‘Fidèle au double sang qu’on verse dans ma veine,Mon pere, vieux soldat, ma mere, Vendeenne.’
‘Fidèle au double sang qu’on verse dans ma veine,Mon pere, vieux soldat, ma mere, Vendeenne.’
‘Fidèle au double sang qu’on verse dans ma veine,
Mon pere, vieux soldat, ma mere, Vendeenne.’
(“True to the double blood that was poured into my veins by my father, an old soldier, and my mother, a Vendean.”)
“Let us also be true to our double origin, true to the memory and the reverence of the great nation from which we have sprung, and true also to the great nation which has given us freedom. And in all the difficulties, all the pains, and all the vicissitudes of our situation, let us always remember that love is better than hatred, and faith better than doubt, and let hope in our future destinies be the pillar of fire to guide us in our career.”
England expects every man to do his duty! I am going to do my duty, not only by Canada, but by the Empire. Britain, thank God, does not require help from anybody, but if ever the occasion should arise when Britain is summoned to stand against the whole world in arms, she can depend upon the loyal support of Canada and the Canadian people. The Canadian people are free and loyal; loyal because they are free.
The “Old Chief” as he was familiarly, and lovingly called by his followers, occupied a very large place in the affections of the British people. There was something romantic about this French-Canadian Prime Minister, who took the premier place at Imperial Conferences, and who argued that formal treaties, and hard and fast agreements were not necessary to bind the Empire together.
“What do you think of the English people?” Sir Wilfrid was once asked.
“The English are all right; they are good sports, good losers, and on the whole I have no reason to complain of their treatment during my long term of public life.”
“Are they not somewhat arrogant?”
“All strong people are somewhat arrogant, but they are fair to a great degree,” he replied.
“I was born a Catholic,” he declared, “and I will die, of course, in that faith,” and when I replied that he had had a pretty hard row to hoe in his lifetime with certain priests and prelates, he replied: “Yes, that is true, but others of the same cloth have shown me much kindness that it sweetens the bitterness of the pill which a few ofthem have administered. Here,” he added, in the most earnest tones and expression, “is the whole situation. Without taking as gospel everything that a curé may say, or even a bishop, I firmly believe in the principles of the Roman Catholic Church, and, as I have stated, I will die in the faith. In reply to your remark as to the difficulties which have from time to time beset me during the past thirty-five years, I may say that there are a good many people who have tried to drive me out of the Catholic Church, and the means which they have used have not at all times been fair and above board, but, thank God, they have not succeeded up to the present time, and they will have quite as little success in the future as in the past.”
“I have no hesitation in saying that if the day should come when the supremacy of Britain on the high seas should be challenged it will be the duty of all the daughter nations to close around the old Motherland, and to make a rampart about her to ward off any attack. I hope that day will never come, but should it come, I would deem it my duty to devote what might be left of my lifeand energy to stump the country and endeavor to impress upon my fellow-countrymen, especially my compatriots in the Province of Quebec, the conviction that the salvation of England is the salvation of our own country, and therein lies the guaranty of our civil and religious freedom and everything we value in life. These are the sentiments which animate the Government on this occasion.”
“This session has been called for the purpose of giving the authority of Parliament and the sanction of law to such measures as have already been taken by the Government, and any further measures that may be needed, to insure the defence of Canada and to give what aid may be in our power to the Mother Country in the stupendous struggle which now confronts us. Speaking for those who sit around me, speaking for the wide constituency which we represent in this House, I hasten to say that to all these measures we are prepared to give immediate assent. If in what has been done or in what remains to be done there may be anything which in our judgment should not be done or should be differently done,we raise no question, we take no exception, we offer no criticism, and we shall offer no criticism so long as there is danger at the front. It is our duty, more pressing upon us than all other duties, at once, on this first day of this extraordinary session of the Canadian Parliament, to let Great Britain know, and to let the friends and foes of Great Britain know, that there is in Canada but one mind and one heart, and that all Canadians stand behind the Mother Country, conscious and proud that she has engaged in this war, not from any selfish motive, for any purpose of aggrandizement, but to maintain untarnished the honour of her name, to fulfil her obligation to her Allies, to maintain her treaty obligations and to save civilization from the unbridled lust of conquest and power.
“We are British subjects, and to-day we are face to face with the consequences which are involved in that proud fact. Long have we enjoyed the benefit of our British citizenship; to-day it is our duty to accept its responsibilities and its sacrifices.
“If my word can be heard beyond the walls of this House in the Province from which I come;among the men whose blood flows in my own veins, I should like them to remember that in taking their place to-day in the ranks of the Canadian army to fight for the cause of the Allied nations, a double honour rests upon them. The very cause for which they are called upon to fight is to them doubly sacred.”
Sir Wilfrid Laurier was one of the chief speakers at the great musical festival given by the American residents of Toronto under the auspices of the American Aid Society, on Thursday, September 10th., 1914. The concert was held in the Arena, and the entire receipts were donated to the Canadian Patriotic Fund. The Liberal leader said:
“Some few weeks ago Canada deliberated upon the situation, the stupendous struggle in which Britain is engaged, and the part which Canada bears. All vestiges of political differences were eliminated. We found in comparing our views that we stood exactly upon the same platform. Without a dissenting voice it was the unanimous opinion of the Canadian Parliament that the war in which England is engaged to-day is a sacredwar, and that Canada must help to its last man and its last dollar.
“We must face the situation as it is, and as Lord Kitchener told us some few days ago, we must have more men. There is a difference between the British nation and the nations of the continent. The nations of the continent get their soldiers by law; by conscription, and the enforcement of authority; the British nation get their soldiers not by law, but by appealing to the patriotism of men. Lord Kitchener tells us he wants more soldiers. If he wants more soldiers from Canada let him say the word and we will respond to meet him. We are behind the Mother Country, and let us send them a message that this war must be fought to a finish, and that arms must not be laid down until the principle which it has been fought for is vindicated, and until the day has come when right takes the place of might.”
From Laurier’s great speech in the Academy of Music, Quebec, June 26, 1877, in which he declared himself a Liberal of the English school, and an opponent of clerical intimidation:
“The constitution of the country rests on the freely expressed wish of each election. It intends that each elector shall cast his vote freely and willingly as he deems best. If the greatest number of the electors of a country are actually of an opinion, and that, owing to the influence exercised upon them by one or more men, or owing to words they have heard or writings they have read, their opinion changes, there is nothing in the circumstance but what is perfectly legitimate. Although the opinion they express is different from the one they have expressed without such intervention, still it is the one they desire to express conscientiously, and the constitution meets with the entire application. If, however, notwithstanding all reasoning, the opinion of the electors remains the same, but that, by intimidation or fraud, they are forced to vote differently, the opinion which they express is not their opinion, and the constitution is violated. As I have already said, the constitution intends that each one’s opinion shall be freely expressed as he understands it at the moment of expression, and the collective reunion of the individual opinions freely expressed, forms the government of the country.
