CHAPTER IIITHE NEGRO OFFICER

CHAPTER IIITHE NEGRO OFFICER

The Plattsburg idea of military training was inaugurated in 1915, whenMaj. Gen.Leonard Wood organized a special training camp for civilians. The purpose of the camp was to offer four weeks of intensive training under the direct supervision of officers of the United States Army, and it was intended that this should be of such thoroughness that the men receiving it would be able to serve as officers in an emergency, as was afterwards done by a large number of Plattsburg men who served under General Pershing in the course of the trouble with Mexico.

Colored men were not given an opportunity to attend the Plattsburg camps. There was, consequently, no way in which any considerable number of them could secure the training necessary to enable them, in an emergency, to serve as officers. In order to meet this exigency, many Negroes and their friends endeavored to secure the establishment of a training camp for colored officers, although at first the idea of a separate camp was not popular. In the winter of 1917, however, Major General Wood agreed to organize the camp if two hundred colored men would signify their intention of attending; and in this period of uncertainty and anxiety, friends of the movement started a campaign with the hope of creating sufficient interest to warrant the establishment of the camp.

Dr.Joel E. Spingarn, one of the principal officers of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and a true friend of the Negro, who was the strongest advocate of the training camp, in May, 1917, sent out a circular letter calling for colored men to enter the volunteer service of the United States Army in order that the number of men necessary for the establishment of the camp might be secured. There was strong protest on the part of the Negro press and of many individuals against a “segregated camp,” the criticisms coming from all parts of the country.Dr.Spingarn, in reply, gave among other reasons for the establishment of the camp the following: “The army officials want the camp to fail. The last thing they want is to help colored men to become commissioned officers. The camp is intended to fight segregation, not to encourage it. Colored men in a camp by themselves would all get a fair chance for promotion. Opposition on the part of Negroes is helping the South, which does not want the Negroes to have any kind of military training. If there is a war, there will doubtless be conscription of all able-bodied men. The choice will be no longer between volunteering or not volunteering, but between conscription and rebellion. If conscription comes, will the leaders of the race help their Southern enemies by preaching treason and rebellion, or will they face facts right now and prepare themselves to go as leaders and not as privates?” As the notes passed between the American and German Governments, people more and more realized that the trend of events would inevitably lead to war; this realization gave impetus to the movement, and finally a concerted effort was made to secure the training camp, even the opponents of the separate camp idea becoming its supporters.

With the actual declaration of war with Germany came the imperative need of this opportunity for Negroes to train as officers, as it was certain that thousands would be called to the colors. Conferences were held with the War Department officials, andDr.Spingarn meanwhile worked untiringly.Dr.Stephen M. Newman, president of Howard University, Washington, D. C., together with a joint committee of teachers and students and a citizens’ committee composed of representative Negroes of Washington, also held conferences with officials and labored in behalf of the camp.

There was misgiving on the part of many concerning the training of Negroes as officers. Among the objections made to the establishment of the camp was that “a separate camp could not be established because all garrisons and forts were required for white men”; and it was further said that “Negroes could not make officers, and if trained, Negro soldiers would not follow them.” Many army men did not believe that the camp would be a success because they did not feel that the Negro had the ability to do the required work; and President Newman was even asked by department officials if he honestly felt that colored people had the intelligence and the grit to undergo such training as was given in the preparation camps and come out as capable officers.

When the War Department was finally convinced that colored men should at least have the opportunity to attend an officers’ training camp, and all arrangements were made, news of the authorization of the same was sent broadcast over the country; and few announcements have ever been made that were received with more enthusiasm than the special dispatch which was sent out from Washington on May 19, 1917, by Adjutant General H. P. McCain to the chiefs of staff of the various departments of the army:

“Training camps for colored citizens will be established at Fort Des Moines, Iowa, under section 4, National Defense Act, and regulations prescribed for present training camps, except as modified herein and after. Total attendance 1250, of whom 250 will be non-commissioned officers, colored regiments, regular army, to be sent on detached service status, and 1000 citizens, either enlisted under section 4, National Defense Act, for three months, beginning June 18, with agreement to accept appointment tendered, or Members of National Guard, whose status will be as in case of National Guardsmen now in training camps. Secure ... co-operation of colored citizens of wide acquaintance and high standing. Training camps will be ready to receive non-commissioned officers, regular army, June 5, and all others June 15. Course begins June 18.”

