CHAPTER IV.

The plan is bad for the public. In place of the main business of the publican being to satisfy his customers, it is to retain the good-will of the owner of the house. In a district where one firm controls all the houses, there is no longer competition between the different publicans as to which shall sell the best drink, for all sell the same; and the brewer is able to palm off his worst brews on the people there.

Last, but chief of all, it is bad for good order and for the general well-being. The licensed victualler, being placed in such a position, is too often willing to adopt risky methods for attracting custom, which he would not venture to employ had he a substantial stake in the house. By this he not only injures the character of his own premises, but compels his rivals, who own free houses, to imitate him in order that they may not lose their trade. And so the whole method of conducting business in the neighbourhood is lowered.

TheTimescannot be accused of teetotal bias; and an utterance by it on this matter will command weight. “The natural tendency of a brewer is simply to pushthe sale of his beer,” said that journal in a leading article on 12th September, 1892. “Provided no forfeiture of the licence be incurred, the especial manner in which the business is conducted does not matter much to him. His main desire is that the neighbourhood shall drink as much as possible. His servant, the publican, who has little or no property invested in the premises, has no strong personal motive for caution. He wishes to ingratiate himself with his employer by promoting a liberal consumption. The fear of risking the licence affects him far less than if it meant for him positive commercial ruin. From the point of view even of the customers, it has been felt that a spread of the monopoly of brewers is inconvenient. When a brewer is absolute master of a house he can, unchallenged, supply it with bad or unwholesome liquors.... Practical experience, at all events, has created a keen jealousy of the system of tied houses, and a determination to make a stand against its unlimited predominance.... Where the function of a court is the commission to certain persons to conduct a trade under its supervision, its manifest duty is to see that its delegates are free agents. A publican who can be ejected at once, or be subjected to ruinous penalties, if he exercise the least liberty of choice of his stock, and unless he accept any trash a brewer consigns to him, is a cipher.”

A remedy lies all ready in the hands of the licensing justices, if they would only use it. Nothing would be easier than for them to demand the production of allagreements under which the publicans are occupiers of their houses, and to refuse (after due notice) to grant the renewal of the licence of any house in which the tenant is not abonâ-fidefree agent. But there is little prospect of the licensing justices doing this until they are compelled. The most practicable remedy seems to be a short Act of Parliament, providing that in no case is a licensed victualler to enter into any contracts which will make him responsible to any but the licensing authority for the conduct of his house; and that it shall be illegal for him to bind himself to purchase his stock in whole or part from any particular firm or firms. It should be forbidden for brewers or wholesale spirit merchants to own all or part of any public-houses. It might be further provided that the licensing authority is to satisfy itself that the publican is genuinely a free agent before granting or renewing his licence.

Such an Act would no doubt receive considerable opposition from many brewers, though even to some of them it would not be unwelcome. The present method compels them to sink a vast amount of capital in buying up licences, and gives the small brewer (who possibly produces better drink than his wealthier rivals) little chance of competing against the great firms. To the majority of publicans such a law would be acceptable, for it would raise their position and increase their profits. And the gain to public order would be greater than that which is likely to result from many more ambitious schemes.

The problem of licensing reform, as every one who has given it even the most cursory attention will readily admit, is by no means an easy one. Whatever step may be proposed is certain to excite the opposition of many. It is impossible for even the most astute statesman to formulate a plan that will receive the assent and approval of extremists of either school. Almost every one, Liberal or Conservative, admits that the present state of affairs is wholly unsatisfactory, and that it demands immediate treatment. Under it we have a vastly excessive number of public-houses, a weak system of supervision, and an entire lack of local control. The publican who wishes to carry on his business decently and respectably often finds it impossible to do so without heavy pecuniary sacrifice, on account of his more unscrupulous licensed rivals, who are willing to descend to any tricks to increase their trade. The whole system of licensing is based on the personal caprices of individual magistrates rather than on any uniform plan.

For many years all these things have been admitted and deplored. For at least a quarter of a century statesmen have declared that the present state of the law isdisgraceful, and cannot be permitted to longer continue. Yet it still remains the same.

