FOOTNOTES

LETTER FROM RED JACKET.Canandaigua, 18th. Jan., 1821.“Brother Parrish,“I address myself to you, and through you to the governor.“The chiefs of Onondaga have accompanied you to Albany, to do business with the governor; I also was to have been with you, but I am sorry to say that bad health has put it out of my power. For this you must not think hard of me. I am not to blame for it. It is the will of the Great Spirit that it should be so.“The object of the Onondagas is to purchase our lands at Tonnewanta. This, and all other business that they may have to do at Albany, must be transacted in the presence of the governor. He will see that the bargain is fairly made, so that all parties may have reason to be satisfied with what shall be done, and when our sanction shall be wanted to the transaction, it shall be freely given.“I much regret that at this time the state of my health should have prevented me from accompanying you to Albany, as it was the wish of the nation that I should state to the governor some circumstances, which show that the chain of friendship between us and the white people is wearing out and wants brightening.“I proceed now, however, to lay them before you by letter, that you may mention them to the governor, and solicit redress. He is appointed to do justice to all, and the Indians fully confide that he will not suffer them to be wronged with impunity.“The first subject to which we would call the attention of the governor, is the depredations that are daily committed by the white people upon the most valuable timber on our reservations. This has been a subject of complaint with us for many years; but now, and particularly at this season of the year, it has become an alarming evil, and calls for the immediate interposition of the governor in our behalf.“Our next subject of complaint is, the frequent thefts of our horses and cattle by the white people, and their habit of taking and using them whenever they please, and without our leave. These are evils which seem to increase upon us with the increase of our white neighbours, and they call loudly for redress.“Another evil arising from the pressure of the whites upon us, and our unavoidable communication with them, is the frequency with which our Chiefs, and Warriors, and Indians, are thrown into jail, and that too for the most trifling causes. This is very galling to our feelings, and ought not to be permitted tothe extent to which, to gratify their bad passions, our white neighbours now carry this practice.“In our hunting and fishing too, we are greatly interrupted by the whites. Our venison is stolen from the trees, where we have hung it to be reclaimed after the chase. Our hunting camps have been fired into; and we have been warned that we shall no longer be permitted to pursue the deer in those forests which were so lately all our own. The fish, which in the Buffalo and Tonnewante Creeks, used to supply us with food, are now by the dams and other obstructions of the white people, prevented from multiplying, and we are almost entirely deprived of that accustomed sustenance.“Our Great Father, the President, has recommended to our young men to be industrious, to plough and to sow. This we have done; and we are thankful for the advice, and for the means he has afforded us of carrying it into effect. We are happier in consequence of it; but another thing recommended to us, hascreated great confusion among us, and is making us a quarrelsome and divided people; and that is the introduction of preachers into our nation. These black-coats continue to get the consent of some of the Indians to preach among us, and wherever this is the case, confusion and disorder are sure to follow, and the encroachments of the whites upon the lands, are the invariable consequence. The governor must not think hard of me for speaking thus of the preachers; I have observed their progress, and when I look back to see what has taken place of old, I perceive that whenever they came among the Indians, they were the forerunners of their dispersion; that they always excited enmities and quarrels among them; that they introduced the white people on their lands, by whom they were robbed and plundered of their property; and that the Indians were sure to dwindle and decrease, and be driven back in proportion to the number of preachers that came among them.“Each nation has its own customs and its own religions. The Indians have theirs, given to them by the Great Spirit, under which they were happy. It was not intended that they should embrace the religion of the whites, and be destroyed by the attempt to make them think differently on that subject from their fathers.“It is true these preachers have got the consent of some of the chiefs to stay and preach among us, but I and my friends know this to be wrong, and that they ought to be removed; besides we have been threatened by Mr. Hyde, who came among us as a school master and a teacher of our children, but has now become a black-coat, and refused to teach them any more, that unless we listen to his preaching and become Christians, we shall be turned off our lands. We wish to know from the governor if this is to be so, we thinkheought to be turned off our lands, and not allowed to plague us any more. We shall never be at peace while he is among us.“We are afraid too that these preachers, by and by, will become poor,and force us to pay them for living among us and disturbing us.“Some of our chiefs have got lazy, and instead of cultivating their lands themselves, employ white people to do so. There are now eleven white families living on our reservations at Buffalo; this is wrong, and ought not to be permitted. The great source of all our grievances is that the white men are among us. Let them be removed, and we will be happy and contented among ourselves. We now cry to the governor for help, and hope that he will attend to our complaints, and speedily give us redress.“Red Jacket.”