“I am amongst you to-day, not as a politician, but only as a Canadian, and, I may add, as a French-Canadian, as a Canadian of my race, and when I go to the English Provinces I am quite as proud to call myself as such. I am here to tell you all that we owe to England and to France. What we want before everything is equal rights for everyone, the rights for which England and France have fought, the respect of minorities and the respect of justice and loyalty, so shamefully outraged by Germany.
“Do not forget that the fact that Britain was at war constituted for Canada a new condition of things, which imposed new duties upon the Government, upon the Opposition and upon the whole Canadian people. The moment that Great Britain was at war, Canada was at war. This is a truth which, while we were in office, we had not only to proclaim, but for which we had to provide in a manner consonant with the new condition, a new situation created by the development of Canada, not as a colony, but as a nation within the British Empire.
“These truths were not accepted by all. It was the occasion of a great deal of misrepresentation;it contributed very much towards the defeat which we suffered in 1911, but for my part let me say here that I have no regrets. Better be it ten times over and more that we should stand here defeated for having had the courage of presenting to the Canadian people new duties which have had effects, rather than to still be in office by having shirked the duty which was incumbent upon the administration.
“But at that time it was easy to appeal to prejudices, but the truth that when Britain is at war, Canada is at war also, came in only too concrete a manner, for, after the declaration of war, right here in the city of Montreal you had your harbour full of ships loaded with the produce of the land ready to take to the sea, still remaining here owing to the war, because if they had taken to the sea they would have been liable to seizure by the enemy. They did not and could not take to the seas until the ocean had been swept by the British Navy, and until the British Navy was ready to escort them, until the duty was forthcoming by the British Navy, which, in my conviction, it behooved the Canadian people to do themselves.
“We are a free people, absolutely free. The charter under which we live has put it in our power to say whether we should take part in such a war or not. It is for the Canadian people, the Canadian Parliament and the Canadian Government alone to decide. This freedom is at once the glory and honour of Britain, which granted it, and of Canada, which used it to assist Britain. Freedom is the keynote of all British institutions. There is no compulsion upon those dependencies of Great Britain which have reached the stature of Dominions such as Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and such Crown Dependencies as India. They are all free to take part or not as they think best. That is the British freedom which much to the surprise of the world, and greatly to the dismay of the German Emperor, German professors, and German diplomats caused the rush from all parts of the British Empire to assist the Mother Country in this stupendous struggle. Freedom breeds loyalty. Coercion always was the mother of rebellion.
“I was asked by someone why should I support the Government in their policy of sending men to the front. Why should not the Liberal party haveremained quiet and passive and let all the worries be left to the Government? My answer was, ‘I have no particular love for the Government, but I love my country, I love the land of my ancestors, France. I love the land of liberty, above all, England, and rather than that I in my position of leader of the Liberal party, should remain passive and quiescent, I would rather go out of public life, and life altogether.’
“When the Prime Minister announced his intention of placing all available forces at the disposal of the British Government, what was the policy of the Liberal party? There were three currents of opinion at the time. There was first of all the Imperialist who would have Canada take part in all the wars of the Empire. There was the Nationalist who would not have Canada take part in any war of the Empire at all, and there was the Liberal position. What was our position? We stood for Canadian autonomy. We upheld the sovereignty of Canada. I have several times on the floor of the House sustained that position. I claimed for the Parliament of Canada, the right which John Bright claimed in the Imperial Parliament in the Crimean War. Timehas shown that he was right. It has been established that the Crimean War was without result and had no cause. So I claimed for the Parliament of Canada the same right that John Bright claimed for the Imperial Parliament. And I should add that by doing so I scandalized both the Imperialists and the Nationalists.
“Neither of them challenged the position. No one denied that the Canadian Parliament had the right of pronouncement on the question of participation or non-participation. But the Imperialist wanted Parliament to close its eyes and to fight in any war. The Nationalist wanted Parliament to close its eyes and to fight in no wars. We Liberals asked for nothing more than the liberty which had been guaranteed to us.
“If I state our position now, it is not because I wish to raise a discussion on these questions. So long as the war continues, so long as the soil of Belgium is occupied, so long as the last German has not been kicked out of France, so long is this not the time to discuss these questions. All our attention should be directed to the prosecution of the war and to the bringing about of that final victory which we hope to secure. But whenthe war is over we shall have to take up these questions again. And the people of Canada will be called upon to decide between the opposing parties. If I mention the questions now it is merely because I wish to indicate the motives of our actions.
“I have given you the reasons which made me take the attitude I took in this war, and though I am free to admit that I preferred to fight rather than support the Government in a case of this kind all other considerations should disappear. To complete my thoughts, so that no one may misunderstand me, I will declare that had I been in power I should have followed the same policy myself, though in details of administration I should have tried to do better. Had we been in power we should not be reproached with faults, errors and the friends which now hang everywhere. But I will not talk of that in this discussion. I did not come here to-night for that reason. It is not the time to discuss these questions; they will be discussed later, do not fear.
“What are the rights and duties of the Liberal party? In my opinion, the party should stand for one thing alone, for public good and general interest;its spirit should be such that it can approve or condemn accordingly as the public good and general interest demand condemnation or approbation.
“We maintained that spirit in power, and we maintain it now. When we lost, we were beaten, but we were not subdued.”
From a speech before the Quadrennial Conference of the Methodist Church of Canada, at Ottawa, Sept. 23, 1914:
“The sword will not be put back in the scabbard,” he said, “until this Imperial bully has been taught that this ‘scrap of paper’ is a solemn obligation, and that solemn obligations between nations, as between individuals must be observed. There can be no peace until heroic Belgium has had her rights and her lands restored, and her wrongs repaired. There can be no peace until the world knows that it is to be governed, not by brute force, but by truth, liberty and justice, for which the British flag stands.”
As for his own record as statesman, Britishand Canadian, he remarked only a few weeks before his death:
“Well, I think that when all facts are reviewed in their right perspective, history will not deal unkindly with me, I am content to leave my record to the judgment of men’s thoughts, and to future generations of Canadians.”