“Training camps for colored citizens will be established at Fort Des Moines, Iowa, under section 4, National Defense Act, and regulations prescribed for present training camps, except as modified herein and after. Total attendance 1250, of whom 250 will be non-commissioned officers, colored regiments, regular army, to be sent on detached service status, and 1000 citizens, either enlisted under section 4, National Defense Act, for three months, beginning June 18, with agreement to accept appointment tendered, or Members of National Guard, whose status will be as in case of National Guardsmen now in training camps. Secure ... co-operation of colored citizens of wide acquaintance and high standing. Training camps will be ready to receive non-commissioned officers, regular army, June 5, and all others June 15. Course begins June 18.”

Newspapers throughout the country commented on the fact that at last Negroes would have a real opportunity to serve not only as privates but as officers. Southern papers, while opposed on general principles to military training for Negroes, spoke favorably of the plan, always making clear, however, that Southern traditions must be upheld; thus the CharlestonPostsaid, “Officers as high as majors may be turned out, but will positively be used to command only Negroes.” But as circumstances each day forced our countrymen to change some sacred, traditional idea, and as the seemingly impossible came into being, as it were, overnight, then the white citizens of each Southern state were proud that it had its quota of Negroes “with a college training or its equivalent” to send; and many Southern men gladly gave letters of endorsement to representative Negroes who were setting forth upon their great mission. Then in each of the six departments into which the United States is divided by the War Department, Negroes presented themselves for examination. Many traveled hundreds of miles to be present on the appointed day. Some men, in their eagerness to serve, appeared before the recruiting officers possessing the physical and age qualifications, but lacking other preparation; and sometimes friends, in their desire to reward loyal service, sent butlers and other helpers for examination, only to have them disappointed. When it became evident that Negroes would be called in large numbers, as the training of officers indicated, many objections were made throughout the country to having Negro soldiers stationed in certain camps. In an interviewCol.H. T. Ferguson especially assured the anxious citizens of Des Moines that they would never regret the fact that their city had been designated for the training of the first contingent of Negro officers ever commissioned by the United States.

As June 15 approached and officer candidates were notified of their acceptance, colored America felt as never before that it was entering upon a new era and into the larger citizenship to which it had always aspired. Joy reigned among the army sergeants at the thought not only of trying for commissions themselves, but also of helping others of their race to do likewise; and the civilians went forth with the knowledge that all eyes were on them and that the prayers and hopes of a race went with them. No knight ever started on a nobler quest than did these Negro men from all walks of life, and the crowds that went to the stations to bid them good-by and that watched the trains until they were out of sight went home with a new feeling of confidence and of hope.

On the arrival of the candidates at Des Moines, civilian customs, thoughts, and habits soon gave way for the iron discipline involved in making officers. Men who had thought of the camp as the place for a summer vacation soon were undeceived. Colonel C. C. Ballou and his staff of officers put them through a daily program beginning at 5.30 a. m. with reveille and flag-raising and ending with taps at 9.45 p. m. From 7.30 to 8.30 a. m. there was infantry drill without arms, from 8.30 to 9 manual or physical training, from 9.15 to 10.15 infantry drill, from 10.45 to 11.45 a practice hike without arms; then dinner; from 1.30 to 2.30 p. m. musketry arms, from 2.30 to 3 semaphore signaling, from 3 to 4.30 conferences on care of equipment, and from 7 to 8 evening study on the organization of the regiment. As progress was made other work was taken up, including bayonet drill, trench-digging, manoeuvering, map-making and target practice, and lectures were also given showing the relation of the camp to the great national army. It was fully realized that success or failure in the crucial test carried with it far-reaching results. Colonel Ballou, in speaking to the men on one occasion, said: “This is a momentous hour, and the establishment of this camp is an epochal and unprecedented event in the history of the colored race. Your race will be on trial with you as its representatives, during the existence of this camp, and to succeed there will be required of you strong bodies, keen intelligence, absolute obedience to orders, unflagging industry, exemplary conduct, and character of the highest order.” With such incentive the men worked away at the most strenuous business in which they were ever engaged. And yet there were some good times—recreation in the form of baseball and other athletic contests and the privilege of visiting in the city of Des Moines on Saturday and Sunday. The Y. M. C. A. furnished motion pictures and programs on Saturday and Sunday evenings, and through its efforts some of the leading speakers of the country appeared. Of special inspiration in this connection was the presence in camp of one of the secretaries, the “grand old man,”Dr.George W. Cabiniss, who gave up a lucrative practice in Washington to be with the “boys,” and who spent himself unstintingly in their behalf.