LETTER FROM RED JACKET.

Canandaigua, 18th. Jan., 1821.

“Brother Parrish,

“I address myself to you, and through you to the governor.

“The chiefs of Onondaga have accompanied you to Albany, to do business with the governor; I also was to have been with you, but I am sorry to say that bad health has put it out of my power. For this you must not think hard of me. I am not to blame for it. It is the will of the Great Spirit that it should be so.

“The object of the Onondagas is to purchase our lands at Tonnewanta. This, and all other business that they may have to do at Albany, must be transacted in the presence of the governor. He will see that the bargain is fairly made, so that all parties may have reason to be satisfied with what shall be done, and when our sanction shall be wanted to the transaction, it shall be freely given.

“I much regret that at this time the state of my health should have prevented me from accompanying you to Albany, as it was the wish of the nation that I should state to the governor some circumstances, which show that the chain of friendship between us and the white people is wearing out and wants brightening.

“I proceed now, however, to lay them before you by letter, that you may mention them to the governor, and solicit redress. He is appointed to do justice to all, and the Indians fully confide that he will not suffer them to be wronged with impunity.

“The first subject to which we would call the attention of the governor, is the depredations that are daily committed by the white people upon the most valuable timber on our reservations. This has been a subject of complaint with us for many years; but now, and particularly at this season of the year, it has become an alarming evil, and calls for the immediate interposition of the governor in our behalf.

“Our next subject of complaint is, the frequent thefts of our horses and cattle by the white people, and their habit of taking and using them whenever they please, and without our leave. These are evils which seem to increase upon us with the increase of our white neighbours, and they call loudly for redress.

“Another evil arising from the pressure of the whites upon us, and our unavoidable communication with them, is the frequency with which our Chiefs, and Warriors, and Indians, are thrown into jail, and that too for the most trifling causes. This is very galling to our feelings, and ought not to be permitted tothe extent to which, to gratify their bad passions, our white neighbours now carry this practice.

“In our hunting and fishing too, we are greatly interrupted by the whites. Our venison is stolen from the trees, where we have hung it to be reclaimed after the chase. Our hunting camps have been fired into; and we have been warned that we shall no longer be permitted to pursue the deer in those forests which were so lately all our own. The fish, which in the Buffalo and Tonnewante Creeks, used to supply us with food, are now by the dams and other obstructions of the white people, prevented from multiplying, and we are almost entirely deprived of that accustomed sustenance.

“Our Great Father, the President, has recommended to our young men to be industrious, to plough and to sow. This we have done; and we are thankful for the advice, and for the means he has afforded us of carrying it into effect. We are happier in consequence of it; but another thing recommended to us, hascreated great confusion among us, and is making us a quarrelsome and divided people; and that is the introduction of preachers into our nation. These black-coats continue to get the consent of some of the Indians to preach among us, and wherever this is the case, confusion and disorder are sure to follow, and the encroachments of the whites upon the lands, are the invariable consequence. The governor must not think hard of me for speaking thus of the preachers; I have observed their progress, and when I look back to see what has taken place of old, I perceive that whenever they came among the Indians, they were the forerunners of their dispersion; that they always excited enmities and quarrels among them; that they introduced the white people on their lands, by whom they were robbed and plundered of their property; and that the Indians were sure to dwindle and decrease, and be driven back in proportion to the number of preachers that came among them.

“Each nation has its own customs and its own religions. The Indians have theirs, given to them by the Great Spirit, under which they were happy. It was not intended that they should embrace the religion of the whites, and be destroyed by the attempt to make them think differently on that subject from their fathers.