Can nothing be done? Are the imagined interests of a small body of rich men to over-ride the welfare of the whole nation? It almost seems as though our legislators had resigned themselves to this. One thing at least is certain. No sweeping change has any hope, at least for the present, of coming into law. A drastic licensing Bill, into which one of the great political parties put all its strength, might pass the House of Commons, but would inevitably be defeated by the Lords. The body which rejected without a division the Bishop of London’s Bill, and which mutilated the non-partisan Irish Sale of Intoxicating Liquors Bill, will show but little consideration for any thorough-going schemes. Reformers of one school reply: “Then let us abolish the House of Lords”. This is very easy to say; but if we have to wait for licensing reform until the Lords are abolished, then there is not much hope for improvement in this generation. A more politic course would seem to be the carrying of temperance legislation by piecemeal. Little by little the law may be changed; glaring anomalies may be removed, manifest injustices altered, until at last, while our liquor laws will not be theoretically perfect, they may at least be made reasonably workable.

The following suggestions as to the lines which such alterations might take contain nothing that has not been approved by many members of Parliament of both parties.

1. It is generally admitted that there are far too manypublic-houses. No doubt it would be found very difficult to reduce the number of those already licensed, but there should be little trouble in preventing the issuance of new licences. Let it be enacted that in no case shall a person be permitted to apply for a public-house licence unless he has previously obtained the signatures of one half of the resident electors in the immediate neighbourhood to a petition requesting such a licence. Even when such signatures have been obtained, the magistrates would still retain their option of refusal.

2. The second reform has already been before the House of Commons. Let every district have the option of Sunday closing, as provided in theLiquor Traffic (Local Control) Bill, 1893. To this might well be added the choice of keeping the houses open on Sundays for two hours only.

3. Let the appeal to Quarter Sessions in case of the refusal of the renewal of licences be abolished, except for manifest illegality on the part of the local licensing session. At present the licensing magistrates in many parts will not use their unquestioned power of refusing unnecessary licences, because they are aware that their decision is almost certain to be reversed at the Quarter Sessions. The county magistrates, knowing nothing of local needs, continually over-ride the deliberate judgment of the local justices.

4. Have a system of supervision of public-houses entirely independent of local control, as proposed by Mr. Bruce in 1871.

Those who have carefully watched the working of the present laws know that the police do no part of their work so inefficiently as the control of public-houses. This is due to two causes—bribery, and the power of the drink sellers in local government. The bribes received by the police are usually very small, and no doubt many constables look upon them as their regular perquisites. The man on the beat knows where he will find a pot of beer left out for him on a hot day; and he would be more than human if he did not look on the doings of the publican with a kindly eye after quenching his thirst with the publican’s liquor. But this securing the good-will of the police is comparatively unimportant, and is practically incapable of legal proof. A far more serious thing is the influence steadily brought to bear on the police in many small municipalities, to cause them to refrain from proceeding against certain public-houses. The municipal police are solely dependent for pay and promotion on the Local Watch Committee and the Town Council. The Council is often largely controlled by the men who own the public-houses. Now the most obtuse policeman well understands that if he were to lay information against the manager of a house owned by a town councillor, or by the head of one of the local political associations, it would make his prospects of advancement no brighter. He might be praised by the papers for his zeal; but when a chance of promotion came up, he would be passed over for some one else.

This is no imaginary danger. Many who have triedto secure the better enforcement of licensing laws in towns know well that too often the police will not move further than they are compelled, and then they will do as little as is compatible with appearances.

If there were public-house inspectors entirely independent of local influence, and frequently moved from place to place, a great improvement in the management of many licensed premises would at once be apparent. The law-abiding publican would have a better chance of success, and would not be handicapped in the way he is at present.

5. Let all public-houses be closed on municipal and parliamentary election days.

Other urgently needed reforms, such as the control of clubs, and the abolition of tied houses, have been described in preceding chapters, and need not be recapitulated here.

I feel that I would be untrue to my own convictions if I closed this volume without a final word to those who have followed me so far. I have tried to treat the subject calmly and dispassionately; and zealous reformers may possibly complain (as some have already complained of those parts published in periodical form) that my tone is cold and unsympathetic. I can only assure them that it is from no lack of earnest desire to promote true temperance. But the cause of reform will not be advanced by special pleading, or by that impetuous enthusiasm which leads men to overlook facts inorder to give a reasonable air to their theories. The first work of a reformer should be to master his facts, and to discover what lessons the experiments and the mistakes of those who have preceded him can teach.