Fifty-five years ago he graduated at law, and on that occasion said: “Two races share to-day the soil of Canada. The French and English races have not always been friends; but I hasten to say it, and I say it to our glory, that race hatreds are finished on Canadian soil. It matters not the language the people speak or the altars at which they kneel.”
The advice he gave the young men of a Liberal Club in Montreal reveals his philosophic temperament: “Let me give you a word of good counsel. During your career you will have to suffer many things which will appear to you as supreme injustice. Let me say to you that you should never allow your religious convictions to be affected by anything which appears to you an injustice. Let me ask of you never to allow your religious convictionsto be affected by the acts of men. Your convictions are immortal; your convictions are not only immortal, but their base is eternal. Let your convictions be always calm, serene, and superior to the inevitable trials of life, and show to the world that Catholicism is compatible with the exercise of liberty in its highest acceptation.”
In a speech which he delivered in Quebec in 1894, he gave expression to his religious ideals in the following passage:
“In religion I belong to the school of Montalembert and Lacordaire, of the men who were the greatest perhaps of their age in loftiness of character and ability of thought. I know of no grander spectacle than that of Montalembert and Lacordaire, two adolescents, two children almost, undertaking toconquer in France freedom of education, and succeeding in their object after many years of struggle. I know of no finer spectacle than that furnished by Montalembert confronting the French bourgeoisie, impregnated, as they were, with that dissolving materialism, the Voltairean skepticism of the eighteenth century, and exclaiming: ‘We are the sons of the Crusaders and shall not retreat before the sons of Voltaire.’I know of no greater or more beautiful spectacle than that of Lacordaire proclaiming from the pulpit of Notre Dame the truths of Christianity to the incredulous crowd, and teaching them that life is a sacrifice and is only rendered worthy by duty accomplished.”
Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s last appearance in London was at the Imperial Conference in 1911, and it was at this gathering that he made the notable statement,
“I represent a country which has no grievances.”
All his hopes and aspirations are contained in his inspiring message to the Acadians of Nova Scotia:
“Thank Providence,” he said, “that we live in a country of absolute freedom and liberty. Let us always bear in mind our duties, for duty is always inherent in right. Our fathers had to labour to secure these rights. Now let us fulfil our part. Three years ago, when visiting England at the Queen’s Jubilee, I had the privilege of visiting oneof the marvels of Gothic architecture which the hand of genius, guided by an unerring faith, had made a harmonious whole, in which granite, marble, oak and other materials were blended. This cathedral is an image of the nations I hope to see Canada become. As long as I live, as long as I have the power to labour in the service of my country, I shall always repel the idea of changing the nature of its different elements. I want the marble to remain the marble; I want the granite to remain the granite; I want the oak to remain the oak; I want the sturdy Scotchman to remain the Scotchman; I want the brainy Englishman to remain the Englishman; I want the warm-hearted Irishman to remain the Irishman; I want to take all these elements and build a nation that will be foremost among the great powers of the world.”
Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s message to the students of the University of Toronto in 1913 is recalled as one of the most inspiring utterances of his long career. On that occasion he said:
“My young friends, go out into the world to service. Make the highest thought of serviceyour inspiration. Problems there are—big problems. To-morrow and the day after to-morrow, it will be your turn to grapple with them. Serve God and your country. Be firm in the right, as God gives you to see the right. You may not always succeed. Progress is often punctuated with reverses. You may meet reverse—but the following day stand up again and renew the conflict for truth and justice shall triumph in the end.”
When a man becomes satisfied he becomes a Tory. The life of a Liberal is one of unceasing effort towards progress and encouraging development in all that makes for the betterment of mankind. It is easy to read articles of appreciation upon a man when he is gone, but if anyone is so poor in reflection as to overlook the fact that Laurier worked hard all his life he does an injustice to himself and to the record of Sir Wilfrid. Before he became leader of the Liberal Party about 32 years ago, Sir Wilfrid had visited many portions of the Dominion in support of his leaders, Mackenzie and Blake, upon all occasions advocating the Liberal cause, not only in Quebec,but in the Maritime Provinces and in Ontario. His first election as leader was in 1891, and he all but carried the country, for in the previous three years he addressed many meetings. In 1893, after the National Liberal Convention he toured Ontario for months. In 1894 he took a series of meetings in Ontario before going West right through to the Pacific Coast, addressing over 60 meetings and taking part in numerous smaller gatherings. The effect of this tour was that whereas he had but one supporter in 1894 west of the Great Lakes, he in 1896 carried the West by a majority of three. In the fall of 1895 Laurier spent nearly two months in Ontario, and addressed 56 large gatherings besides taking part in smaller assemblies and receptions. The effect of all this was that in the session of 1896 Laurier had a commanding knowledge of the conditions of the country, and the people not only admired him but trusted him. In 1896 he carried 48 seats in Ontario, and the average number of seats he carried in 1896, 1900, 1904 and 1908 was 40. As the years stole over him he could not carry on with his former vigour, but he had to carry on without the support that should have beenaccorded him by those who sat in Cabinet with him. In 1910 Laurier took a grand tour of the four Western Provinces, and in all general elections never spared himself. The efforts in this regard in 1917 were the wonder and admiration of supporters and opponents alike.
In 1918-19 he took up the task of supervising the Liberal reorganization in Ontario and of urging the Liberals in all the other provinces also to get together. He died in the midst of this work.
These outward manifestations of Laurier in action are mentioned to remind each and all who may desire a place in the galaxy of Liberal leaders that they cannot lead merely by praising the dead and wishing to be hailed as being born to something for which they never laboured to qualify. Volumes will be written on Laurier’s mental and other qualifications, but the author should not forget to record his struggle to give to the people the benefit of his endowment enlarged by practical application and consultation with them.
The first and most wise step was the selection by Sir Wilfrid Laurier of the strongest possiblecolleagues to form his Cabinet. No abler body of men ever presided over the destinies of Canada—a fact admitted, even by opponents. It was truly a great combination which instilled much needed confidence in the people. To form it Sir Wilfrid had to go outside the ranks of the men who had fought the battles of the party in Opposition in the Dominion House, and who no doubt expected preferment. But the wisdom of his choice has never been questioned, and the record of his Government is the most ample justification of it.
The Customs tariff was properly the first problem to be tackled, as it is the hub of the wheels of industry and commerce. The Liberal party had taken office upon a declared policy, to substitute for the Conservative tariff, a sound, fiscal policy, which, while not doing injustice to any class, would promote domestic and foreign trade and hasten the return of prosperity. They had also declared that the tariff should be reduced to the needs of honest, economical and efficient Government, that it should be so adjusted as to make free or bear as lightly as possible upon the necessaries of life and should be so arranged as to permit freer trade with the whole world, particularlywith Great Britain and the United States.