“It is true these preachers have got the consent of some of the chiefs to stay and preach among us, but I and my friends know this to be wrong, and that they ought to be removed; besides we have been threatened by Mr. Hyde, who came among us as a school master and a teacher of our children, but has now become a black-coat, and refused to teach them any more, that unless we listen to his preaching and become Christians, we shall be turned off our lands. We wish to know from the governor if this is to be so, we thinkheought to be turned off our lands, and not allowed to plague us any more. We shall never be at peace while he is among us.

“We are afraid too that these preachers, by and by, will become poor,and force us to pay them for living among us and disturbing us.

“Some of our chiefs have got lazy, and instead of cultivating their lands themselves, employ white people to do so. There are now eleven white families living on our reservations at Buffalo; this is wrong, and ought not to be permitted. The great source of all our grievances is that the white men are among us. Let them be removed, and we will be happy and contented among ourselves. We now cry to the governor for help, and hope that he will attend to our complaints, and speedily give us redress.

“Red Jacket.”

This letter was dictated by Red Jacket, and interpreted by Henry Obeal, in the presence of the following Indians:—

To this may be added the testimony of Timothy Flint, who had ample opportunities of judging of the effects of the proselyting scheme on the character of the Indians.

“During my long residence,” he observes, “in the Mississippi valley, I have seen them [the Indians] in every point of view, when hunting, when residing in their cabins, in their permanent stations, wild and unsophisticated in the woods, in their councils and deputations, when making treaties in our towns. I have seen their wisest, bravest, and most considered; and I have seen the wretched families that hang round the large towns, to trade and to beg, intoxicated subdued, filthy, and miserable, the very outcasts of nature. I have seen much of the Creeks and Cherokees, whose civilization and improvement are so much vaunted. I have seen the wretched remains of the tribes on the lower Mississippi, that stroll about New Orleans. I have taken observations at Alexandria and Nachitoches of the Indians of those regions, and from the adjoining country of New Spain. I have resided on the Arkansas, and have been conversant with its savages. While I was at St. Charles, savages came down from the rocky mountains, so untamed, so unbroken to the ways of the whites, that they were said never to have eaten bread until on that trip. While I was at St. Louis, a grand deputation from the northern points of the Missouri, the Mississippi, and the Lakes, comprising a selection of their principal warriors and chiefs, to the number of 1800, was there for a length of time. They were there to make treaties and settle the relations which had been broken during the war, in which most of them had taken a part hostile to the United States. Thus I have inspected the Northern, the Middle, and Southern Indians for a length of ten years, and I mention it only to prove that my opportunities of observation have been considerable, and that I do not undertake to form a judgment of their character, without at least having seen much of it.”

After thus stating the circumstances which qualified him to give an opinion on the subject of Indian civilization, he asserts that the efforts of religious missionaries have not met, in the long run, with any apparent success. Nor does he seem to think very differently of the result of two Romanist Missions, of which glowing and animated accounts were published some years ago.

“The Catholics,” he observes, “have caused many to hang a crucifix around their necks, which they show as they do their medals and other ornaments; but this too often is all that they have to mark them as Christians. I have conversed with many travellers that have been over the stony mountains into the Great Missionary Settlements of St. Peter and St. Paul. These travellers,—and some of them were professed Catholics,—unite in affirming that the convertswill escape from their mission whenever it is in their power, fly into their native deserts, and resume at once their old modes of life. The vast empire of the Jesuits, in Paraguay, has all passed away, and, we are told, the descendants of their convert Indians are no way distinguished from the other savages. It strikes me that Christianity is the religion of civilized man, that the savages must first be civilized, and that as there is little hope that the present generation of Indians can be civilized, there is but little more that they will be Christianized.”[85]

To the foregoing I will add the testimony of Sir Francis Bond Head, who, in one of his despatches to Lord Glenelg, thus depicts the effects which have resulted from the efforts of the missionaries.