We are often told that it is impossible to make men sober by Act of Parliament; and no doubt all legislation that seeks to suppress evil has to fight against strong opposition. But do those who so lightly quote this empty aphorism ever seriously resolve to persuade men to be sober by other means? or are they content to let a smart phrase run glibly from their lips as an excuse for doing nothing? To-day we are face to face with a gigantic evil that is destroying much that is brightest and fairest in our national life. To all who have any notion of patriotism, to all who have any real desire for the welfare of the people, and especially to all to whom the commands of the Carpenter of Nazareth are something more than mere words,—the call comes to take their part in the battle for its suppression. How are we to work, each man must decide for himself; but none of us can shirk the manifest duty of doing something, and of doing our best, without wrong.

It is admitted that Acts of Parliament can help in promoting sobriety only so far as they are backed up by a strong public sentiment, and by the earnest endeavours of the people. Legislation can remove temptation, it can make virtue easier; but it cannot do everything. Along with it must go steady work for the brightening of every-day life, for the easing of conditions of labour, forimproving the dwellings of the poor, for raising the moral tone, for the realisation by all of the sacredness of this life, and the need to make the most of its opportunities.

As we survey the forces against us in this fight, we may sometimes be inclined to despair of its issue. On the side of intemperance and self-indulgence are great resources of wealth, power, self-interest, and unscrupulousness. Shall we conquer, or is the wrong to triumph over us? The words of a great thinker, written on another subject, best give the answer: “The ultimate issue of the struggle is certain. If any one doubts the general preponderance of good over evil in human nature, he has only to study the history of moral crusades. The enthusiastic energy and self-devotion with which a great moral cause inspires its soldiers always have prevailed, and always will prevail, over any amount of self-interest or material power arrayed on the other side.”[10]

TheFifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Industrial and Labour Statistics for Maine(Augusta, 1892) gives a set of very full returns from which it is possible to ascertain the exact position of working men under prohibition. A personal canvass was made of working men of all classes, the unskilled and lower paid, as well as the best and highest paid. Space will not permit me to quote more than a briefrésumé.

“The following is a general summary of some of the more important statistics derived from the reports of working men. Whole number of reports, 1082; number American born, 895; number foreign born, 187; number owning homes, 285; value of homes, 405,850 dollars; number of homes mortgaged, 60; amount of mortgages, 26,169 dollars; number renting, 481; number having savings bank accounts, 181; number who have accumulated savings in former years, 696; during past year, 595; run into debt during past year, 104; neither gained nor lost during past year, 383.”

Of 745 men with families, the average annual income was 527 dollars 1 cent per family yearly. The average annual income of 265 single working men was 395 dollars 1 cent, and of 53 single working women, 259 dollars 64 cents. The amounts saved from income averaged, men with families, 12 per cent., single men, 17 per cent., and single women, 9 per cent.

Whereas the excessive drinking of spirituous liquors by the common people tends not only to the destruction of their health, and the debauching of their morals, but to public ruin:

For remedy thereof—

Be it enacted, that from the 29th September no person shall presume, by themselves or any others employed by them, to sell or retail any brandy, rum, arrack, usquebaugh, geneva, aqua vitæ, or any other distilled spirituous liquors, mixed or unmixed, in any less quantity than two gallons, without first taking out a licence for that purpose within ten days at least before they sell or retail the same; for which they shall pay down £50, to be renewed ten days before the year expires, paying the like sum; and in case of neglect to forfeit £100; such licences to be taken out within the limits of the penny post at the chief office of excise, London, and at the next chief office of excise for the country. And be it enacted, that for all such spirituous liquors as any retailers shall be possessed of on or after the 29th September, 1736, there shall be paid a duty of 20s. per gallon, and so on in proportion for a greater or lesser quantity above all other duties charged on the same.

The collecting the rates by this Act imposed to be under the management of the commissioners and officers of excise by all the excise laws now in force (except otherwise provided by this Act); and all monies arising by the said duties or licences for sale thereof shall be paid into the receipt of his majesty’s exchequer, distinctly from other branches of the public revenue; one moiety of the fines, penalties and forfeitures to be paid to his majesty and successors, the other to the person who shall inform on any one for the same.