Soldiers were often invited to the churches as well as the homes in the city, and here they occasionally rendered musical programs. By this means the anxiety of the earlier days of the summer gave way to an interest and friendship between the citizens and the candidates that will live for decades. The first event which won general esteem for the officer candidates was an exhibition drill in the Drake University stadium, which was followed by musical numbers. Here ten thousand people gathered and marveled at what their eyes beheld. The last big event was the program given at White Sparrows, where hundreds of people were turned away. Here the men sang the old plantation melodies with the sweetness and plaintiveness possible only to the Negro, and arias and recitatives from the great oratorios as well. The audience stood in eagerness until the last note was sung; then as a tribute, at the close of the concert,Rev.Dr.Medbury said of the candidates, “It is not enough to say that by their demeanor while among us, their conduct on the streets, in the theatres and business houses, they have brought honor to their race; they are, rather, an honor to the race of men.”

Thus the spirit of the men themselves was the biggest factor in the success of Fort Des Moines. They began their training knowing that there were questions in the minds of many, and they spent hours of toil in the effort to prove that they could make good. The attitude of each one was to help somebody else. One man might be seen explaining to a comrade some problem in mathematics, another helping in the study of topography, and still another with some squad trying to perfect it in the handling of arms. A precious jewel is not more carefully guarded than was the good name of the camp. Like a sentinel on duty each candidate watched lest some untoward act might work harm. One day an apple orchard belonging to a neighboring farmer was invaded. The farmer notified Colonel Ballou that some of the soldiers had stolen his apples. When the men concerned found that the camp was accused, on their own initiative they reported to headquarters and offered to pay all damages. The commanding officer, in commenting on the incident, said, “Something has happened to-day that has made me feel fine and that is new in my army experience.”

The candidates were proud of their martial bearing. Their cleanliness made a favorable impression everywhere they went. Soon after they went to Des Moines some of the café and restaurant owners thought it unwise to serve them, and when a number of the men entered a chop suey “palace,” the Chinese proprietor rushed up to them waving his arms wildly and shouting, “No servee black men; me lose all bliziness.” When some other proprietors showed a disposition to act with similar policy, Colonel George W. Ball of the 1st Iowa Infantry ordered that all men, regardless of color, must be fed, saying, “This is Government business and there can be no refusal to serve these men”; and drastic action was threatened against all restaurant keepers who persisted in drawing the color line. Naturally Utopian conditions did not always prevail at the camp and there were many disappointments. Many an ambitious “rookie” was sent home because of some defect or peculiarity that prevented his making an officer, and even after some had served the allotted time it was found that they were not suitable material. In the process of elimination there were those who thought that they were unjustly marked, and it is true that at Des Moines only five civilian captains were made and that there the outcome was just the reverse of that in the training camps for white men, which was that the men with the superior training most frequently received the higher commissions. Because of the policy followed one colonel said that “A great harm was done not only the colored officer but the colored race as well,” for in many cases the standard for officers was lowered by the commissioning as captains of men with a sixth or eighth grade education and as second lieutenants many college graduates. Through it all, however, there was hope, because the candidates believed in themselves and others believed in them, chief among whom was Secretary Baker, who said in one of the darkest hours, “I am depending on you and the Fort Des Moines colored officers’ training school. It should not be surpassed by any of the other camps which are training officers, and the promotions are not to be limited to lieutenants and captains, but to what you are capable of making.”

As the end of the training period drew near an extra month was added. This action raised doubts, not only in the minds of the candidates but with the colored people throughout the country. It was a trying season everywhere, for the extension of time came close upon the riots at Houston. A general from the War Department came to the camp and spoke in a most discouraging manner of the future of the candidates. He questioned the advisability of continuing the camp and raised doubts as to whether the candidates would ever be commissioned. A few days after his visit it was announced that all who wanted to leave might do so. Some of the more faint-hearted left, but most of the men continued their studies and gained further knowledge of the essentials of warfare. Gradually the clouds cleared away and those who remained looked forward to the time when they would be real officers in the Army of the United States.

Then came the day of days, October 15, 1917, when 625 colored men were commissioned in the United States Army. As they came forward to receive their commissions they were deeply moved, and even the commanding officer showed visible signs of emotion as he gave to them words of farewell and impressed upon them the seriousness of the task before them.Dr.Emmett J. Scott, Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, said to them: “I know you will bear in mind that in a very real sense you and those who serve with you have in your keeping the good name of a proud, expectant, and confident people”; and each man went away with the feeling of responsibility that comes when life is dedicated to a great cause. Thus a new chapter was begun in the history of the Negro on this continent and the first skirmish to prove that Negro men could absorb the training required of officers was won with honors.

After a brief vacation of fifteen days, the new officers reported to the various camps and were assigned to their duties. While they had successfully completed the course of study at Fort Des Moines, the real test of making officers was still before them. This task was made more difficult by the assignments to duty which some of them received. Some were sent to the artillery and engineering corps and given tasks for which they had had no preparation. Having already absorbed army discipline, however, they went about their tasks with the hope of mastering them, though with opinion against them.

