hall" are clearly shown in Fisher'sSurveyof the palace, made about 1670, and engraved by Vertue, 1747.
[657]This had once already, on Shrove Tuesday, 1604, been used for a play. The situation and ground-plan of the "Great Hall" are clearly shown in Fisher'sSurveyof the palace, made about 1670, and engraved by Vertue, 1747.
[658]Stow'sAnnals, continued by Edmund Howes (1631), p. 891.
[658]Stow'sAnnals, continued by Edmund Howes (1631), p. 891.
[659]John Nichols,The Progresses of James,ii, 162.
[659]John Nichols,The Progresses of James,ii, 162.
[660]Shakespeare writes (Henry VIII,iv, i, 94-97):Sir youMust no more call it York-place, that is past;For since the Cardinal fell, that title's lost:'Tis now the King's, and called Whitehall.
[660]Shakespeare writes (Henry VIII,iv, i, 94-97):
Sir youMust no more call it York-place, that is past;For since the Cardinal fell, that title's lost:'Tis now the King's, and called Whitehall.
[661]Bookvi, page 6.
[661]Bookvi, page 6.
[662]Winwood State Papers(1725),ii, 41.
[662]Winwood State Papers(1725),ii, 41.
[663]See Cunningham,Extracts from the Accounts of the Revels, pp. xiii-xiv.
[663]See Cunningham,Extracts from the Accounts of the Revels, pp. xiii-xiv.
[664]John Nichols,The Progresses of James,ii, 466.
[664]John Nichols,The Progresses of James,ii, 466.
[665]SeeThe Dramatic Works of Thomas Heywood(1874),vi, 339.
[665]SeeThe Dramatic Works of Thomas Heywood(1874),vi, 339.
[666]Whether he merely made over the old Cockpit which Henry VIII had constructed "out of certain old tenements," or erected an entirely new building, I have not been able to ascertain. Heywood'sSpeechindicates a "new" and "lasting" structure.
[666]Whether he merely made over the old Cockpit which Henry VIII had constructed "out of certain old tenements," or erected an entirely new building, I have not been able to ascertain. Heywood'sSpeechindicates a "new" and "lasting" structure.
[667]Vertue conservatively dates the survey "about 1680"; but the names of the occupants of the various parts of the palace show that it was drawn before 1670, and nearer 1660 than 1680.
[667]Vertue conservatively dates the survey "about 1680"; but the names of the occupants of the various parts of the palace show that it was drawn before 1670, and nearer 1660 than 1680.
[668]Reprinted here by the kind permission of Mr. Bell and the editors ofThe Architectural Record.
[668]Reprinted here by the kind permission of Mr. Bell and the editors ofThe Architectural Record.
[669]Lord Chamberlain's Office-Book, C.C. Stopes, "Shakespeare's Fellows and Followers," ShakespeareJahrbuch,xlvi, 96.
[669]Lord Chamberlain's Office-Book, C.C. Stopes, "Shakespeare's Fellows and Followers," ShakespeareJahrbuch,xlvi, 96.
[670]Herbert MS., Malone,Variorum,iii, 237.
[670]Herbert MS., Malone,Variorum,iii, 237.
[671]Herbert MS., Malone,Variorum,iii, 237.
[671]Herbert MS., Malone,Variorum,iii, 237.
[672]Lord Chamberlain's Office-Book, Chalmers'sApology, p. 508.
[672]Lord Chamberlain's Office-Book, Chalmers'sApology, p. 508.
[673]Ibid., p. 509.
[673]Ibid., p. 509.
[674]The Herbert MS., Malone,Variorum,iii, 238.
[674]The Herbert MS., Malone,Variorum,iii, 238.
[675]Fleay in his elaborate studies of performances at Court ignores it entirely, as do subsequent scholars.
[675]Fleay in his elaborate studies of performances at Court ignores it entirely, as do subsequent scholars.
[676]Chalmers,Apology, p. 510.
[676]Chalmers,Apology, p. 510.
[677]Herbert MS., Malone,Variorum,iii, 241.
[677]Herbert MS., Malone,Variorum,iii, 241.
[678]Historical Manuscripts Commission, Fifth Report, p. 200. Pepys, under the date November 20, 1660, gives an anecdote about the King's behavior on this occasion.
[678]Historical Manuscripts Commission, Fifth Report, p. 200. Pepys, under the date November 20, 1660, gives an anecdote about the King's behavior on this occasion.
[679]He first "got in" on April 20, 1661, "by the favour of one Mr. Bowman." John Evelyn also visited the Cockpit; see hisDiary, January 16 and February 11, 1662.
[679]He first "got in" on April 20, 1661, "by the favour of one Mr. Bowman." John Evelyn also visited the Cockpit; see hisDiary, January 16 and February 11, 1662.