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Belfort Bax.“A trustworthy outline.”—Scotsman.14.The Co-Operative Commonwealth.Laurence Gronlund.“An independent exposition of the Socialism of the Marx school.”—Contemporary Review.15.Essays and Addresses.Bernard Bosanquet, M.A. (Oxon.).“Ought to be in the hands of every student of the Nineteenth Century spirit.”—Echo.“No one can complain of not being able to understand what Mr. Bosanquet means.”—Pall Mall Gazette.16.Charity Organisation.C. S. Loch, Secretary to Charity Organisation Society.“A perfect little manual.”—Athenæum.“Deserves a wide circulation.”—Scotsman.17.Thoreau’s Anti-Slavery and Reform Papers.Edited byH. S. Salt.“An interesting collection of essays.”—Literary World.18.Self-Help a Hundred Years Ago.G. J. Holyoake.“Will be studied with much benefit by all who are interested in the amelioration of the condition of the poor.”—Morning Post.19.The New York State Reformatory at Elmira.Alexander Winter.With Preface byHavelock Ellis.“A valuable contribution to the literature of penology.”—Black and White.20.Common Sense about Women.T. W. Higginson.“An admirable collection of papers, advocating in the most liberal spirit the emancipation of women.”—Woman’s Herald.21.The Unearned Increment.W. H. Dawson.“A concise but comprehensive volume.”—Echo.22.Our Destiny.Laurence Gronlund.“A very vigorous little book, dealing with the influence of Socialism on morals and religion.”—Daily Chronicle.23.The Working-Class Movement in America.Dr.EdwardandE. 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Economist.41.The Condition of Labour.Henry George.“Written with striking ability, and sure to attract attention.”—Newcastle Chronicle.42.The Revolutionary Spirit preceding the French Revolution.Felix Rocquain.With a Preface by ProfessorHuxley.“The student of the French Revolution will find in it an excellent introduction to the study of that catastrophe.”—Scotsman.43.The Student’s Marx.Edward Aveling, D.Sc.“One of the most practically useful of any in the Series.”—Glasgow Herald.44.A Short History of Parliament.B. C. Skottowe, M.A. (Oxon.).“Deals very carefully and completely with this side of constitutional history.”—Spectator.45.Poverty: Its Genesis and Exodus.J. G. Godard.“He states the problems with great force and clearness.”—N. B. Economist.46.The Trade Policy of Imperial Federation.Maurice H. Hervey.“An interesting contribution to the discussion.”—Publishers’ Circular.47.The Dawn of Radicalism.J. Bowles Daly, LL.D.“Forms an admirable picture of an epoch more pregnant, perhaps, with political instruction than any other in the world’s history.”—Daily Telegraph.48.The Destitute Alien in Great Britain.Arnold White;Montague Crackanthorpe, Q.C.;W. A. M’Arthur, M.P.;W. H. Wilkins, &c.“Much valuable information concerning a burning question of the day.”—Times.49.Illegitimacy and the Influence of Seasons on Conduct.Albert Leffingwell, M.D.“We have not often seen a work based on statistics which is more continuously interesting.”—Westminster Review.50.Commercial Crises of the Nineteenth Century.H. M. Hyndman.“One of the best and most permanently useful volumes of the Series.”—Literary Opinion.51.The State and Pensions in Old Age.J. A. SpenderandArthur Acland, M.P.“A careful and cautious examination of the question.”—Times.52.The Fallacy of Saving.John M. 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Blissard.“The work is marked by genuine ability.”—North British Agriculturalist.59.The Emancipation of Women.Adele Crepaz.“By far the most comprehensive, luminous, and penetrating work on this question that I have yet met with.”—Extract fromMr.Gladstone’sPreface.60.The Eight Hours Question.John M. Robertson.“A very cogent and sustained argument on what is at present the unpopular side.”—Times.61.Drunkenness.George R. Wilson, M.B.“Well written, carefully reasoned, free from cant, and full of sound sense.”—National Observer.62.The New Reformation.Ramsden Balmforth.“A striking presentation of the nascent religion, how best to realize the personal and social ideal.”—Westminster Review.63.The Agricultural Labourer.T. E. Kebbel.“A short summary of his position, with appendices on wages, education, allotments, etc., etc.”64.Ferdinand Lassalle as a Social Reformer.E. Bernstein.“A worthy addition to the Social Science Series.”—North British Economist.65.England’s Foreign Trade in XIXth Century.A. L. Bowley.“Full of valuable information, carefully compiled.”—Times.66.Theory and Policy of Labour Protection.Dr.Schäffle.“An attempt to systematize a conservative programme of reform.”—Man. Guard.67.History of Rochdale Pioneers.G. J. Holyoake.“Brought down from 1844 to the Rochdale Congress of 1892.”—Co-Op. News.68.Rights of Women.M. Ostragorski.“An admirable storehouse of precedents, conveniently arranged.”—Daily Chron.69.Dwellings of the People.Locke Worthington.“A valuable contribution to one of the most pressing problems of the day.”—Daily Chronicle.70.Hours, Wages, and Production.Dr.Brentano.“Characterised by all Professor Brentano’s clearness of style.”—Economic Review.71.Rise of Modern Democracy.Ch. Borgeaud.“A very useful little volume, characterised by exact research.”—Daily Chronicle.72.Land Systems of Australasia.Wm. Epps.“Exceedingly valuable at the present time of depression and difficulty.”—Scots. Mag.73.The Tyranny of Socialism.Yves Guyot.Pref. byJ. H. Levy.“M. Guyot is smart, lively, trenchant, and interesting.”—Daily Chronicle.74.Population and the Social System.Dr.Nith.“A very valuable work of an Italian economist.”—West. Rev.75.The Labour Question.T. G. Spyers.“Will be found extremely useful.”—Times.76.British Freewomen.C. C. Stopes.“The most complete study of the Women’s Suffrage question.”—English Wom. Rev.77.Suicide and Insanity.Dr.J. K. Strahan.“An interesting monograph dealing exhaustively with the subject.”—Times.78.A History of Tithes.Rev.H. W. Clarke.“May be recommended to all who desire an accurate idea of the subject.”—D. Chron.79.Three Months in a Workshop.P. Gohre, with Pref. by Prof.Ely.“A vivid picture of the state of mind of German workmen.”—Manch. Guard.80.Darwinism and Race Progress.Prof.J. B. Haycraft.“An interesting subject treated in an attractive fashion.”—Glasgow Herald.81.Local Taxation and Finance.G. H. Blunden.82.Perils to British Trade.E. Burgis.83.The Social Contract.J. J. Rousseau.Edited byH. J. Tozer.84.Labour upon the Land.Edited byJ. A. Hobson, M.A.85.Moral Pathology.Arthur E. Giles, M.D., B.Sc.86.Parasitism, Organic and Social.MassartandVandervelde.DOUBLE VOLUMES, Each 3s. 6d.1.Life of Robert Owen.Lloyd Jones.“A worthy record of a life of noble activities.”—Manchester Examiner.2.The Impossibility of Social Democracy.a Second Part of “The Quintessence of Socialism”. Dr.A. Schäffle.“Extremely valuable as a criticism of Social Democracy.”—Inter. Jour. of Ethics.3.The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844.Frederick Engels.“A translation of a work written in 1845, with a preface written in 1892.”4.The Principles of Social Economy.Yves Guyot.“An interesting and suggestive work.”—Spectator.5.Social Peace.Dr.Schulze-Gaevernitz. 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SOCIAL SCIENCE SERIES.