The organization of the 92nd Division, composed entirely of Negroes drafted into the National Army, made it necessary to train officers and men in other branches than infantry and cavalry, with which Negroes had formerly served and for which they had been trained. Therefore engineer, artillery, and machine-gun regiments were formed along with the other branches required in the full organization of a division. While divisions were usually trained in one camp, the regiments of the 92nd were distributed in several groups.

The engineers were trained at Camp Sherman. Draftees with a knowledge of the building trades were especially desirable for this branch of service, and volunteers from well known industrial schools entered this regiment. Colored infantry officers from Des Moines, captains and lieutenants, who were without training in engineering, were put in command. After seven months of training prior to their embarkation for France, the captains were sent to infantry outfits, being relieved by white engineer officers. This action on the part of the War Department affected somewhat the morale of the regiment. After nearly three months in France the colored lieutenants were also transferred. There remained, however, five colored officers with the outfit—two tram officers, two physicians, and a dentist. When these also were not retained they and the soldiers felt that there was discrimination. It is true that they were not trained as engineers, but the ultimate trouble would seem rather to lie in withholding engineer training from them while they were in the officers’ training school in Des Moines.

Negro soldiers had long been distinguished in the infantry and cavalry, but they had never been placed in the artillery branch of service. It was said that they could not learn the principles of artillery warfare, and, as for their being officers, it was doubtful if they could measure up to the requirements. Nevertheless at Camp Dix the 349th and 350th artillery regiments were formed with colored men, and officers who had graduated at Des Moines were put in command. Since it had been said that Negro men could not be trained as artillerymen, it is interesting that it should be thought that they could make artillery officers without any training at all. A week before the recruits appeared at the camp, some classes in artillery subjects were held for the officers, and during the training of the regiment the officers were many times taught subjects just the night before they were to teach them to the men, school being held from one to two hours. Even under these conditions a surprisingly efficient organization was developed. After nearly seven months, however, the colored artillery officers were declared inefficient. It was then decided that they would have to go to the artillery school at Fort Sill, Okla. Twenty-four men were sent, these being largely regular army men. Many of the well educated infantry officers from other regiments applied for the artillery work, but it was claimed that they could not be spared from their organizations, and in some cases officers with low rating were sent to Fort Sill against their desires. Is it surprising that many of these failed to pass the entrance examination and that about half of them asked to be returned to Camp Dix after the first week?

While the artillery school at Fort Sill gave the men every chance, after the first two weeks the camp began returning the colored officers to their outfits, until at the end of ten weeks only six remained. These six were given artillery commissions. During their training period they had separate barracks and a separate mess, though the camp commander, Colonel Fleming, demanded that they receive the courtesy due officers.

Soon after these graduates returned to Camp Dix, all the colored officers were ordered to Camp Meade to attend an artillery school. On their arrival at Meade, orders were issued that they put on enlisted men’s clothes. The impression among the white officers of the 351st Artillery, said to be due to verbal orders, was that senior colored officers would first salute junior white officers and that, as far as white officers were concerned, the colored officers were considered officer candidates. They could wear their uniforms on Sunday, if passes were given them to leave the camp. The War Department was notified of conditions in the school and in four days the men were again returned to their outfit just before it sailed for France.

White officers in the 349th and 350th who had commanded the colored officers, formed a board to examine them. All were declared inefficient, even the six graduates from Fort Sill, and were assigned to the Depot Brigade. The War Department again intervened, and the six graduates were ordered with their outfits again, and accompanied them to France. While the remaining officers did not accompany their regiments to France, they had done some fine work in teaching the men the use of horses and in putting snap in the drill and in the handling of the guns. The record made by these regiments, which continued their training in France, was more than surprising. Accounts of their work will be given elsewhere.