[680]By James Shirley, licensed 1641.
[680]By James Shirley, licensed 1641.
[681]By Corneille.
[681]By Corneille.
[682]Mrs. Betterton.
[682]Mrs. Betterton.
[683]Chalmers,Apology, p. 530. Cunningham says, in hisHandbook of London: "I find in the records of the Audit Office a payment of £30 per annum 'to the Keeper of our Playhouse called the Cockpit in St. James Park'"; but he does not state the year in which the payment was made.
[683]Chalmers,Apology, p. 530. Cunningham says, in hisHandbook of London: "I find in the records of the Audit Office a payment of £30 per annum 'to the Keeper of our Playhouse called the Cockpit in St. James Park'"; but he does not state the year in which the payment was made.
[684]I quote from W.J. Lawrence,The Elizabethan Playhouse(First Series), p. 144.
[684]I quote from W.J. Lawrence,The Elizabethan Playhouse(First Series), p. 144.
[685]The reasons why the Cockpit at Whitehall has remained so long in obscurity (its history is here attempted for the first time) are obvious. Some scholars have confused it with the public playhouse of the same name, a confusion which persons in the days of Charles avoided by invariably saying "The Cockpit in Drury Lane." Other scholars have confused it with the residential section of Whitehall which bore the same name. During the reign of James several large buildings which had been erected either on the site of the old cockpit of Henry VIII, or around it, were converted into lodgings for members of the royal family or favorites of the King, and were commonly referred to as "the Cockpit." Other scholars have assumed that all plays during the reigns of Elizabeth, James, and Charles were given either in the Banqueting House or in the Great Hall. Finally, still other scholars (e.g., Sir Sidney Lee, inShakespeare's England, 1916) have confused the Cockpit at Whitehall with the Royal Cockpit in St. James's Park. Exactly when the latter was built I have not been able to discover, but it was probably erected near the close of the seventeenth century. It stood at the end of Dartmouth Street, adjacent to Birdcage Walk, but not in the Park itself. John Strype, in his edition of Stow'sSurvey(1720), bk.vi, p. 64, says of Dartmouth Street: "And here is a very fine Cockpit, called the King's Cockpit, well resorted unto." A picture of the building is given by Strype on page 62, and a still better picture may be found in J.T. Smith'sThe Antiquities of Westminster. The Royal Cockpit in Dartmouth Street survived until 1816, when it was torn down. Hogarth, in his famous representation of a cock-fight, shows its interior as circular, and as embellished with the royal coat of arms. Another interesting picture of the interior will be found in Ackermann'sThe Microcosm of London(1808). It is needless to add that this building had nothing whatever to do with the theatre royal of the days of King Charles.
[685]The reasons why the Cockpit at Whitehall has remained so long in obscurity (its history is here attempted for the first time) are obvious. Some scholars have confused it with the public playhouse of the same name, a confusion which persons in the days of Charles avoided by invariably saying "The Cockpit in Drury Lane." Other scholars have confused it with the residential section of Whitehall which bore the same name. During the reign of James several large buildings which had been erected either on the site of the old cockpit of Henry VIII, or around it, were converted into lodgings for members of the royal family or favorites of the King, and were commonly referred to as "the Cockpit." Other scholars have assumed that all plays during the reigns of Elizabeth, James, and Charles were given either in the Banqueting House or in the Great Hall. Finally, still other scholars (e.g., Sir Sidney Lee, inShakespeare's England, 1916) have confused the Cockpit at Whitehall with the Royal Cockpit in St. James's Park. Exactly when the latter was built I have not been able to discover, but it was probably erected near the close of the seventeenth century. It stood at the end of Dartmouth Street, adjacent to Birdcage Walk, but not in the Park itself. John Strype, in his edition of Stow'sSurvey(1720), bk.vi, p. 64, says of Dartmouth Street: "And here is a very fine Cockpit, called the King's Cockpit, well resorted unto." A picture of the building is given by Strype on page 62, and a still better picture may be found in J.T. Smith'sThe Antiquities of Westminster. The Royal Cockpit in Dartmouth Street survived until 1816, when it was torn down. Hogarth, in his famous representation of a cock-fight, shows its interior as circular, and as embellished with the royal coat of arms. Another interesting picture of the interior will be found in Ackermann'sThe Microcosm of London(1808). It is needless to add that this building had nothing whatever to do with the theatre royal of the days of King Charles.