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1.Work and Wages.Prof.J. E. Thorold Rogers.

“Nothing that Professor Rogers writes can fail to be of interest to thoughtful people.”—Athenæum.

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“No passing piece of polemics, but a permanent possession.”—Scottish Review.

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“Precisely the manual needed. Brief, lucid, fair and wise.”—British Weekly.

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New Edition, with two additional Essays onHuman Evolution.

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“Plenty of interesting matter for reflection.”—Graphic.

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“Deserves a wide circulation.”—Scotsman.

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18.Self-Help a Hundred Years Ago.G. J. Holyoake.

“Will be studied with much benefit by all who are interested in the amelioration of the condition of the poor.”—Morning Post.

19.The New York State Reformatory at Elmira.Alexander Winter.With Preface byHavelock Ellis.

“A valuable contribution to the literature of penology.”—Black and White.

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“An admirable collection of papers, advocating in the most liberal spirit the emancipation of women.”—Woman’s Herald.

21.The Unearned Increment.W. H. Dawson.

“A concise but comprehensive volume.”—Echo.

22.Our Destiny.Laurence Gronlund.

“A very vigorous little book, dealing with the influence of Socialism on morals and religion.”—Daily Chronicle.

23.The Working-Class Movement in America.Dr.EdwardandE. Marx Aveling.