The experience of these officers in attempting to do artillery work without training resulted in many charges and counter-charges with reference to their fitness for this branch of service. Through the office of the Assistant to the Secretary of War conferences were held with department officials in the endeavor to secure for Negro men an opportunity to train as officers. While there was opposition to the undertaking, the plan was finally approved and an honest attempt was made to select Negro men fitted, because of their training, to do work in artillery schools. Ninety-six were gathered at Camp Meade, some having been selected from the Signal Corps Engineers and artillery regiments and some from the camps where infantry regiments of the 92nd Division were stationed. These men remained at Meade for a month, with two white batteries, after which time they were sent to Camp Taylor, Ky., where all artillery schools were centralized. The colored candidates were not expected when they reached the school and no arrangements had been made for them. The first night they spent on the outskirts of the camp, and before they finally got settled they were moved six times, always after spending enough time in one place to get floors scrubbed, windows washed, and barracks thoroughly cleaned. The commander of the school spoke to the battery and gave the impression that it was not wanted. Between the batteries, however, the relationship was good; the Western men were considerate in sharing their knowledge with the colored candidates, who made an excellent impression by their “pep” and snap in drilling and by the aptitude for artillery work which they showed. Those candidates who remained in the school until the end were recommended for firing battery, combat trains, and replacement draft, but at the last the camp commander decided that only those men recommended for firing batteries should receive commissions. Thirty-three of the ninety-six men who started out were graduated. Of the twenty-five hundred graduates of the school, ten were honor men, and six of these were colored. Eleven more colored men were graduated in October. The five students in each battery who were highest at graduation were called out and given diplomas. As the five Negro men came forward, the white candidates led in the cheering. After the first graduation, of those men who remained, ten to fifteen were dropped weekly. The last twelve were transferred to the 814th Pioneer Infantry as sergeants, and accompanied that organization to England and France. After much discussion in the War Department, and effort on the part of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, concessions were finally made and the thirty-three artillery officers were sent to Camp Jackson,S. C., where Negro men were being trained as artillerymen. Here there was great interest in them, especially on the part of the Negro population of Columbia. These people stood in admiring groups as the officers passed and sometimes gave vent to their emotions by clapping or cheering. Trouble arose, however, chiefly over the matter of salutes from the other soldiers; riots were feared; and after a week these officers were sent to Newport News, and then on to France.

To the aviation school at Fort Sill four colored officers were sent. The first to arrive was supposed to be white and was treated accordingly. In the case of the other three, however, who arrived a few days later, there could be no mistake as to identity. These men were given a separate table and placed in a separate class, with a sergeant instructor who observed no military courtesies. Such treatment continued until the men asked to be returned to their outfit. Because he was constantly seen in the company of the other three men, the officer who was the first to arrive had been asked to move to their table. After the others left, he continued the course, remaining in camp until two days before graduation. To Fort Sill were also sent those officers who were to receive instruction in the use of the machine-gun. It developed that the man in the class who was most efficient was a Negro. At the end of the course there was squad competition in the mechanical manipulation of a machine-gun, and the best of each squad was chosen. Some men objected to being represented by a Negro, but a major intervened and said, “I don’t give a —— if the man is black; everybody knows he is the best.” All who watched the competition marveled at the speed with which this man worked.

While these new officers were working at their task of training men to fight, it became certain that replacements would have to be made after they were in action at the front. Plans were not made on a scale comparable with the demand, but there was some effort to meet the need. A small number of men were selected from the various units of the 92nd Division and sent to the third officers’ training schools held in such camps as Upton, Meade, Sherman, Dodge, Funston, and Travis. Among the thousands who were receiving training they were almost lost, but sometimes they won the highest honors. In all these camps, except at Funston, they attended the same schools as the other candidates and received the treatment due them. Some were assigned to the 92nd Division and sailed to France with it, while others were detained to assist as instructors in the cantonments.

When the fighting units reached France and were receiving final training before moving up to the front line trenches, many of the officers attended various schools. The majority of such men completed the courses with high standing. One of the schools that proved a distinct success was a machine-gun school conducted by colored officers in charge ofLieut.B. A. Mosley, who made out the courses of study. The object was to make machine-gun officers out of infantry officers, giving them the principles of machine gunnery. Nearly two hundred officers and non-commissioned officers were sent from this school, which was approved by the First Corps and put on the standard of the A. E. F. schools. Under date August 27, 1918, Major John P. Bubb said of one of these schools: “In submitting reports of proficiency of captains of the 92nd Division who have recently been under my instruction, I request attention to the following facts. Certain captains, namely, Jones, Saunders, Scott, Stephens, Holland, Hollingsworth, and Granson, have done very well in their work. They are serious, dignified men of excellent caliber and are fully able to maintain the positions of trust and confidence in which they have been placed.... The balance of the class (all captains) are I believe as good as the average student who has passed through the school.”

In the fourth officers’ school, opened on May 15, 1918, at Camp Dodge, there were 280 Negro candidates, which number was soon increased to more than 300. These candidates were selected principally from the units of the 92nd Division, though some came from elsewhere. This school began under the command ofLt. Col.William G. Doane, who was assisted by ten colored men, with Captain M. T. Dean as senior instructor. For the first time in America, Negro officers in large numbers were instructing soldiers in the science of modern warfare, preparing them directly to take their places as officers in the great National Army. These men served for fifteen days, when a telegram was sent from the headquarters of the 92nd calling all the officers to their regiment. Their work, however, had proved a success. The candidates were all picked men, the school was well organized, and the officers showed the greatest confidence and faith in each other.