“Whenever and wherever the two races come in contact it is sure to prove fatal to the red man. However bravely for a short time he may resist our bayonets and fire arms, sooner or later he is called upon by death to submit to his decree. If we stretch forth the hand of friendship, the liquid fire it offers him to drink proves still more destructive than our wrath; and lastly if we attempt to Christianize the Indians, and for that sacred object congregate them in villages of substantial log houses, lovely and beautiful as such a theory appears, it is an undeniable fact, to which I unhesitatingly add my humble testimony, that as soon as the hunting season commences, the men (from warm clothes and warm houses having lost their hardihood) perish, or rather rot in numbers by consumption;whilst, as regards their women, it is impossible for any accurate observer to refrain from remarking that civilization, in spite of the pure, honest, and unremitting zeal of our missionaries, by some accursed process has blanched their babies faces; in short, our philanthropy, like our friendship, has failed in its professions.… I believe that every person of sound mind in this country, who is disinterested in their conversion, and who is acquainted with the Indian character will agree

“First,—That the attempt to make farmers of the red men has been, generally speaking,a complete failure.

“Second,—That congregating them for the purpose of civilization, has implanted many more vices than it has eradicated; and consequently,

“Third,—The greatest kindness we can perform towards this intelligent and simple minded people, is to remove and fortify them as much as possible from any communication with the whites.”[86]

In reply to these statements, many articles have appeared in the newspapers, chiefly written by missionaries and divines who are interested in the missionary scheme, and who, we may be sure, would say nothing on the subject likely to prevent the religious from coming forward with their subscriptions. Their statements, however should be received with caution, and considered with impartiality. Men of comparatively weak intellect (it is not often that any other description of missionaries are sent out) and who are interested in the success of their schemes, ought not to be trusted implicitly, unless their evidence be confirmed by other authorities. In the present case the statements of the Methodist and other missionaries are in direct opposition to the statements of more impartial persons, who have enjoyed equal facilities for forming an accurate judgement. Though the evidence given by both sides is flatly contradictory, yet for my own part Iadopt that which has the sanction of the church,inasmuch as I cannot find in all the records of history, an example of lying or forgery on the part of religious men!(?) From time immemorial they havetold the truthwhen the interest of their religion required it, and it would indeed be an anomaly if they were in the present age to depart from the course they have pursued for the last eighteen centuries.

I have now taken a survey of the principal features of character exhibited by the Aborigines of America, as far as my information and as well as my ability would permit. If I could have procured Mr. Catlins’s Travels or work on the Indians, which is now in the press, while I was compiling these sketches, I should have been able to have said a great deal more respecting the manners, customs, religion, and civilization of the unhappy and oppressed red men. As that work however has not yet been published, I must endeavour to conclude this treatise with a few reflections suggested by the preceding narrative.

It must be obvious to the reader, that the character of the Indians is proportionate to the associations under the influence of which they are trained. “The Aborigines of America,” to use the language of Timothy Flint, “are a moody and musing race, whose familiarity with the wilderness renders them sullen and grave. How could they be otherwise? They are more accustomed to behold the rocks and forests and mighty rivers of the transatlantic world than those objects which excite the loquacity of mankind.” Whatever some individuals may say about the inward power of “mind” and “will” and “volition” in forming the human character, it will be admitted by all who have travelled through scenes of physical majesty and grandeur, that scenery exercises an extensive influence over human beings. The sight of the mighty Maranon or St Lawrence rolling their immense volumes of water towards the ocean, tends to excite a feeling of sublimity, rather than that light-heartedness of spirit which vents itself in loud peals of laughter, and which is generally connected with a keen perception of the ridiculous. The North American Indian is forced to associate with rocks and rivers and almost boundless forests from his infancy; he hears the tempest roll, and fancies that his Manitto speaks in thunder from the clouds; and the natural consequence of this constant familiarity with the wilderness is a certain degree of gravity and sullenness in his deportment. The mode in which he is educated or trained fosters this habit, and all the circumstances around him, whether of a physical, mental, or moral description, tend to render it an element in his character. Indeed if the circumstances which surround these children of the wilds, their mode of procuring a subsistence, the manner in which they are educated, the nature of their religion, and their method of waging war, be taken into account and duly considered, it will not appear surprising that they should exhibit a degree of gravity and sullenness which is seldom found among polished nations.