The first step taken by the Government was the eminently practical one of appointing a committee of its members to ascertain with exactitude the precise situation of all classes and sections of the country and their actual needs. No hole and corner methods were adopted by the committee, and there were no private meetings between Ministers and manufacturers in the Windsor Hotel at Montreal. Everybody was invited to give expression to his views. To meet the convenience of the public, meetings were held in most of the principal cities and towns.
The result of the labours of the committee, and subsequent daily meetings of the Cabinet for months, was the promulgation of a tariff, which judged by the best possible test, actual results, created a revolution in the industrial life and activities of the country. Briefly stated the new tariff.
1. Materially reduced the duties on many necessities and staple commodities used by consumers generally.
2. Placed on the free list certain articles ofprime necessity to the farmer, the miner, fisherman and manufacturer.
3. Reduced the duties on iron and steel which constitute the staple raw materials for many industries; duties on other raw materials were also lowered.
4. Simplified the classification of articles for duty purposes and thereby assured more uniform administration.
5. And, by no means least, gave a substantial preference to the products and manufactures of Great Britain over the rest of the world.
6. Obtain a Reciprocity Agreement Act with Canada and the United States, but which the people of Canada refused to accept.
The Liberal tariff was the first serious attempt made in Canada towards equality of treatment and reconciliation of conflicting interests. No class or interest was singled out for undue favouritism. The needs of all were considered. Herein lies the difference between the Conservative and Liberal attitudes on the tariff. The formula of the Conservatives for tariff making always has been the simple one of giving protection to the manufacturer without reference to the rest of thecommunity. The Liberals on the other hand believe in being fair all round and in distributing the burdens of taxation as much as possible. Consider the situation for a moment. We have five great sources of national wealth. The farm, forest, fisheries, mines and manufacturing industries, on the income of which we keep our national house. It will be obvious that the interests and needs of these various producing branches are not identical. They conflict in some instances very strongly. The farmer for instance has to pay higher prices for his articles of necessity and comfort by reason of customs duties imposed thereon, whereas the prices for his produce are largely determined in the markets of the world. The miner, too, could buy most of his supplies and machinery cheaper if they were free from duty. The fishermen, who are chiefly located in the provinces forming the extreme boundaries of the Dominion, are unable to supply the markets in our principal centres of population by reason of the great distance separating them therefrom, and are consequently obliged to export the bulk of their catch to foreign markets easier to reach, but where they have to encounter stiff competition.The lumberman also is affected by the tariff on his commodities. Manufacturing industries are of immense benefit to the country, but not more so than the agricultural industries, indeed if we take the population engaged and the capital invested in farming and ranching the agricultural interests bulk greater in the national wealth. Everybody recognizes that manufacturing institutions are necessary to build up a great nation and acknowledges that it would be undesirable to devote our attention purely to pastoral pursuits.
The Liberal Government recognizing all these salient factors endeavoured to strike a fair balance and thereby promote the utmost development in all industrial pursuits. The principal thought in their minds was to provide the maximum of profitable labour for the people in all spheres of activity which surely is the truest and highest duty of statesmanship.
The extent of the reduction in taxation brought about by the tariff can be best arrived at by taking the average rate of customs duty imposed by the Conservatives during the last years they were in office, and applying it to the imports under theLiberal rule. In 1896, which was the last year of Conservative administration, $18.28 was on the average collected on every $100 worth of goods imported into the country. If the same rate had been collected during the time the Liberals were in office, instead of collecting duty to the amount of $605,000,000 they would have collected $685,000,000, so that there was an actual reduction of $80,000,000 in fifteen years. This is at the rate of about $5,500,000 per annum. In addition to this saving one has to consider the reduced price of Canadian manufacturers to the consumer by reason of the reduction in protection, because undoubtedly as a general rule, although not in every case, the selling prices of Canadian manufacturers are based upon the amount of protection they enjoy.
Again there is the indirect saving to the people in reduced prices on foreign exports to Canada, by reason of the operation of a British Preferential tariff. The United States exporters to Canada, for instance, had to reduce their price to Canadian buyers to off-set the reduction in duties in favour of British goods. This is an undoubted fact.
Another way of arriving at the extent of the reduction in taxation brought about by the Liberal Government, is to take the average rate of duty imposed by Conservatives during the eighteen years they were in office, which was $19.10 on every $100 worth of goods imported into the country. If the same rate had been applied to the imports during the fifteen years from 1896 to 1911, the additional taxation which would have been imposed would have amounted to $110,000,000, so that there was a saving to that extent to the people of the country under Liberal rule.
Perhaps the most outstanding feature of the new tariff was the adoption of a preference in favour of British goods, and it was probably the most popular step ever taken by any Government in Canada. Judged by results, it has been highly beneficial alike to Canada, Great Britain and the Empire. This preference at first consisted of a reduction of 1-8 from the general tariff rates. A year or so afterwards the reduction was increased from 1-8 to 1-4 and later to 1-3. Subsequently the flat reduction of 1-3 was abandoned and a specific preferential rate provided for each item or article in the tariff. Such specific rate, however,on the whole averages a reduction of 1-3. The benefits of the preference were given not only to Great Britain but by successive steps to nearly all the British colonies.
The preference granted by the Liberal Government was exactly the tonic that was necessary to stimulate British trade. From the moment it became law the trade started to boom and it has steadily and rapidly increased ever since. But the increase in British trade was not the only beneficial result. The preference substantially reduced duties to the Canadian consumer on the most important staple commodities, and thereby further implemented the pledge of the Liberal party to reduce taxation.
Having dealt with the preference feature of the tariff we will now resume the consideration of the general subject. Well as they believe they had wrought in the creation of their tariff, the Liberal Government were not content. They knew that a great deal more was needed to bring about a betterment of conditions. They felt that the most vigorous and progressive measures were necessary to put Canada in its proper place on the map of the industrial world, and to afford scopefor the exercise of the natural ambition of its people. They realized that the farmer could not be benefitted much by protective duties on his produce, but they saw that they could benefit him by enlarging the means, and cheapening the cost, of transportation, and they devoted their best energies towards improving and extending transportation facilities all over the country. They saw also that the manufacturer could be benefitted by enlarging the home market, and they instituted an aggressive immigration policy which developed the great North West in a marvellous way. Step by step in the most vigorous manner and without let-up the great work of building surely and strongly was undertaken, and concurrent with it the country grew more prosperous.