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24.Luxury.Prof.Emile de Laveleye.

“An eloquent plea on moral and economical grounds for simplicity of life.”—Academy.

25.The Land and the Labourers.Rev.C. W. Stubbs, M.A.

“This admirable book should be circulated in every village in the country.”—Manchester Guardian.

26.The Evolution of Property.Paul Lafargue.

“Will prove interesting and profitable to all students of economic history.”—Scotsman.

27.Crime and its Causes.W. Douglas Morrison.

“Can hardly fail to suggest to all readers several new and pregnant reflections on the subject.”—Anti-Jacobin.

28.Principles of State Interference.D. G. Ritchie, M.A.

“An interesting contribution to the controversy on the functions of the State.”—Glasgow Herald.

29.German Socialism and F. Lassalle.W. H. Dawson.

“As a biographical history of German Socialistic movements during this century it may be accepted as complete.”—British Weekly.

30.The Purse and the Conscience.H. M. Thompson, B.A. (Cantab.).

“Shows common sense and fairness in his arguments.”—Scotsman.

31.Origin of Property in Land.Fustel de Coulanges.Edited, with an Introductory Chapter on the English Manor, by Prof.W. J. Ashley, M.A.

“His views are clearly stated, and are worth reading.”—Saturday Review.

32.The English Republic.W. J. Linton.Edited byKineton Parkes.

“Characterised by that vigorous intellectuality which has marked his long life of literary and artistic activity.”—Glasgow Herald.

33.The Co-Operative Movement.Beatrice Potter.

“Without doubt the ablest and most philosophical analysis of the Co-Operative Movement which has yet been produced.”—Speaker.

34.Neighbourhood Guilds.Dr.Stanton Coit.

“A most suggestive little book to anyone interested in the social question.”—Pall Mall Gazette.

35.Modern Humanists.J. M. Robertson.

“Mr. Robertson’s style is excellent—nay, even brilliant—and his purely literary criticisms bear the mark of much acumen.”—Times.

36.Outlooks from the New Standpoint.E. Belfort Bax.

“Mr. Bax is a very acute and accomplished student of history and economics.”—Daily Chronicle.

37.Distributing Co-Operative Societies.Dr.Luigi Pizzamiglio. Edited byF. J. Snell.

“Dr. Pizzamiglio has gathered together and grouped a wide array of facts and statistics, and they speak for themselves.”—Speaker.

38.Collectivism and Socialism.ByA. Nacquet. Edited byW. Heaford.

“An admirable criticism by a well-known French politician of the New Socialism of Marx and Lassalle.”—Daily Chronicle.

39.The London Programme.Sidney Webb, LL.B.

“Brimful of excellent ideas.”—Anti-Jacobin.

40.The Modern State.Paul Leroy Beaulieu.

“A most interesting book; well worth a place in the library of every social inquirer.”—N. B. Economist.

41.The Condition of Labour.Henry George.

“Written with striking ability, and sure to attract attention.”—Newcastle Chronicle.

42.The Revolutionary Spirit preceding the French Revolution.Felix Rocquain.With a Preface by ProfessorHuxley.

“The student of the French Revolution will find in it an excellent introduction to the study of that catastrophe.”—Scotsman.

43.The Student’s Marx.Edward Aveling, D.Sc.

“One of the most practically useful of any in the Series.”—Glasgow Herald.

44.A Short History of Parliament.B. C. Skottowe, M.A. (Oxon.).

“Deals very carefully and completely with this side of constitutional history.”—Spectator.

45.Poverty: Its Genesis and Exodus.J. G. Godard.

“He states the problems with great force and clearness.”—N. B. Economist.

46.The Trade Policy of Imperial Federation.Maurice H. Hervey.

“An interesting contribution to the discussion.”—Publishers’ Circular.

47.The Dawn of Radicalism.J. Bowles Daly, LL.D.

“Forms an admirable picture of an epoch more pregnant, perhaps, with political instruction than any other in the world’s history.”—Daily Telegraph.

48.The Destitute Alien in Great Britain.Arnold White;Montague Crackanthorpe, Q.C.;W. A. M’Arthur, M.P.;W. H. Wilkins, &c.

“Much valuable information concerning a burning question of the day.”—Times.

49.Illegitimacy and the Influence of Seasons on Conduct.Albert Leffingwell, M.D.

“We have not often seen a work based on statistics which is more continuously interesting.”—Westminster Review.