It is a mournful and painful truth that the whites have acted towards the savages of America in such a way as to prejudice them against the benefits and arts of civilization. The white people have robbed, plundered, and murdered the Indians, thrown their chiefs into jail, and treated them as if they were made to be trampled on; and then raised the hue and cry whenever the Indians attempted to retaliate. Nor have the Christian Missionaries acted towards the unfortunate red men as became their professions of peace and philanthropy. This is evident from the letter written by Red Jacket, an Indian chief, who was well acquainted with the conduct of the missionaries, and whose evidence is more worthy of credit than theex partestatements of these propagators of the gospel. The conduct of the whites towards the Indians, the rapacity with which they have treated them, and the manner in which they have broken all their promises, presents a powerful barrier to the progress of Indian civilization. The experiments of the Pensylvanian Quakers prove, however, that this barrier is not impassable. The same thing is evidenced by the partial success which has attended the efforts of some of the Wesleyan Missionaries in Canada. Though we ought not to give implicit credence to all that these holy men say respecting the success of their efforts, there is nevertheless good reason to believe that they have some ground for their exaggerated statements. Some of the Indian tribes, for a time at least, have been partially civilized; and this fact proves that their entire civilization is not impossible. But the “black-coats,” to use the language of Red Jacket, are not the men likely to accomplish such an undertaking. They may indeed convert the Indians to Christianity, and by this means inflict on them all the evils resulting from the spread of a dogmatic sectarianism; but as it regards the civilization of these savages the efforts of Christian Missionaries are sure to prove abortive, unless they alter their plan of operation. Artizans and mechanics of upright character, faithful to their promises, and fully imbued with the “milk of human kindness,” would be the best missionaries that could be sent among the Indian tribes. The example of such persons would, in a short time work wonders among the Indians. The success of the Quaker experiment warrants this supposition.

It may seem strange that the good people who tell suchmelting storiesabout the love of Christ, as exhibited in the conduct of the converted heathen, and who publish such marvellous accounts of the unprecedented success which attends missionary exertions,ad captandum vulgus, should have met with so little success among the Indians. This phenomenon, however, is not at all surprising to any one who has studied the Indian character. It is agreed on all hands that whatever vices may deform the character of the Indian warrior, he is in some respects characterized by a nobility of soul which is rarely met with in civilized nations. This very nobility causes him to look down upon the whites as a deceiving and treacherous race. He keeps his word sacred; if he pledges himself he performs his promise. The whites have broken almost every treaty they have made with the Indians. With them political expediency obtains the mastery over justice, honour, and truth. The missionaries, too, have in many cases endeavoured to wriggle into office and to lead an idle life instead of “learning and labouring truly to get their own living, and doing their duty in that state of life unto which it hath pleased God to call them.” It is natural for men who hate injustice and detest lying, to despise the ministrations of such teachers. This appears to be one among the many causes which have prevented the efforts of the missionaries from being successful.

And truly if the Indians had wisdom enough to anticipate the consequences likely to result from the success of missionary schemes, they would not only reject the ministrations of such teachers, but expel them from their territories. The “pale faces” are always dangerous to the man of America. Wherever the sound of the Asiatic gospel has been heard, the roar of the European cannon has speedily followed.Brandy,Small Pox, and theGospel, are the three principal blessings we have given to the red men. The consequences resulting from the two former, have been more extensive than those resulting from the latter. The whites must abandon their own vices before they can expect to civilize the Aborigines of America.

[Joshua Hobson, Printer, 5, Market Street, Briggate, Leeds.]