[686]For the life of John Wolf see the following: Edward Arber,A Transcript of the Stationers' Registers, especiallyii, 779-93;The Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1598-1601, pp. 405, 449, 450; A. Gerber,All of the Five Fictitious Italian Editions, etc. (inModern Language Notes,xxii(1907), 2, 129, 201); H.R. Plomer,An Examination of Some Existing Copies of Hayward's "Life and Raigne of King Henrie IV" (inThe Library, N.S.,iii(1902), 13); R.B. McKerrow,A Dictionary of Printers and Booksellers ... 1557-1640; S. Bongi,Annali di Gabriel Giolito de' Ferrari.
[686]For the life of John Wolf see the following: Edward Arber,A Transcript of the Stationers' Registers, especiallyii, 779-93;The Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1598-1601, pp. 405, 449, 450; A. Gerber,All of the Five Fictitious Italian Editions, etc. (inModern Language Notes,xxii(1907), 2, 129, 201); H.R. Plomer,An Examination of Some Existing Copies of Hayward's "Life and Raigne of King Henrie IV" (inThe Library, N.S.,iii(1902), 13); R.B. McKerrow,A Dictionary of Printers and Booksellers ... 1557-1640; S. Bongi,Annali di Gabriel Giolito de' Ferrari.
[687]Of these men nothing is known; something, however, may be inferred from the following entries in Sir Henry Herbert's Office-Book: "On the 20th August, 1623, a licensegratis, to John Williams and four others, to makeshowofan Elephant, for a year; on the 5th of September to make show of alive Beaver; on the 9th of June, 1638, to make show of an outlandish creature, called aPossum." (George Chalmers,Supplemental Apology, p. 208.)
[687]Of these men nothing is known; something, however, may be inferred from the following entries in Sir Henry Herbert's Office-Book: "On the 20th August, 1623, a licensegratis, to John Williams and four others, to makeshowofan Elephant, for a year; on the 5th of September to make show of alive Beaver; on the 9th of June, 1638, to make show of an outlandish creature, called aPossum." (George Chalmers,Supplemental Apology, p. 208.)
[688]The place is not indicated, but it was probably outside the city.
[688]The place is not indicated, but it was probably outside the city.
[689]SeeState Papers, Domestic, 1619-1623, p. 181. I have quoted the letter from Collier,The History of English Dramatic Poetry(1879),i, 408.
[689]SeeState Papers, Domestic, 1619-1623, p. 181. I have quoted the letter from Collier,The History of English Dramatic Poetry(1879),i, 408.
[690]Collier,op. cit.,i, 443.
[690]Collier,op. cit.,i, 443.
[691]The Dramatic Works of Shackerley Marmion, inDramatists of the Restoration, p. 37. Fleay (A Biographical Chronicle of the English Drama,ii, 66) suggests that the impostors Agurtes and Autolichus are meant to satirize Williams and Dixon respectively.
[691]The Dramatic Works of Shackerley Marmion, inDramatists of the Restoration, p. 37. Fleay (A Biographical Chronicle of the English Drama,ii, 66) suggests that the impostors Agurtes and Autolichus are meant to satirize Williams and Dixon respectively.
[692]I quote the letter from Collier,The History of English Dramatic Poetry(1879),i, 444.
[692]I quote the letter from Collier,The History of English Dramatic Poetry(1879),i, 444.
[693]Bliss's edition,iii, 741.
[693]Bliss's edition,iii, 741.
[694]"Pretty little theatre" is the reading ofMS. Aubr. 7, folio 20;MS. Aubr. 8omits the adjective "pretty." For Aubrey's full account of Ogilby see Andrew Clark'sBrief Lives(1898), 2 vols.
[694]"Pretty little theatre" is the reading ofMS. Aubr. 7, folio 20;MS. Aubr. 8omits the adjective "pretty." For Aubrey's full account of Ogilby see Andrew Clark'sBrief Lives(1898), 2 vols.
[695]Aubrey mentions this as having been "written in Dublin, and never printed."
[695]Aubrey mentions this as having been "written in Dublin, and never printed."
[696]Published in 1640 as "the first part," and both the Prologue and the Epilogue speak of a second part; but no second part was printed, and in all probability it never was written.
[696]Published in 1640 as "the first part," and both the Prologue and the Epilogue speak of a second part; but no second part was printed, and in all probability it never was written.
[697]Never licensed for England; reprinted in 1657 withSt. Patrick for Ireland.
[697]Never licensed for England; reprinted in 1657 withSt. Patrick for Ireland.
[698]MS. Aubr. 7, folio 20 v. Ogilby's second theatre in Dublin, built after the Restoration, does not fall within the scope of the present work.
[698]MS. Aubr. 7, folio 20 v. Ogilby's second theatre in Dublin, built after the Restoration, does not fall within the scope of the present work.
[699]See Frederick Hawkins,Annals of the French Stage(1884),i, 148 ff., for the career of this player on the French stage. "Every gift required by the actor," says Hawkins, "was possessed by Floridor."