50.Commercial Crises of the Nineteenth Century.H. M. Hyndman.

“One of the best and most permanently useful volumes of the Series.”—Literary Opinion.

51.The State and Pensions in Old Age.J. A. SpenderandArthur Acland, M.P.

“A careful and cautious examination of the question.”—Times.

52.The Fallacy of Saving.John M. Robertson.

“A plea for the reorganisation of our social and industrial system.”—Speaker.

53.The Irish Peasant.Anon.

“A real contribution to the Irish Problem by a close, patient and dispassionate investigator.”—Daily Chronicle.

54.The Effects of Machinery on Wages.Prof.J. S. Nicholson, D.Sc.

“Ably reasoned, clearly stated, impartially written.”—Literary World.

55.The Social Horizon.Anon.

“A really admirable little book, bright, clear, and unconventional.”—Daily Chronicle.

56.Socialism, Utopian and Scientific.Frederick Engels.

“The body of the book is still fresh and striking.”—Daily Chronicle.

57.Land Nationalisation.A. R. Wallace.

“The most instructive and convincing of the popular works on the subject.”—National Reformer.

58.The Ethic of Usury and Interest.Rev.W. Blissard.

“The work is marked by genuine ability.”—North British Agriculturalist.

59.The Emancipation of Women.Adele Crepaz.

“By far the most comprehensive, luminous, and penetrating work on this question that I have yet met with.”—Extract fromMr.Gladstone’sPreface.

60.The Eight Hours Question.John M. Robertson.

“A very cogent and sustained argument on what is at present the unpopular side.”—Times.

61.Drunkenness.George R. Wilson, M.B.

“Well written, carefully reasoned, free from cant, and full of sound sense.”—National Observer.

62.The New Reformation.Ramsden Balmforth.

“A striking presentation of the nascent religion, how best to realize the personal and social ideal.”—Westminster Review.

63.The Agricultural Labourer.T. E. Kebbel.

“A short summary of his position, with appendices on wages, education, allotments, etc., etc.”

64.Ferdinand Lassalle as a Social Reformer.E. Bernstein.

“A worthy addition to the Social Science Series.”—North British Economist.

65.England’s Foreign Trade in XIXth Century.A. L. Bowley.

“Full of valuable information, carefully compiled.”—Times.

66.Theory and Policy of Labour Protection.Dr.Schäffle.

“An attempt to systematize a conservative programme of reform.”—Man. Guard.

67.History of Rochdale Pioneers.G. J. Holyoake.

“Brought down from 1844 to the Rochdale Congress of 1892.”—Co-Op. News.

68.Rights of Women.M. Ostragorski.

“An admirable storehouse of precedents, conveniently arranged.”—Daily Chron.

69.Dwellings of the People.Locke Worthington.

“A valuable contribution to one of the most pressing problems of the day.”—Daily Chronicle.

70.Hours, Wages, and Production.Dr.Brentano.

“Characterised by all Professor Brentano’s clearness of style.”—Economic Review.

71.Rise of Modern Democracy.Ch. Borgeaud.

“A very useful little volume, characterised by exact research.”—Daily Chronicle.

72.Land Systems of Australasia.Wm. Epps.

“Exceedingly valuable at the present time of depression and difficulty.”—Scots. Mag.

73.The Tyranny of Socialism.Yves Guyot.Pref. byJ. H. Levy.

“M. Guyot is smart, lively, trenchant, and interesting.”—Daily Chronicle.

74.Population and the Social System.Dr.Nith.

“A very valuable work of an Italian economist.”—West. Rev.

75.The Labour Question.T. G. Spyers.

“Will be found extremely useful.”—Times.

76.British Freewomen.C. C. Stopes.

“The most complete study of the Women’s Suffrage question.”—English Wom. Rev.

77.Suicide and Insanity.Dr.J. K. Strahan.

“An interesting monograph dealing exhaustively with the subject.”—Times.

78.A History of Tithes.Rev.H. W. Clarke.

“May be recommended to all who desire an accurate idea of the subject.”—D. Chron.

79.Three Months in a Workshop.P. Gohre, with Pref. by Prof.Ely.

“A vivid picture of the state of mind of German workmen.”—Manch. Guard.

80.Darwinism and Race Progress.Prof.J. B. Haycraft.