FOOTNOTES[1]Robertson’s History of America, vol. 1. b. 3.[2]Robertson’s History of America, Note 46.[3]Penny Cyclopædia, Art. America.[4]Buchanan’s Sketches of Indian History, vol. 1, p. 37.[5]Montaigne’s Essay’s, Book, 1, Chap. 30, Cotton’s Translation.[6]Discourse to the New York Society, p.p. 49, 50.[7]Discourse to the New York Society, p. 71.[8]Heckewelder’s Historical account of the Indian Nations, p. 124.[9]Hunter’s Memoirs of a Captivity among the North American Indians, p. 43, &c.[10]Buchanan’s Sketches, North American Indians, Introduction, p. 14.[11]Hunter’s Memoirs, p. 48.[12]Voyages de Marchais, iv. 353.[13]Gumilla, ii. 101.[14]M. Fabry, quoted by Buffon, iii. 488.[15]Dr. Fergusson’s Essay, 125.[16]Gumilla, i. 265. Brickell’s Hist, of N. Carol. 327.[17]Deny’s Hist. Natur. ii. 392, 393.[18]P. Martyr. Decad. p. 45. Veneg. Hist. of Californ. i. 66, Lery, Navig. in Brasil, c. 17.[19]Acosta, Hist. lib. vi. c. 19. Stadius, Hist. Brazil, lib. ii. c. 13. De Bry, iii. p. 110. Biet 361.[20]Labat. vi. 124. Brickell. Hist, of Carol. 310.[21]Oviedo, lib. iii. c. 6, p. 97. Vega. Conquist. de la Florida, i. 30, ii. 416. Labat. ii. 138. Benzo, Hist. Nov. Orb. lib. iv. c. 25.[22]Lozana, Descr. del Gran. Chaco, 93. Melendez Teforos Verdaderos, ii. 23.[23]Charlev. Hist. N. France, iii. p.p. 266, 268.[24]Herrera, Dec. 8 lib. 4. c. 8.[25]Charlev. Hist. N. France, iii. 271, 272. Lafit. i. 486. Cassani, Hist. de Nuevo. Reyno de Granada, 226.[26]Robertson’s History of America, vol. 2, b. 4.[27]Robertson’s History of America, vol. 2, b. 4, p. 23.[28]Bossu, i. 140. Lery ap de bry, 215. Hennepin, Mœurs des Sauv. 41. Lafitau, ii. 169.[29]Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. 215, 268. Biet. 367, 380.[30]Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. 217, 218.[31]Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 237, 238. Hennep. Mœurs des sauv. p. 59.[32]Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 238, 307. Biet. 381. Lafitau, Mœurs des Sauv. ii. 248.[33]Charlev. iii. 376. Robertson Hist. Amer. &c.[34]Charlevoix, Journal, &c. let. xxiv, p. 343.[35]Charlevoix, Journal, &c. let. xxiv, p. 344.[36]Charlevoix, Journal, &c. let. xxiv, p. 345-6.[37]Charlevoix, ut supr. p. 346.[38]Loskiel, Part 1, Chap. 3, p.p. 34, 35, 39, 40. London, 1794.[39]Heckewelder, p. 205-6.[40]Pet. Mart. Decad i. lib. ix. apud Stillingfleet’s Origines Sacræ, vol. i. p. 3. Edward’s West Indies, vol. i. p. 883.[41]Edwards, vol. i. p. 48-9, and Hughes, p. 7. apud Edwards ut sup.[42]Horsley’s Dissertation, supr. ut. p. 47.[43]We leave national theologians to reply to this.[44]Journal Historique, p. 351.[45]Charlev. Journal, ut supr. p. 372-3.[46]Journal Historique, ut supr. p. 352.[47]Mackenzie 8vo. vol. 1, p. 155-7.[48]Mackenzie’s Gen. Hist. Fur Trade, vol. 1, p. 145-6.[49]Edwards, West Indies, vol. 1, p. 73.[50]ibid. vol. 1, p. 47.[51]Charlev. Journal, p. 347-8.[52]Gen. Hist of Fur Trade, 4to. p. c. ci. cii. civ. 8vo. vol. 1, p.p. 123, 124, 128.[53]Adair’s History of North American Indians, p.p. 115, 117.[54]Heckewelder’s Historical Account of India, p.p. 204, 207.[55]Loskiel, p. 40.[56]Loskiel, Part 1, cap. iii. p.p. 42, 43.[57]Edwards’ West Indies, p.p. 47, 51.[58]Mackenzie, 8vo. vol. 1, p. 153.[59]Ibid, p.p. 124, 128, 129.[60]Loskiel, p.p. 39, 40, 42, ad calc.[61]Bartram’s Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida, &c. London, 1792, 8vo. p. 495.[62]Adair’s History of North American Indians, p.p. 80, 81.[63]Odyss, lib. iii, c. 418, 460.[64]Æneid. lib. iii, 1. 80.[65]Charlevoix Journal, p.p. 361, 362.[66]Heckewelder’s Hist. Account, ut supr, p. 224.[67]Heckewelder’s Historical Account of Indians, ut supr. p.p. 229, 234.[68]Heckewelder’s Hist. Account of Indians, p.p. 232, 233.[69]Hearne’s Journey to the Northern Ocean. Dublin, 1796, p. 221.—Note.[70]Bartram’s Travels, ut supr. p. 415.[71]Heckewelder’s Historical Account, p. 93.[72]Sketches of Indian Char. vol. 1, p. 18.[73]De Witt. Clinton’s Discourse, p. 56.[74]This relation is authentic; I have received it, says Mr. Heckewelder, from the mouth of the chief of the injured party, and his statement was confirmed by communications made at the time by two respectable magistrates of the county.[75]Justice Geiger’s Letter to Justice Horsfield, proves this fact.[76]Alluding to what was at that time known by the name of thelong day’s walk.[77]Carver’s Travels, chap. 9, p. 196.[78]Loskiel, chap. 3 p. 3.[79]Message of Sir Francis Bond Head, to the Legislature of Upper Canada, 29 January, 1838.[80]Life of Wilberforce, vol. iii.[81]Martin’s North America, Vol. iii, p. 261.[82]House of Commons Papers, 1834, No. 617, p. 54.[83]Edinb. Rev. vol. 8, p. 442, et seq. Article on Civilization of American Savages, by Pensylvanian Quakers.[84]Buchanan’s Sketches, vol. 1, p. 97.[85]Flint’s Ten Years Resid. Mississ. vid Quarterly Review, No. XCV. p. 214.[86]Letter of Sir Francis Bond Head to Lord Glenelg, Nov. 20th, 1836.

