Letter III.
In the foregoing pages, my dear sir, I have endeavored to treat of Slavery in Maryland as it seemed to me the subject required. A matter so important should have a more full and thorough exposition; indeed, I am but poorly satisfied with this attempt at one. Yet it was my purpose to be brief, and, with that design, facts of statistics and details, not absolutely necessary, were omitted. To those who are willing to reflect, perhaps, the considerations here submitted, growing out of organic social and political laws, may be to some extent suggestive, so that their own minds may fill up the deficiencies of this imperfect outline.
I can not hope that by any thing here said the violence of fanaticism will be assuaged. The assumption of being better than other people is so full of exalted ideas, the delight of meddling in other people’s business is so fascinating, that those who have been once seized with the mania and have confirmed themselves in it, by the belief that they are discharging a duty to humanity in general, as chosen instruments, are in a bad way, and not likely to be cured. These are the extreme agitators who whirl about in the vortex of abstractions; sympathizers who would ruin the objects of their solicitude for a theory; reformers of Slavery in communities where it does not exist; martyrs who will embrace any thing rather than a stake. With these, and such as these, we of Maryland have nothing to do. They are lashing themselves into an insane fury about a thing which does not concern them, which they do not understand, which they can not touch without wounding us—for it is a domestic affair and relates to our hearths and household relations. For ourselves I have written on this subject, that it may be considered among ourselves, with a view to such rational action as may in due time be proper; and for our true friends at the north also and the friends of our black people, comprising the great mass of ourfellow citizens there, who do us the justice to believe that we have sense enough to find out our own condition, to appreciate it truly, and energy and humanity enough to do in the premises what duty may call for.
If I had been returned to the House of Delegates on the occasion to which you refer, my action in reference to Slavery in our State would have been confined simply to setting forth in a report, or some such way, the substance of the views contained in this pamphlet. It has been apparent for some time past that a convention to amend the State Constitution must assemble before long. That body, representing the primary sovereignty of the people, will be the most fit to take up the subject of Slavery. I have no doubt but it will take it up; and of one other thing I am equally certain, viz. that the clause in the constitution, which now makes Slavery perpetual in Maryland, will be stricken out. Most assuredly it will be stricken out, and that for ever.
With respect to the establishment of a newspaper in Baltimore, devoted to emancipation, I should think it, my dear sir, not advisable. The business in hand is of a kind to require calmness of consideration and of action. Now a newspaper, I fear, would be the instrument of agitation; it would find its pabulum in excitement. It would be regarded as the herald of abolition, and the whole body of ultra fanatics at the north would seek to connect themselves with the movement. Their contact would be deleterious in the highest degree; we wish not for their interference in any way; we prefer to manage our own domestic affairs; there can be no communion, in this matter, between our knowledge and their ignorance.
I leave the subject, my dear sir, for the present, and, with it, many things unsaid, which a full and complete discussion of such a topic would properly embrace. I might have referred to the effects of Slavery in connection with popular education and popular ignorance; but the statistics on that point are not just now at hand. It may be remarked, however, that no efficient free school system exists in any slaveholding State. Nor can it be otherwise; because where the land is held by slaveowners, and mostly in large plantations, the white population is too sparse to allow of compact school districts. Besides, the planters having the means of educating their own children, either at home or abroad, they are not likely to be much concerned about the education of the children of their poorer neighbors. In every point of view it will be found that the permanent continuance of negro Slavery is incompatible with the elevation of the humble classes of white citizens.
Again, the institution of Slavery might be regarded in its effects upon social manners and usages. And here we should find many prepossessions which are strong in the minds of all of us, and which grow out of the best and most amiable features of the institution we are considering. To say nothing of those relations of confidence and regard which have always marked the intercourse of the servants of our halls and fields with the gentlemen of Maryland, the exemption from labor which Slavery gave to the whole class of landholders, with wealth in the hands of many, and a fair competency to all, afforded the leisure and the means for social enjoyments to any extent which a gay and social disposition might prompt. Hence that frank and cordial intercourse among friends; that courteous urbanity to strangers; that generous hospitality of heart and home to all—which have become the characteristics of the south. Long may she retain them. She need lose no good quality attendant upon her connection with Slavery, when, the more primitive and simple days of that institution having passed away, the institution itself has become decrepit, inconsistent with the progress of the age, and prolific of evils.
At some future time, if an occasion should seem to call for it, I may resume the discussion of this subject. In matters, however, of serious reality, and felt to be such, there is generally not need of many words—provided those which are uttered are to the purpose. With assurances of high respect,
I remain, my dear sir, very truly yours,
Jno.L. Carey.
Dr.R. S. Stewart.