The finances were so handled as to show a substantial surplus each year instead of the era of deficits in Conservative days.
The great canal system of the country was rushed to completion.
The Crows Nest Pass Railway was built, thereby facilitating the development of the immensemineral resources of interior British Columbia—in the Kootenay District.
The Intercolonial Railway which had its Western terminus in what was then a comparatively small town, namely Levis, was badly handicapped in securing traffic from the West, and was extended to Montreal, the commercial metropolis of the country.
Later on the construction of the Transcontinental Railway was entered upon and was well on towards completion, when the Liberals went out of office in 1911.
By means of Government guarantees and subsidies a third Transcontinental Railway, the Canadian Northern Railway was made possible.
Immigrants to the number of nearly 2,000,000 were brought into the country in fifteen years, a large number of whom went on the land resulting in a magnificent development of the West and North-West.
Free land grants to railways were discontinued and the public lands were reserved for the actual settlers.
Ocean ports, harbours and rivers were vastly improved. A 30-foot clear channel was providedin the St. Lawrence from Montreal to Quebec.
Postal rates were reduced substantially, and the Money Order system simplified and extended.
Free Rural mail delivery was established.
Canal and steam boat duties were abolished in the interest of promoting cheap transportation by water.
A Railway Commission was appointed which admittedly was one of the best pieces of constructive legislation ever adopted in Canada. That Commission became practically the master of the railways.
A Labour Department was created which has done splendid work in averting and settling strikes.
Agriculture was aided in a hundred and one ways.
Cold storage facilities of an excellent character were provided for the products of the farm and fisheries.
Commercial agents were appointed in the principal countries of the world.
A Canadian Mint was established.
The resources of the country were splendidly exhibited at every Exposition held throughout the world.
From time to time the tariff was modified to meet changed conditions, and in 1907 a complete revision was made, again by a committee of the Ministers, after consulting with the people.
The French Treaty was extended so as to comprise our principal productions instead of as formerly only a few articles of comparatively trifling importance.
A treaty was entered into with Japan whereby we got most favoured nation treatment in that country.
As a result of our institution of preferential trade we got a preference in New Zealand. As a direct benefit from this the British Columbia fishermen captured the import trade of that country.
An intermediate tariff was established as a standing invitation to other countries to reciprocate in trade, and Holland, Belgium and Italy were admitted to the benefits of that tariff for corresponding advantages given to us.
Through the efforts of the Liberal Minister of Agriculture the vexatious quarantine regulations that existed for some years between the United States and Canada were abolished.
A sur-tax was imposed upon Germany by way of retaliation for Canadian products being placed on the maximum tariff of Germany.
To prevent the slaughtering of manufactured goods in the Canadian market a law known as the Anti-Dumping Act was passed, which effectively operates against such unfair trade warfare.
A Commission of Conservation was appointed, the object being to conserve our natural resources and to disseminate full information in regard to them.
Dominion Government securities were placed on the favoured trustee list of Great Britain.
An Assay office was established at Vancouver which materially aided in retaining our Yukon trade.
Substantial financial assistance was given towards the construction of a Pacific cable, Canada bearing its full share of this expenditure.
Throughout the career of the Liberal Government the revenues were buoyant, notwithstanding considerable decreased taxation and the financial situation was always of the best.
In a word, the men at the helm knew their business and attended to it, in a thoroughly workmanlike manner. Their successive acts of genuine, constructive statesmanship along practical lines filled the people with hope, and made them gird up their loins for supreme individual efforts in industrial life. The wisdom of their legislation and administration and its accompanying prosperity of the people attracted the attention of the whole world, particularly the Mother Country, and started a flow of much needed capital to develop our great natural resources, a flow which went on unceasingly throughout the Liberal regime, increasing and increasing all the time as our needs were made manifest. Canada was then the favourite investment field of the Empire.
Under Sir Wilfrid Laurier a new Canada arose. The country found itself and for the first time realized its immense possibilities. It was an era of the full dinner pail, the first golden age in Canada’s history. Every legitimate industry from the Atlantic to the Pacific, speaking generally, prospered. Manufacturing institutions were enlarged and enlarged again and again to meet the demands. The farmers shared in the prosperityprobably better than any others. The price of farm products increased materially and the home and foreign markets were greatly extended, the results being seen in the increase in farm land values and a more rapid payment in full of farm mortgages than ever before. The much deplored exodus under the Tory regime was practically stopped. The young Canadian found Canada quite good enough for him.
When the Laurier Government took office Canada had not yet “found herself.” For years progress had been slow and there appeared to be an almost entire absence of the snap and vigorous aggressiveness which soon after became the characteristic of Canadians. Deficits were annually recorded in the national finances; foreign trade was practically stationary; manufacturers were making little or no headway; the great Northwest was undeveloped; immigrants came in comparatively few numbers, and, what was worse, the country seemed unable to retain her own people. The situation which confronted the new Prime Minister was one calculated todiscourage a man whose Canadianism was less confident and sure, whose vision was less clear and whose zeal for service was less imperative.
On the evening of the day upon which the Earl of Aberdeen, then Governor-General, summoned Wilfrid Laurier and entrusted him with the task of forming an Administration—even before the personnel of his Government was announced—he was called upon to make his first public utterance as Prime Minister. It was on the evening of July 8, 1896, at Montreal, and the occasion was, by strange significance, the Canadian reception to the officers of the British warships “Intrepid” and “Tartar.”
“I appreciate to-day,” was the first word of the new Prime Minister, “in the presence of the representatives of the naval forces of our Empire, and occupying the position I do, having just been called a few minutes previously by his Excellency the Governor-General to assume the duties of First Citizen of the Dominion—I appreciate to-day more than ever the strength and significance of that order by Britain’s greatest Admiral on the day of the battle of Trafalgar: ‘England expectsevery man to do his duty.’ I am going to do my duty, not only by Canada, but by the Empire. Britain, thank God, does not require help from anybody, but if ever the occasion should arise when Britain is summoned to stand against the whole world in arms, she can depend upon the loyal support of Canada and the Canadian people. The Canadian people are free and loyal, loyal because they are free.”
With this pledge Wilfrid Laurier took office as Canada’s Premier. The boy of St. Lin was still preaching his growing conception of Canada and her place in the Empire.