“An interesting subject treated in an attractive fashion.”—Glasgow Herald.

81.Local Taxation and Finance.G. H. Blunden.

82.Perils to British Trade.E. Burgis.

83.The Social Contract.J. J. Rousseau.Edited byH. J. Tozer.

84.Labour upon the Land.Edited byJ. A. Hobson, M.A.

85.Moral Pathology.Arthur E. Giles, M.D., B.Sc.

86.Parasitism, Organic and Social.MassartandVandervelde.

DOUBLE VOLUMES, Each 3s. 6d.

1.Life of Robert Owen.Lloyd Jones.

“A worthy record of a life of noble activities.”—Manchester Examiner.

2.The Impossibility of Social Democracy.a Second Part of “The Quintessence of Socialism”. Dr.A. Schäffle.

“Extremely valuable as a criticism of Social Democracy.”—Inter. Jour. of Ethics.

3.The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844.Frederick Engels.

“A translation of a work written in 1845, with a preface written in 1892.”

4.The Principles of Social Economy.Yves Guyot.

“An interesting and suggestive work.”—Spectator.

5.Social Peace.Dr.Schulze-Gaevernitz. Edited byGraham-Walles.

“A study by a competent observer of the industrial movement.”—Times.

6.Handbook of Socialism.W. D. P. Bliss.

SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO., LONDON.NEW YORK: CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS.

Footnotes:

[1]A Report on Marriage and Divorce in the United States, by Carroll D. Wright, Commission of Labour. Revised edition, Washington, 1891.

[2]Mr. C. W. Jones, Inspector of Prisons and Gaols, Maine, to whom I am indebted for these figures, adds that the increase in commitments in recent years “is not because those crimes are on the increase, but because of the better enforcement of our laws relating to those crimes”.

[3]The Report of Commissioner of Internal Revenue, pp. 314-319. Washington, 1892. There are no returns available for any year after 1887, as since then Maine has ceased to be reckoned as a separate district for revenue purposes.

[4]For many of these particulars about the condition of affairs in Iowa in 1893 I am indebted to theToronto Globefor November and December, 1893. This journal, with enterprise that is deserving of all commendation, sent two representatives, one an avowed prohibitionist and the other opposed to prohibition, to Iowa and Kansas, in order to gather full particulars of the results obtained from the liquor laws there. The two commissioners, Messrs. J. E. Atkinson and J. A. Ewan, performed their mission excellently, and their reports are of more than temporary value. I may, however, add that I have by no means solely depended on the reports of these gentlemen in ascertaining the condition of Iowa. Other accounts, from varied sources, all tend to show the disgraceful and deplorable condition of this State under the law that failed.

[5]This statement was made before the Royal Commission on the Liquor Traffic. At the time of writing this, the official reports of the evidence given before the Commission are not yet issued; consequently, I am obliged to rely on the somewhat abridged accounts given in the Canadian daily papers.

[6]Montreal Daily Star, 29th December, 1893.

[7]Victorian Alliance Annualfor 1890, Melbourne.

[8]This translation is taken from the Special Report of the United States Commissioner of Labour onThe Gothenburg System of Liquor Traffic, Washington, 1893. I would here acknowledge my very deep indebtedness to this volume for many of the statistics contained in this chapter. Dr. Gould’s work is unquestionably the fullest and most accurate book on the subject in the English language, or, as far as I am aware, in any other.

[9]It is well known that the number of arrests for drunkenness is no adequate guide to the amount of intoxication. Speaking in the House of Commons, 13th March, 1877, on this point, Mr. Chamberlain said: “I have come to the conclusion that for our purpose police statistics are no good at all. As an evidence of this I will mention something with which I am acquainted in Birmingham. On a certain Saturday the number of persons arrested for drunkenness and brought before the magistrates was said to be 29—that was the total number of drunken cases credited, or rather, as I should say, debited to the town, according to the police statistics. During three hours of that same Saturday night, thirty-five houses in different parts of the town, beer houses, spirit shops and shops of other descriptions, were watched by different persons appointed for the purpose; and these persons reported that during those three hours 9159 males and 5006 females came out of those shops; and, out of these numbers, of the male persons there were 622 drunk, and 176 females in the same state. There is a total of 798 drunken persons, alleged to have been seen coming out of 35 houses in three hours; while the police returns only reported 29 for the day.”

[10]Mr. Goldwin Smith.


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