In the centralization of the officers’ training schools the infantry candidates were sent to Camp Pike, Little Rock,Ark., while the machine-gun candidates were sent to Camp Hancock, Augusta,Ga.Camp Pike had been spoken of in such a way by many Negro soldiers that the officer candidates were not enthusiastic about going there, and certainly this was true of the twenty-four second lieutenants who were assigned as assistant instructors. Truck drivers sent to meet them, on finding that they were colored, drove off, claiming that no provision had been made for Negroes. In the camp they were a source of wonderment. The instructors were white Southern officers and neither officers nor men were cordial. As time passed, however, prejudice in most cases turned to interest.

To Camp Hancock, Augusta,Ga., selected for the machine-gun school, fifty-six Negro men were sent. Forty-three of that number were graduated as second lieutenants. These men had been selected from various outfits in the 92nd because of the knowledge of mathematics and of the mechanical manipulation of the machine-gun which they had acquired in the various camp schools. The presence of a number of Negro officers in Augusta created a new situation, but both camp and city rose to the occasion. The commander decreed that every officer in the camp must receive the courtesy due him, and the leading paper of Augusta carried editorials that had a wholesome effect on public opinion. It happened that the thirteenth and last company in the school was colored. In the drills and in marching to the range, these men were last according to their number; but in marching in reverse order, as they did in returning from the range, they became the leaders. Some white candidates are said to have lost their commissions rather than drill behind this company. Most of the men, however, co-operated with the candidates in every way, and taught them map-reading in exchange for explanation in the mechanism of the gun. The instructors were for the most part French or British and apparently had little time for race feeling.

When the companies were divided into sections for trench-digging, dug-out practice, construction of shafts, and camouflaged machine-gun emplacements, the white and the colored men were in the same classes, and because of this contact both groups learned something of their comrades and became more liberal in their thoughts. In general the fine spirit prevailing in the camp was attributed to two things: first, to the influence of the camp commander, who was himself a Southern man, and second, to the fact that the new men reached camp just at the time of the Fourth Liberty Loan drive. The South, as well as the rest of the country, had really begun to feel the effects of the war, not only financially but also in the drain on its man-power; and as the 13th company pursued its work with diligence and concentration, always comparing favorably with others on the drill field, on the range, and in class work, there was a realization of the fact that, after all, they were fellow-Americans, slowly making headway; and when at graduation these Negro men came forward to receive their commissions in the great Liberty Theatre, where thousands of their comrades were, they were greeted with deafening applause and every heart and voice and hand seemed to cheer them on their way.

In the course of the preceding pages we have more than once touched upon incidents which not only affected the Negro officer personally but which also involved his real status in the army. It might now be in place to consider a little more fully some of the points raised.

On the arrival of Negro officers at a camp, several questions immediately arose, as to their eating, their living, and their general contact with other officers. Sometimes they were not expected and found that no preparation had been made for them. Fairly typical of the Southern camps was Camp McClellan, Anniston,Ala., which showed something of conditions especially at the beginning. Seven officers were sent here in September, 1918, and placed in command of the detention camp. In three weeks the detention camp was broken up and the soldiers transferred to the depot brigade. The colored officers were then attached to the 437th Reserve Labor Battalion, where they were required to do very little work and were soon relieved of all responsibility. Not all of the problems were confined to the South. In the North, however, big-hearted generals were usually in command and they decreed that regular army requirements should prevail.

One matter that constantly arose was that of the salute. Because of the conflicting opinions on this subject,Gen.John B. Castleman, a major in the Confederate army, was asked for a statement as to his attitude. In giving his opinion he said: “The discipline of the army must be maintained, and non-commissioned officers understand little of the spirit of the army when they refuse to salute a Negro officer. I have held several commissions in the military service, and I unhesitatingly say that I would or will, at any time, salute an officer, superior or inferior, who salutes me, without regard to the color of his skin. The regulations, the laws, and the fundamentals of courtesy and discipline upon which these regulations are based prescribe this. We are at war, and soldiers are under the rules of the American army. We are all under the flag. We salute the rank, not the individual.” This statement by General Castleman did much to help conditions at Camp Taylor and elsewhere. In general the military courtesies accorded Negro officers depended largely on the stand of the generals commanding the camps. If they demanded that strict military regulations be followed, trouble was immediately reduced to a minimum. A notable example was the action ofGen.Thomas H. Barry, of Camp Grant, Rockford, Ill., who on the arrival of the Negro officers and men gave a “family talk” at headquarters in which he said: “These men have come here on the same duty, actuated by the same principles, as ourselves. They are entitled to respect because they soon will be fighting to defend our homes. Colored officers must be saluted as punctiliously as the white ones. The salute is of vital importance to the whole fabric of discipline. It is not only a courtesy, but a recognition of personal relations in the service.”