The task of this first French-Canadian Premier was not an easy one. Had he been merely a son of his race, had he been merely a convert to the English-speaking conception, had he been merely the champion of a cause or the balance-wheel of politics, his influence might have maimed the national progress of the Dominion for a century. As it was, he conceived for himself the rôle of a Canadian. He felt that the great need of Canada for Canada—and for the Empire, too—was Canadians. There were plenty of French Nationalists—he had known them in his youth; he foundthem again in his maturity. There were plenty of Anglo-Saxon ultra-imperialists—he had already become familiar with fire-brand jingoism. There were plenty of indifferent materialists—he realized the danger of their disease to a young and growing country. But Canadians could unify, Canadians could build, Canadians could become great and strong. A Canada of Canadians “free and loyal; loyal because they are free”—was to Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the most potent Imperial asset the Dominion could provide for the motherland. He had studied his history. He knew the fate of empires bound by bonds of brittle iron. He dreaded a crumbling Imperium. He dreaded, too, the idea of a hobbled “sub-nation.” But he had a strong and enduring faith in the assured permanency of an Empire of “free and loyal” daughter Dominions knit together by ties of common interest, common endeavour and common devotion to the cause of democracy and the advancement of Christianity and civilization.
The Liberalism or the Conservatism that continues to be founded on the accident and the prejudice of birth, that believes in “my party and myfather’s party, right or wrong,” is the real cause of the discouraging inertia of public opinion that often allows the self-interested few to practically control elections and governments, that prevents or retards reform and makes of a free democracy a bureaucratic tyranny. Liberalism is a positive reasoned belief and every Liberal should be able, apart from opinions as to the Government or the issues of the day, to justify his faith according to cardinal principles of good government.
What are the fundamental distinctions between Liberalism and Conservatism? The words themselves embody the respective historical attitudes of the two parties toward the main function of government.
Liberalism is in essence the problem of realizing liberty. It seeks the setting free of the mass of the people in regard to self-government, trade, religion, education, industry, in all the manifold ramifications of society. Conservatism, on the other hand, means at bottom restriction. It means the conserving of vested rights, the centralization of government in the “governing classes,” setting the balance on social progress.
The function of government is to define therights of the individual in terms of the common good and to think of the common good in terms of the welfare of the individual. In the case of Liberalism the emphasis has usually been on the “common good.” In the case of Conservatism the emphasis is usually on the “individual.” Historically the particular “individuals” have belonged to the authoritative or vested interest classes. That motto has been “what we have we hold.” Liberalism has found its main support in the masses. The natural result has been that legislation with each party, has been mainly for the classes their leaders represent.
Liberalism recognizes that the teaching of history shows that progress is more continuous and secure when men are content to deal with great reforms piecemeal than when they seek to destroy root and branch in order to erect a complete new system which has captured the idealistic imagination. But its grappling with reforms is continuous. Conservatism, while believing in “the good of things as they are,” has usually grappled with reforms under the stimulus of an increasingly feared and potent democracy. Liberalism has had to wrench from Conservatism responsiblegovernment by the people, manhood suffrage, equal taxation, the right of like opportunity for all classes of the community. Conservatism has clung to precedent, the established order, the old authoritarian basis of government, and has yielded but slowly and as a rule only on compulsion.
Liberalism is ordained of the common people and sprang from a common resistance to the oppression of arbitrary and self-centred rule. Conservatism had its birth in the doctrine of the divine right of kings. The “governing classes” were ordained of God because they themselves arranged the ordination. Liberalism has its principles embodied in the human heart. Conservatism finds its well-springs in its own pockets.
The main battlements of privilege and vested authority have been won by Liberalism through centuries of struggle. The fight of democracy for freedom, for equality of opportunity and for substantial justice, to all individuals of the commonwealth still goes on. There are still inequalities of taxation to be righted, the oppression of vested interests in trade and industry to be overcome, monopolies and trusts to be regulated, the rightsof society as a whole to be asserted to the wealth that depends on its own collective enterprise. The increase of the well-being of the masses does not appear to be by any means proportionate to the general growth of wealth. In the sphere of economic legislation, Liberalism still has perhaps its greatest work to do. The welfare of the common man at the common task is its first consideration.
Government of the people, for the people, and by the people is the essence of Liberalism.
The application of these principles to the problems of Canadian politics in relation to provincial, national, imperial and world-wide interests is the work of the Liberal party in Canada.
On the evening of Tuesday, January 14th, 1919, Sir Wilfrid Laurier delivered his last public address. The occasion was the formation of the Eastern Ontario Liberal Association for about twenty ridings in Eastern Ontario. It has been stated that the resolutions adopted upon that occasion and the speech of Sir Wilfrid Laurier clearly set forth the Liberal policy to date.
A report of the proceedings of that eventful day has been published and Sir Wilfrid’s speechin endorsement of the resolutions adopted may be summarized as follows: Fair treatment of soldiers and sailors, generous care for dependents of the fallen, maintenance of British preferences restored and unimpaired, reciprocity between Canada and the United States in foodstuffs, gradual progress toward freer trade, democratization of labor, abolition of Government by order-in-council, abolition of press censorship, repeal of the War Times Election Act, and for a League of Nations.
Sir Wilfrid’s acceptance of a Knighthood in 1897, came as a big surprise to all his followers, because his views had been clearly defined on the subject; and it was common talk that he had been offered a knighthood on attaining the Premiership. In the first year of his ministry as such, he went to England to attend the Jubilee of Queen Victoria. The reception accorded him by the British people was remarkable for its warmth. The handsome, distinguished young French-Canadian statesman took London by storm; the press and public acclaiming his talents, and Queen Victoria bestowing upon him particular attention and respect.One evening the Queen gave a dinner for the overseas Prime Ministers. When the young Canadian Premier, who was again honored by being seated next to Her Majesty, took his seat at the banquet table, he found a card upon which Queen Victoria herself had written, “Rt. Hon. Sir Wilfrid Laurier.” There was no way out of such a situation. The aged Queen had taken this means of honoring him, and Sir Wilfrid’s chivalry and gallantry, as well as his genuine affection for the great good monarch, triumphed over his democratic views.
At the time of his death a Canadian poet wrote, “When I was a boy at Woodstock College, I heard a phrase that floated upon the air, like the magic carpet of the Arabians. It contained the simple news that ‘Laurier is coming.’ He came, we heard him, and in my boyish heart that night was born a new Canada. I was no longer a Conservative or a Liberal. I only knew a white light had passed that I must follow. I had exchanged my knight of arms in history for a crusader in life. The years that poured the first strength of youth into my heart came to the crusader with her gift ofsilver. One day I walked the streets of London with an unsold story in my pocket, and a four days’ yearning for bread in my soul. Suddenly the white light shone. Laurier had passed me in his carriage upon Piccadilly. I forgot my hunger and cheered, and the multitude, seeing not the light in its brightness, wondered over my joy.”