[1]Robertson’s History of America, vol. 1. b. 3.

[2]Robertson’s History of America, Note 46.

[3]Penny Cyclopædia, Art. America.

[4]Buchanan’s Sketches of Indian History, vol. 1, p. 37.

[5]Montaigne’s Essay’s, Book, 1, Chap. 30, Cotton’s Translation.

[6]Discourse to the New York Society, p.p. 49, 50.

[7]Discourse to the New York Society, p. 71.

[8]Heckewelder’s Historical account of the Indian Nations, p. 124.

[9]Hunter’s Memoirs of a Captivity among the North American Indians, p. 43, &c.

[10]Buchanan’s Sketches, North American Indians, Introduction, p. 14.

[11]Hunter’s Memoirs, p. 48.

[12]Voyages de Marchais, iv. 353.

[13]Gumilla, ii. 101.

[14]M. Fabry, quoted by Buffon, iii. 488.

[15]Dr. Fergusson’s Essay, 125.

[16]Gumilla, i. 265. Brickell’s Hist, of N. Carol. 327.

[17]Deny’s Hist. Natur. ii. 392, 393.

[18]P. Martyr. Decad. p. 45. Veneg. Hist. of Californ. i. 66, Lery, Navig. in Brasil, c. 17.

[19]Acosta, Hist. lib. vi. c. 19. Stadius, Hist. Brazil, lib. ii. c. 13. De Bry, iii. p. 110. Biet 361.

[20]Labat. vi. 124. Brickell. Hist, of Carol. 310.

[21]Oviedo, lib. iii. c. 6, p. 97. Vega. Conquist. de la Florida, i. 30, ii. 416. Labat. ii. 138. Benzo, Hist. Nov. Orb. lib. iv. c. 25.

[22]Lozana, Descr. del Gran. Chaco, 93. Melendez Teforos Verdaderos, ii. 23.

[23]Charlev. Hist. N. France, iii. p.p. 266, 268.

[24]Herrera, Dec. 8 lib. 4. c. 8.

[25]Charlev. Hist. N. France, iii. 271, 272. Lafit. i. 486. Cassani, Hist. de Nuevo. Reyno de Granada, 226.

[26]Robertson’s History of America, vol. 2, b. 4.

[27]Robertson’s History of America, vol. 2, b. 4, p. 23.

[28]Bossu, i. 140. Lery ap de bry, 215. Hennepin, Mœurs des Sauv. 41. Lafitau, ii. 169.

[29]Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. 215, 268. Biet. 367, 380.

[30]Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. 217, 218.

[31]Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 237, 238. Hennep. Mœurs des sauv. p. 59.

[32]Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 238, 307. Biet. 381. Lafitau, Mœurs des Sauv. ii. 248.

