INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 20.

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 20.Forthe fifth time during the campaign the commercial travellers visited General Harrison, each time with increased numbers. On Saturday, October 20, under the supervision of the Commercial Travellers' Republican Club of Indianapolis—G. C. Webster, President; Ernest Morris, Secretary—they held one of the largest and most successful demonstrations of this remarkable campaign. Their gathering partook of a national character, as large numbers of "drummers" were present from Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky, Michigan, Illinois, Missouri, West Virginia, and Vermont, while every important city in Indiana sent its complement.The visitors were received by a local committee of travelling men, consisting of Fred Schmidt, Chairman; C. McPherson, Wm. Faucet, Joseph Stubbs, Jeff Cook, Ed. Allcott, J. C. Norris, M. P. Green, Geo. White, O. W. Morman, Chas. D. Pearson, Jeff Taylor, Wm. P. Bone, Henry Ramey, Albert A. Womack, John A. Wright, James W. Muir, and Frank Brough. It was estimated that 40,000 spectators witnessed their fine parade, a conspicuous feature of which was a big bull covered with a white cloth on which was printed the words—"John Bull rides the Democratic party and we ride John Bull." On his back rode "Drummer" Dan'l B. Long in an emerald suit, while L. A. Worch, dressed as Uncle Sam, led the bovine. The parade was in charge of Chief Marshal J. R. Ross and his aids. As the column passed their residence it was reviewed by General and Mrs. Harrison. Later in the day the visitors were received at Tomlinson Hall. When General Harrison appeared a great demonstration occurred. President Webster presided; the speakers were: John E. Dowell, of Boston; R. T. Dow, of Atlanta; C. L. Young and John L. Fennimore, of Columbus, Ohio; Chas.P. Banks, of Brooklyn; John L. Griffiths and John C. Wingate, of Indiana.General Harrison said:My Friends—Four times already, I believe, the commercial travellers have honored me by calling upon me in large delegations. You have assembled to-day, not from a single State or locality, but from many States, upon the invitation of your associates of this city, to show your intelligent interest in the principles that are involved in this campaign. [Cheers.] I do not need to repeat what I have said on former occasions, that I very highly value the respect and confidence of the commercial travellers of the United States. [Cheers.] I value it because I believe they give their adherence to the party whose candidate I am upon an intelligent investigation and upon an earnest conviction as to what is good for the country of which they are citizens. [Cheers.] Who should be able, better than you, to know the commercial and business needs of our country? You, whose hand is every day upon the business pulse of the people; you, who travel the country up and down upon all the swift highways of commerce, and who are brought in contact with the business men of the country, not only in our great centres of commerce, but in all the hamlets of the land. I believe I may say for you that, as a result of this personal knowledge of our business needs, you have concluded that the policy for America is the policy of a protective tariff. [Great cheering.]There are doubtless here many representatives of great American manufacturing establishments; and who should know better than they the prostrating effects upon the industries they represent of this policy of a revenue tariff, or the not much differing policy of free trade? [Cheers.] Who should know better than you that if the discriminating duties now levied, which enable our American manufacturers to maintain a fair competition with the manufacturers of other countries, and at the same time to pay a scale of living wages to the men and women who work for them, is once broken down, American competition with foreign production becomes impossible, except by the reduction of the scale of American wages to the level of the wages paid abroad? [Cheers.] Certainly you do not need to be told that that shop or mill that has the smallest pay-roll in proportion to its production will take the market. [Cheers.] Certainly you do not need to be told that the wages now enjoyed by our American workmen are greatly larger and the comforts they enjoy greatly more than those enjoyed bythe working people of any other land. [Cheers.] Certainly you do not need to be told that if the American Government, instead of patronizing home industries, buys its blankets for the public service in England there is just that much less work for American workmen to do. [Cheers.] This is to me the beginning and the end of the tariff question. Since I was old enough to have opinions or to utter them, I have held to the doctrine that the true American policy was that which should maintain not only a living rate of wages, but one with a margin for savings and comfort for our workmen. I believe that policy is essential to the prosperity and possibly to the perpetuity of our Government. [Cheers.] The two propositions that now stare our working people—and our whole country—in the face are these: competition with foreign countries, without adequate discriminating and favoring duties, means lower wages to our working people; a revenue-only tariff, or progressive free trade, means larger importations of foreign goods, and that means less work in America. [Cheers.]Let our Democratic friends fairly meet these two indisputable conclusions. How do they do it? [Cries, "They don't; they can't!"] By endeavoring to prevent and poison the minds of our working people by utterly false and scandalous campaign stories. [Enthusiastic cheering.] Let me say in conclusion that I believe the managers of the Democratic campaign greatly underestimate the intelligence, the sense of decency, and the love of fair play that prevail among out people. [Great cheering.] You will pardon further remark. The evening is drawing on, and many of you, I am sure, have been made uncomfortable by your muddy walk through the streets of our city. I cannot omit, however, to thank my friends from Lafayette for this beautiful floral tribute which they have placed at my side—an emblem of their profession. [Floral gripsack.] I accept it gratefully, and very highly appreciate it as a mark of the confidence and respect of the intelligent body of my own fellow-citizens of Indiana. [Great cheering.]