“Big John Canadien,” Canada’s most famous guide, made this following curious prediction:—
“When I die you shall be frightened,” he said to Sir Wilfrid Laurier.
The death of Sir Wilfrid Laurier and of Big John at one day’s interval brings to mind a scene witnessed in 1884. They were preparing to celebrate the national holiday, St. Jean Baptiste Day, and the late Mr. A. Corriveau, one of the most zealous organizers of the great national celebration, was conversing with Wilfrid Laurier on Notre Dame Street, near Place D’Armes in Montreal.
When big John arrived with a band of his braves, M. Corriveau, who was acquainted with “Big John,” introduced him to his friends. Aftera few words of conversation, Sir Wilfrid Laurier asked the Indian how old he was.
“I am 43 years old,” he replied.
“We are almost of the same age,” said Mr. Laurier, “I will be 43 at my next birthday.”
“Well,” replied Big John, “when I die, you shall be frightened.”
Everybody nearby had a good laugh on hearing the Indian’s words, and Big John went away.
Big John died on Sunday, February 23rd., and Sir Wilfrid on Monday, February 24th.
Some years ago a retired Baptist minister told the following story: “When I was a young man I lived in a small town in Eastern Canada, and about the only well educated men in the place were a lawyer and a doctor, both Roman Catholics. We used to meet almost every afternoon in the lawyer’s office and discuss the affairs of the nation, and almost every subject from religion to politics. One day the young lawyer made a certain statement, when the doctor asked: ‘Where did you get that idea?’ and the lawyer replied (pulling open a drawer in his desk and bringingforth a well-worn Bible), ‘Why, from this Book.’ The doctor said, ‘Why, you don’t read that Book, do you?’ ‘Yes,’ replied the lawyer, ‘I have had this with me since I left home. I promised my mother to read it every day, and I have never broken my word, because, no matter where I am, I have read a portion of this good Book every day of my life since I gave that promise.’” Mr. Richardson asked me who I thought the young lawyer was, but I could not tell, so he said, “It was Sir Wilfrid Laurier, and we have been close friends ever since, although he is a Roman Catholic and I am a Baptist minister. Does this not in some manner account for Sir Wilfrid’s broad-mindedness in matters of religion?”
A gentleman brought a friend in to lunch at the Reform Club. On that particular day Sir Wilfrid happened to be there, lunching. The friend’s name was Mr. Lambe and he expressed a desire to be introduced to Sir Wilfrid, so, after luncheon in the clubroom, he was presented. When shaking hands with the “Chief” he started to explain that he was not a supporter of the Liberal party. Sir Wilfrid continued shaking hands during the short explanation, and then reached over with hisleft hand, and, placing it on Mr. Lambe’s shoulder, said:
“Well, never mind, Mr. Lambe, you know there is more rejoicing in Heaven over the return of one lost sheep,” etc.
In 1906, when Sir Wilfrid was returned to power, the Liberals gave him a reception at the old Horticultural Gardens. The “Chief” arrived, accompanied by quite a party, and, as a prominent supporter was about to shake hands with him, a little man who had been imbibing, pushed him aside, held out his hand, and said in a loud voice:
“Welcome to ‘Taranta,’ Mr. ‘Larier’.”
This was momentarily embarrassing to those assembled, but the “Chief” shook hands heartily with him and asked his name. The little man gave his name as Lynch, whereupon the “Chief” exclaimed:
“A good Irish name, and a good Irish welcome,” and thus passed off lightly what might have proved embarrassing.
A very illuminating incident occurred at the Union Station on one of Sir Wilfrid’s last visitsto Toronto which reveals the manner of his appeal to his people. Two young ladies spied the old statesman walking up and down the platform by his private car. One of them insisted that it was Sir Wilfrid, the other that it was not. A newspaper reporter overheard the argument and settled it by answering them that it was, indeed, the dean of the House of Commons.
“I wonder if we could shake hands with him?” enquired the girls, excitedly.
The reporter approached Sir Wilfrid and said:
“There are two young ladies who would esteem it an honor to shake your hand. May I bring them to you, Sir Wilfrid?”
“You may NOT, my young friend!” said Sir Wilfrid, “But you may take me to them.”
Which he did, and so gracefully added to his legions.
Much has been said of his affection for children, another expression after all, of that same kindness and dignity. A Toronto newspaper editor when a boy of fourteen, wrote a long letter to Sir Wilfrid from the boy’s point of view, referring to politics and to Sir Wilfrid’s stand on prohibitionand other reforms. Deep as he was in the work of Parliament at the time, Sir Wilfrid did not neglect to reply promptly, and in a fine, courteous letter, said that he would be glad to discuss the questions at greater length when he should happen to visit the lad’s home-town. And when Sir Wilfrid passed through that way, the lad was invited to dinner with him. The politically “kind” man couldn’t do that. It required Sir Wilfrid’s genuine emotions towards the young.
While humor did not abound in Sir Wilfrid’s speeches and debates, he had a shrewd wit, equal to all occasions. In a debate twitting Sir Charles Tupper on Sir Charles’s reminiscences of his political services, Sir Wilfrid said that between Sir Charles and Sir John A. Macdonald they had sailed the ship of state pretty successfully, Sir John supplying the brains and Sir Charles supplying the wind to fill the sails.
Campaigning through the country Sir Wilfrid was always master of the situation. There was withal, something of the “grand seigneur” about him. He had a keen sense of dramatic values.While he yielded to the worship of those who crowded his car to shake his hand, he did not show himself to the public one moment before it was necessary. Sometimes the clamor of admirers forced him from his bed at midnight. With all the love for applause, characteristic of his race, and of the dramatic temperament, his common sense never deserted him. During his last tour of Nova Scotia, one morning his boat barely landed when an enthusiastic young woman crossed the gang plank and handed him an armful of flowers. Such is to be expected as part of every meeting, but there on the bare deck of a steamer the chieftain was nonplussed. As he laid the gift on the hatch he turned and said over his shoulder: “Is a man ever so helpless as he is with a bouquet?”
On one occasion an excited supporter telegraphed:
“Report in circulation here, that your antagonism to religion is so strong, that you have never had any of your children baptized. Very damaging to party. Telegraph me if untrue.”
Sir Wilfrid’s reply was characteristic:
“Statement is unfortunately quite true. I have never had a child to baptize.”
Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s ability to remember faces which had presented themselves to his view, perhaps, years previously, was something to marvel at. Many men possess this power but few have ever held it in greater proportion than did the late statesman.
A Brockville man relates that on being introduced to Sir Wilfrid, not long ago, the “old chief” looked at him intently for a moment and then said: “Just a minute, let me think where I have seen you before.” He thought for a brief period and then exclaimed: “I have it. You are one of —— ——’s bad little boys and you sat in the front row at my meeting in Cornwall in 1912.” Such had been the case.
His first appearance in public life revealed the qualities that were to make him famous. His début in the Legislature is said by those whose memories go back to that time, to haveproduced a sensation, not more by the finished grace of his oratorical abilities than by the boldness and authority with which he handled the deepest political problems. The effect of his fluent, cultivated and charming discourse is described by Frechette, the poet, as magical. On the following day, he writes, the name of Laurier was on every lip, and all who then heard it will remember how those two syllables rang out true and clear, their tone that of a coin of gold, pure from all alloy, and bearing the impress of sterling worth.
The Royal tour of 1901 at times put the serenity of Sir Wilfrid to a severe test. He was a man who enjoyed manifestations of popular good-will as well as anybody; and as a politician was not oblivious to the necessity of avoiding offence to any well-meaning supporter. He accompanied the Heir-Apparent and the future Queen across the continent, and was sometimes embarrassed by the efforts of coteries in remote settlements to play the political game by making him the hero of the occasion. On one occasion, a Liberal association, learning that the Royal train was to lieon a railway siding for half an hour, sought to improve the occasion by presenting him with an address. The annoyance of Sir Wilfrid at so notorious a breach of etiquette, was undoubtedly great, but he managed to send the deputation home without ruffling their feelings, though preserving the decorum of his position as an official host of the future occupant of the throne.
Political leaders receive a great deal of honor, particularly while they are the custodians of power, but they have also much to put up with from indiscreet followers. In such cases, they have to display an unfailing tact, for they never know but that the gad-fly may have sufficient influence in his bailiwick to swing an entire township to the opposite party, if affronted. Twenty years ago, in the old station dining room at Palmerston, Ont., one saw Sir Wilfrid deal with such importunities. It was at a time when there was a great hullabaloo about the supposed attitude of the late Mr. Tarte toward the South African War. The room was thronged with spectators anxious to see whether a Prime Minister really ate like ordinary mortals; and a local Liberal magnateundertook to inform Sir Wilfrid that the “boys around here” did not like Tarte, and asked what he was going to do with the then Minister of Public Works. Sir Wilfrid first ignored the question and tried to change the subject, but the henchman did not take the hint. The Premier’s secretary was beside himself with rage at the bad taste of the interlocutor, but the leader himself betrayed no annoyance. “Oh, you don’t understand Mr. Tarte,” he said, genially, and suddenly bethought himself of a funny story illustrating misunderstandings. Nevertheless, he was a very relieved chieftain when the whistle blew and the brakeman cried “All aboard.”
Another tribute to Sir Wilfrid Laurier has been paid by L.-Col. Johnson Paudash, now in Lindsay, who served for some time overseas with a Central Ontario battalion. The late Premier, it is stated, presented Col. Paudash with a service of silver, and also wrote to him several times while he was on active service in France. Col. Paudash had interviewed Sir Wilfrid several times, while he was Premier, on behalf of the different Indian tribes, and states that he at alltimes found him courteous and kind, and a good friend of the Indian. He and others of his tribe sincerely mourn the passing of the great “White Chief,” as they affectionately called the late Sir Wilfrid Laurier.
Sir Wilfrid Laurier maintained his pride and interest in Ottawa to the last. It is understood that a clause in his will dedicates to the Capital City all the tokens of honor bestowed on him during his distinguished public career.
Many of these are almost of priceless value. They include the testimonials conveying the freedom of cities in the United Kingdom. The casket containing the freedom of the city of Edinburgh, one of the most beautiful of the collection, is solidly encrusted with diamonds.
The intention is that these souvenirs shall find a place in the war memorial building which will doubtless be erected in Ottawa before long.
In his early days, at a campaign meeting, a Mr. Mousseau, a man of gigantic bulk, accused the Ministers of the Government of fattening on thesweat of the people. Sir Wilfrid, tall, slender, and frail, rose, pointed to his huge and bulky accuser and asked: “Who is fattening on the people?”
His hold on the hearts of his countrymen in Quebec was tremendous, and is best illustrated in the famous yarn of the old habitant, who on hearing that Queen Victoria had died and the Prince of Wales was now to become King, said:
“By gar, dat Prince of Wale must have a good pull wit’ Laurier!”
His visit to the Queen’s Jubilee in 1897, was greeted with a reception that was almost regal. He was made a member of the Privy Council, appointed a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St. Michael and St. George, and received in audiences by the Queen. The Universities of Oxford and Cambridge conferred honorary degrees upon him, and the Cobden Club admitted him to honorary membership, and awarded him its gold medal, in recognition of his exceptional and distinguished services to the cause of international and free exchange. The new departure in Imperial policy,the Preferential Tariff, which Sir Wilfrid was able to arrange during this visit, caused the London Times to say: “Laurier’s name must live in the annals of the British Empire.”
A few years later, 1902, he again visited Great Britain to be present at the ceremonies in connection with the crowning of His late Majesty King Edward VII., the Sovereign of the British Empire and British Dominions beyond the Seas. Again in 1907, Sir Wilfrid attended with a number of Ministers upon the invitation of the Imperial Government, a Conference of all the Premiers in His Majesty’s possessions. In 1911 he attended the ceremonies in connection with the crowning of King George V. Upon this, as upon other occasions, he was admirably received by the press and people wherever he went throughout Great Britain. In 1904, the London Daily News of September 14th., of that year, remarked that “Sir Wilfrid Laurier is easily the first statesman of Greater Britain.”
The following are some of the Press comments on Sir Wilfrid during the Imperial Conference of 1907:—The Daily News of London in a review of “The Race Question in Canada,” declared “Sir Wilfrid Laurier has won his title to be consideredas a true statesman because, although always a faithful Catholic, he has declined to be dominated by the forces of Ultramontanism. The hope of the fusion of the races, Sir Wilfrid Laurier once declared, into a single one is Utopian. It is an impossibility. The distinctions of nature will exist always. But he went on to say, if we remember rightly, that the two races would none the less form a great nation under the British Flag, and it is, of course, the supreme achievement of Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s political career that he has devoted himself to the attainment of this ideal.”