[33]Charlev. iii. 376. Robertson Hist. Amer. &c.

[34]Charlevoix, Journal, &c. let. xxiv, p. 343.

[35]Charlevoix, Journal, &c. let. xxiv, p. 344.

[36]Charlevoix, Journal, &c. let. xxiv, p. 345-6.

[37]Charlevoix, ut supr. p. 346.

[38]Loskiel, Part 1, Chap. 3, p.p. 34, 35, 39, 40. London, 1794.

[39]Heckewelder, p. 205-6.

[40]Pet. Mart. Decad i. lib. ix. apud Stillingfleet’s Origines Sacræ, vol. i. p. 3. Edward’s West Indies, vol. i. p. 883.

[41]Edwards, vol. i. p. 48-9, and Hughes, p. 7. apud Edwards ut sup.

[42]Horsley’s Dissertation, supr. ut. p. 47.

[43]We leave national theologians to reply to this.

[44]Journal Historique, p. 351.

[45]Charlev. Journal, ut supr. p. 372-3.

[46]Journal Historique, ut supr. p. 352.

[47]Mackenzie 8vo. vol. 1, p. 155-7.

[48]Mackenzie’s Gen. Hist. Fur Trade, vol. 1, p. 145-6.

[49]Edwards, West Indies, vol. 1, p. 73.

[50]ibid. vol. 1, p. 47.

[51]Charlev. Journal, p. 347-8.

[52]Gen. Hist of Fur Trade, 4to. p. c. ci. cii. civ. 8vo. vol. 1, p.p. 123, 124, 128.

[53]Adair’s History of North American Indians, p.p. 115, 117.

[54]Heckewelder’s Historical Account of India, p.p. 204, 207.

[55]Loskiel, p. 40.

[56]Loskiel, Part 1, cap. iii. p.p. 42, 43.

[57]Edwards’ West Indies, p.p. 47, 51.

[58]Mackenzie, 8vo. vol. 1, p. 153.

[59]Ibid, p.p. 124, 128, 129.

[60]Loskiel, p.p. 39, 40, 42, ad calc.

[61]Bartram’s Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida, &c. London, 1792, 8vo. p. 495.

[62]Adair’s History of North American Indians, p.p. 80, 81.

[63]Odyss, lib. iii, c. 418, 460.

[64]Æneid. lib. iii, 1. 80.

[65]Charlevoix Journal, p.p. 361, 362.

[66]Heckewelder’s Hist. Account, ut supr, p. 224.

[67]Heckewelder’s Historical Account of Indians, ut supr. p.p. 229, 234.

[68]Heckewelder’s Hist. Account of Indians, p.p. 232, 233.

[69]Hearne’s Journey to the Northern Ocean. Dublin, 1796, p. 221.—Note.

[70]Bartram’s Travels, ut supr. p. 415.

[71]Heckewelder’s Historical Account, p. 93.

[72]Sketches of Indian Char. vol. 1, p. 18.

[73]De Witt. Clinton’s Discourse, p. 56.

[74]This relation is authentic; I have received it, says Mr. Heckewelder, from the mouth of the chief of the injured party, and his statement was confirmed by communications made at the time by two respectable magistrates of the county.

[75]Justice Geiger’s Letter to Justice Horsfield, proves this fact.

[76]Alluding to what was at that time known by the name of thelong day’s walk.

[77]Carver’s Travels, chap. 9, p. 196.

[78]Loskiel, chap. 3 p. 3.

[79]Message of Sir Francis Bond Head, to the Legislature of Upper Canada, 29 January, 1838.

[80]Life of Wilberforce, vol. iii.

[81]Martin’s North America, Vol. iii, p. 261.

[82]House of Commons Papers, 1834, No. 617, p. 54.

[83]Edinb. Rev. vol. 8, p. 442, et seq. Article on Civilization of American Savages, by Pensylvanian Quakers.

[84]Buchanan’s Sketches, vol. 1, p. 97.

[85]Flint’s Ten Years Resid. Mississ. vid Quarterly Review, No. XCV. p. 214.

[86]Letter of Sir Francis Bond Head to Lord Glenelg, Nov. 20th, 1836.

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