[699]See Frederick Hawkins,Annals of the French Stage(1884),i, 148 ff., for the career of this player on the French stage. "Every gift required by the actor," says Hawkins, "was possessed by Floridor."
[700]La Melise, ou Les Princes Reconnus, by Du Rocher, first acted in Paris in 1633; seeThe Athenæum, July 11, 1891, p. 73; and cf.ibid., p. 139.
[700]La Melise, ou Les Princes Reconnus, by Du Rocher, first acted in Paris in 1633; seeThe Athenæum, July 11, 1891, p. 73; and cf.ibid., p. 139.
[701]"Housekeepers" were owners, who always demanded of the players as rental for the building a certain part of each day's takings. The passage quoted means that the housekeepers allowed the French players to receiveallmoney taken on the two sermon days of thefirstweek, and after that exacted their usual share as rental for the building.
[701]"Housekeepers" were owners, who always demanded of the players as rental for the building a certain part of each day's takings. The passage quoted means that the housekeepers allowed the French players to receiveallmoney taken on the two sermon days of thefirstweek, and after that exacted their usual share as rental for the building.
[702]That is, Passion Week, during which time the English companies were never allowed to give performances.
[702]That is, Passion Week, during which time the English companies were never allowed to give performances.
[703]This must be an error, for Easter Monday fell on March 30.
[703]This must be an error, for Easter Monday fell on March 30.
[704]Le Trompeur Puni, ou Histoire Septentrionale, by Scuderi.
[704]Le Trompeur Puni, ou Histoire Septentrionale, by Scuderi.
[705]Wednesday was the 15th.
[705]Wednesday was the 15th.
[706]Alcimedon, by Duryer.
[706]Alcimedon, by Duryer.
[707]Malone,Variorum,iii, 121, note.
[707]Malone,Variorum,iii, 121, note.
[708]This clause I insert from Mrs. Stopes's notes on the Lord Chamberlain's records, in the ShakespeareJahrbuch,xlvi, 97.
[708]This clause I insert from Mrs. Stopes's notes on the Lord Chamberlain's records, in the ShakespeareJahrbuch,xlvi, 97.
[709]I have chosen to reproduce the record from Chalmers'sApology, p. 506, notes, rather than from Mrs. Stopes's apparently less accurate notes in the ShakespeareJahrbuch,xlvi, 97.
[709]I have chosen to reproduce the record from Chalmers'sApology, p. 506, notes, rather than from Mrs. Stopes's apparently less accurate notes in the ShakespeareJahrbuch,xlvi, 97.
[710]Should we place a comma after "Josias"? That "Josias Floridor" was the leader of the troupe we know from two separate entries; cf. Chalmers,Apology, pp. 508, 509.
[710]Should we place a comma after "Josias"? That "Josias Floridor" was the leader of the troupe we know from two separate entries; cf. Chalmers,Apology, pp. 508, 509.
[711]Malone,Variorum,iii, 122, note.
[711]Malone,Variorum,iii, 122, note.
[712]Actii, Scene i. This passage is pointed out by Lawrence,The Elizabethan Playhouse, p. 137.
[712]Actii, Scene i. This passage is pointed out by Lawrence,The Elizabethan Playhouse, p. 137.
[713]Stopes,op. cit., p. 98, Chalmers,Apology, p. 509.
[713]Stopes,op. cit., p. 98, Chalmers,Apology, p. 509.
[714]The Fortune was only eighty feet square, but the stage projected to the middle of the yard. Davenant probably wished to provide for an alcove stage of sufficient depth to accommodate his "scenes."
[714]The Fortune was only eighty feet square, but the stage projected to the middle of the yard. Davenant probably wished to provide for an alcove stage of sufficient depth to accommodate his "scenes."
[715]That is, he may give his "musical presentments," etc., either at the hours when he was accustomed to give plays, or after his plays are ended. This does not necessarily imply evening entertainments.
[715]That is, he may give his "musical presentments," etc., either at the hours when he was accustomed to give plays, or after his plays are ended. This does not necessarily imply evening entertainments.
[716]Cunningham,The Whitefriars Theatre, inThe Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 96.
[716]Cunningham,The Whitefriars Theatre, inThe Shakespeare Society's Papers,iv, 96.
[717]See thechapteron the Second Blackfriars.
[717]See thechapteron the Second Blackfriars.
[718]That he did not actually surrender the patent is shown by the fact that he claimed privileges by virtue of it after the Restoration; see Halliwell-Phillipps,A Collection of Ancient Documents, p. 48.
[718]That he did not actually surrender the patent is shown by the fact that he claimed privileges by virtue of it after the Restoration; see Halliwell-Phillipps,A Collection of Ancient Documents, p. 48.