From time to time there were unfortunate occurrences which received much publicity. Such was the case ofLieut.Joseph B. Saunders, who was publicly assaulted at Vicksburg,Miss., because he wore his uniform home after his period of training at Des Moines; also that ofLieut.Charles A. Tribbett, who was arrested and placed in jail for riding in a pullman car through the state of Oklahoma. There were also many instances in camp in which the Negro men themselves largely solved their problem. When colored officers arrived at Camp Funston, Kan., not over 10 per cent of the white officers and men saluted them. They had been told that they were going to have a hard time and set themselves with resolute purpose to the great task before them. In a month’s time the raw recruits were marching with heads up, eyes front, shoulders back, and with every arm swinging in line. As they marched to and from drill, the generals, colonels, and other officers as well as the men would stand along the “Golden Belt” and watch the black host as it passed. “This demonstration,” said one Negro captain, “changed everything. Now all men salute, and officers always try to salute first.” As Negro officers grew in numbers and were distributed throughout the camps, and as accounts of heroic deeds were heralded from the battlefields, and as it became generally known that Negroes were responding liberally to the various calls at home, the American public saw the justice of according recognition or merit where it was due, and the principle of the salute for Negro officers was settled, although in practice it was not always carried out.

Another matter that occasioned considerable feeling was that of promotions. Many regular army officers served for several years with junior rank, but always looked forward to the time when they would be promoted. Their opportunity came during the war. Many junior officers in the regular army and even civilian officers were promoted several times in the course of a year. It was natural that colored officers should also look forward to promotions, which were regarded as a recognition of work well done.

According to a memorandum of September 11, 1918, the War Department established the commands to be occupied by white and colored officers in the organization of the 92nd Division, and indicated that every opportunity would be given the Negro men to advance. In practice, however, there seems to have been some difficulty about carrying out the ideas therein suggested. The percentage of white officers in the Division increased from 18 per cent at the beginning, to 42 per cent on November 30, 1918. Very few recommendations for the promotion of Negro officers were made and most of these are said to have been “pigeon-holed” at headquarters. Some recommendations that were filed in July and August, 1918, were held until after the signing of the Armistice on November 11, when an A. E. F. order prohibited the granting of any more commissions. Another factor which prevented promotions in the 92nd Division was that colored officers from the 369th, 370th, and 372nd, and graduates from officers’ training schools in France were largely transferred to the 92nd Division. This made room for the promotion of white officers in the units from which the Negro officers were transferred, but prevented the promotion of colored officers in the 92nd.

Thus most of the Negro officers who served in the National Army were in the 92nd Division. The creation of this Division with Negro line officers was regarded by practically all regular army officers as one of the greatest mistakes ever made by the War Department. From their viewpoint it was wrong in principle, against all tradition, and could not possibly be a success. Not believing in the matter in principle, they did not want to deal with Negro men on such a basis; they did things to discredit them, even to the extent of spreading propaganda as to their unfitness for the work. Thus unfortunately the Negro officers returned home feeling that their commanding officers were not their friends; nor were matters improved by the effort of some incompetent men “higher up” who tried to cover their own inefficiency by laying the blame on the Negroes. The prevailing opinion expressed by the white officers returning from France was that the Negro soldier up to the rank of sergeant-major was a success, and they lauded the stevedore and labor organizations as contributing much to the magnificent service rendered by the Americans in Europe. The “experiment” of the Negro officer, they felt, was a different matter. A careful review of all the adverse points made might place them under four heads, as follows: First, the racial distinctions recognized in civilian life continued to be recognized in military life and presented a formidable barrier to the existence of a genuine feeling of comradeship; second, the colored officers were lacking in initiative and exhibited a characteristic tendency to neglect the welfare of their men and to perform their duties in a perfunctory manner, thus entailing on the part of senior officers frequent attention to petty details; third, many of the Negro officers went around with “a chip on their shoulders,” looking for discrimination and trouble; and fourth, most of the colored officers were willing to discipline their men but were unwilling themselves to be disciplined, charging any attempt to discipline them to prejudice.

These are serious charges. In reply to them first of all it is to be noted that on the troop ships, even before they got to France, the Negro officers were treated not according to their military rank but as on the basis of color. On the “George Washington,” for instance, which carried the 368th infantry, the tickets for the colored officers were marked with an X in the upper left hand corner, which enabled the purser to place them “conveniently.” The tickets for the white officers were not marked, and they were given first class passage on Deck A in respect to both dining and state rooms; but the colored officers, from the rank of captain down, were given second class passage in respect to staterooms and dining rooms. In traveling in France also the Negro officers were many times given third class coaches while the white officers were given first class. Specific cases are given where the officers were ordered by their commanders to take such passage. In the hotels and cafés as well constant effort was made for segregation, and in some cases instructions were given not to accept officers or soldiers when applications for rooms were made. At the Grand Hotel in Mayenne, where the division billeting officer was stationed, the hotel proprietress informed the colored officers, many of whom had previously stayed in the hotel, that they would have to go elsewhere for accommodations. On going to the “town major” to see about the new condition that had developed, the men were told that instructions had been given to the effect that no more colored officers were to be allowed in the hotel. Such incidents could be multiplied a hundred times. While in themselves they are no positive proof of Negro valor, they explain a situation which certainly has to be taken into account in an impartial review.

As to the charges of lack of initiative and the neglect of their men, the facts gathered from an investigation of conditions among thousands of soldiers, both in America and France, would rather indicate that colored officers generally took more interest in their men than the average white officer, though of course some Negro officers were inefficient just as were some of other races. The charges of “neglecting the welfare of their men” were based in most cases upon the difficulty in securing supplies for colored troops. This was true not only with colored officers, for it was an accepted fact that white officers over Negro troops often experienced the greatest difficulty in getting the necessary supplies for their men. Negro officers who displayed initiative were frequently reprimanded for assuming authority, while on the other hand they were condemned if they waited for instructions; for example, some who completed the course at the First Corps School in France with credit were censured for not performing duties that they had been ordered to discontinue and were told to mind their business when they called attention to grave military errors, some of which resulted in casualties. Duties performed satisfactorily as a sergeant for more than ten years could not be performed by the same man after he became a lieutenant without the supervision of a battalion commander.

In general the colored officers found complete co-operation with commanding officers nearly impossible. They were never taken into the confidence of their military superiors and were rarely ever questioned about matters affecting the men. One day a colonel met a colored captain whom he thought he had seen before. “Haven’t I seen you somewhere?” he asked. “Yes, sir,” replied the man, “I was with you on the border; Captain French is my name, sir.” “Oh, I do remember,” said the colonel, “you are Sergeant French.” “No, sir, I am Captain French.” “Well,” said the colonel as he walked away, “if I forget and call you Sergeant, don’t mind.”

In spite of all the difficulties and criticisms, however, large numbers of Negro officers were able to command and lead troops for the first time. In the pages to come there will be noted many instances not only of courage but also of efficiency, and it is a significant fact that the majority of these officers returned to the states in the 92nd Division. This alone is proof that they werefairlyefficient, especially when it is remembered that on the slightest occasion they were sent before efficiency boards. More than a thousand of these Negro line officers “saw it through” in France, rendering heroic service in the World War; and it is pleasant to record that among those who served with them there were those who were not afraid to give credit where credit was due.

One other matter is of importance in this general connection, and that is the question of the relation of the Negro officer to the reorganization of the army after the war was over. There are and probably always will be divers opinions as to the size and training of the regular army in peace times, as well as to the composition of the different units. In general, regular army officers felt that the time had not come in army affairs when it was expedient to include Negro officers in the plan of reorganization. Such a course was considered “an injustice to West Point graduates who had served as second lieutenants and waited their turn for promotion.” The question was essentially not one of fitness but of tradition, as was shown by the word of a major who now sleeps in the Argonne and who was asked to send in the names of the men in his command who should go before an efficiency board. He commended highly the work of his officers, but concluded by saying that the whole principle of Negro officers was wrong and that he recommended that all should be relieved from duty. Such an attitude took tangible form in the action of members of some of the examining boards for the regular army. One board discharged more than half of the officers in the division it was considering. Many who formerly had good grades were rated below 60, and while the questions asked were simple enough, all answers were deemed unsatisfactory. In the medical department similar conditions prevailed. It was natural that the Negro men should feel that under the circumstances they had hardly been fairly dealt with; moreover they had to meet the general prejudice of regular army officers against all civilian officers. One official said, “The regular army officers looked with disfavor upon both the National Guard and National Army officers, the National Guard officers discredited the National Army (90-day) officer, and all three combined against the Negro officer.” When everything is considered, it is difficult to reconcile the methods used to eliminate Negro officers with the spirit of fairness and justice for which the army is renowned, or with the gentleman’s agreement known to exist among fellow-officers, and it is to be regretted that some of the adverse opinions expressed were uttered by men in high positions who will help to determine the future policy of the War Department.


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