Forthe fifth time during the campaign the commercial travellers visited General Harrison, each time with increased numbers. On Saturday, October 20, under the supervision of the Commercial Travellers' Republican Club of Indianapolis—G. C. Webster, President; Ernest Morris, Secretary—they held one of the largest and most successful demonstrations of this remarkable campaign. Their gathering partook of a national character, as large numbers of "drummers" were present from Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky, Michigan, Illinois, Missouri, West Virginia, and Vermont, while every important city in Indiana sent its complement.

The visitors were received by a local committee of travelling men, consisting of Fred Schmidt, Chairman; C. McPherson, Wm. Faucet, Joseph Stubbs, Jeff Cook, Ed. Allcott, J. C. Norris, M. P. Green, Geo. White, O. W. Morman, Chas. D. Pearson, Jeff Taylor, Wm. P. Bone, Henry Ramey, Albert A. Womack, John A. Wright, James W. Muir, and Frank Brough. It was estimated that 40,000 spectators witnessed their fine parade, a conspicuous feature of which was a big bull covered with a white cloth on which was printed the words—"John Bull rides the Democratic party and we ride John Bull." On his back rode "Drummer" Dan'l B. Long in an emerald suit, while L. A. Worch, dressed as Uncle Sam, led the bovine. The parade was in charge of Chief Marshal J. R. Ross and his aids. As the column passed their residence it was reviewed by General and Mrs. Harrison. Later in the day the visitors were received at Tomlinson Hall. When General Harrison appeared a great demonstration occurred. President Webster presided; the speakers were: John E. Dowell, of Boston; R. T. Dow, of Atlanta; C. L. Young and John L. Fennimore, of Columbus, Ohio; Chas.P. Banks, of Brooklyn; John L. Griffiths and John C. Wingate, of Indiana.

General Harrison said:

My Friends—Four times already, I believe, the commercial travellers have honored me by calling upon me in large delegations. You have assembled to-day, not from a single State or locality, but from many States, upon the invitation of your associates of this city, to show your intelligent interest in the principles that are involved in this campaign. [Cheers.] I do not need to repeat what I have said on former occasions, that I very highly value the respect and confidence of the commercial travellers of the United States. [Cheers.] I value it because I believe they give their adherence to the party whose candidate I am upon an intelligent investigation and upon an earnest conviction as to what is good for the country of which they are citizens. [Cheers.] Who should be able, better than you, to know the commercial and business needs of our country? You, whose hand is every day upon the business pulse of the people; you, who travel the country up and down upon all the swift highways of commerce, and who are brought in contact with the business men of the country, not only in our great centres of commerce, but in all the hamlets of the land. I believe I may say for you that, as a result of this personal knowledge of our business needs, you have concluded that the policy for America is the policy of a protective tariff. [Great cheering.]There are doubtless here many representatives of great American manufacturing establishments; and who should know better than they the prostrating effects upon the industries they represent of this policy of a revenue tariff, or the not much differing policy of free trade? [Cheers.] Who should know better than you that if the discriminating duties now levied, which enable our American manufacturers to maintain a fair competition with the manufacturers of other countries, and at the same time to pay a scale of living wages to the men and women who work for them, is once broken down, American competition with foreign production becomes impossible, except by the reduction of the scale of American wages to the level of the wages paid abroad? [Cheers.] Certainly you do not need to be told that that shop or mill that has the smallest pay-roll in proportion to its production will take the market. [Cheers.] Certainly you do not need to be told that the wages now enjoyed by our American workmen are greatly larger and the comforts they enjoy greatly more than those enjoyed bythe working people of any other land. [Cheers.] Certainly you do not need to be told that if the American Government, instead of patronizing home industries, buys its blankets for the public service in England there is just that much less work for American workmen to do. [Cheers.] This is to me the beginning and the end of the tariff question. Since I was old enough to have opinions or to utter them, I have held to the doctrine that the true American policy was that which should maintain not only a living rate of wages, but one with a margin for savings and comfort for our workmen. I believe that policy is essential to the prosperity and possibly to the perpetuity of our Government. [Cheers.] The two propositions that now stare our working people—and our whole country—in the face are these: competition with foreign countries, without adequate discriminating and favoring duties, means lower wages to our working people; a revenue-only tariff, or progressive free trade, means larger importations of foreign goods, and that means less work in America. [Cheers.]Let our Democratic friends fairly meet these two indisputable conclusions. How do they do it? [Cries, "They don't; they can't!"] By endeavoring to prevent and poison the minds of our working people by utterly false and scandalous campaign stories. [Enthusiastic cheering.] Let me say in conclusion that I believe the managers of the Democratic campaign greatly underestimate the intelligence, the sense of decency, and the love of fair play that prevail among out people. [Great cheering.] You will pardon further remark. The evening is drawing on, and many of you, I am sure, have been made uncomfortable by your muddy walk through the streets of our city. I cannot omit, however, to thank my friends from Lafayette for this beautiful floral tribute which they have placed at my side—an emblem of their profession. [Floral gripsack.] I accept it gratefully, and very highly appreciate it as a mark of the confidence and respect of the intelligent body of my own fellow-citizens of Indiana. [Great cheering.]

There are doubtless here many representatives of great American manufacturing establishments; and who should know better than they the prostrating effects upon the industries they represent of this policy of a revenue tariff, or the not much differing policy of free trade? [Cheers.] Who should know better than you that if the discriminating duties now levied, which enable our American manufacturers to maintain a fair competition with the manufacturers of other countries, and at the same time to pay a scale of living wages to the men and women who work for them, is once broken down, American competition with foreign production becomes impossible, except by the reduction of the scale of American wages to the level of the wages paid abroad? [Cheers.] Certainly you do not need to be told that that shop or mill that has the smallest pay-roll in proportion to its production will take the market. [Cheers.] Certainly you do not need to be told that the wages now enjoyed by our American workmen are greatly larger and the comforts they enjoy greatly more than those enjoyed bythe working people of any other land. [Cheers.] Certainly you do not need to be told that if the American Government, instead of patronizing home industries, buys its blankets for the public service in England there is just that much less work for American workmen to do. [Cheers.] This is to me the beginning and the end of the tariff question. Since I was old enough to have opinions or to utter them, I have held to the doctrine that the true American policy was that which should maintain not only a living rate of wages, but one with a margin for savings and comfort for our workmen. I believe that policy is essential to the prosperity and possibly to the perpetuity of our Government. [Cheers.] The two propositions that now stare our working people—and our whole country—in the face are these: competition with foreign countries, without adequate discriminating and favoring duties, means lower wages to our working people; a revenue-only tariff, or progressive free trade, means larger importations of foreign goods, and that means less work in America. [Cheers.]

Let our Democratic friends fairly meet these two indisputable conclusions. How do they do it? [Cries, "They don't; they can't!"] By endeavoring to prevent and poison the minds of our working people by utterly false and scandalous campaign stories. [Enthusiastic cheering.] Let me say in conclusion that I believe the managers of the Democratic campaign greatly underestimate the intelligence, the sense of decency, and the love of fair play that prevail among out people. [Great cheering.] You will pardon further remark. The evening is drawing on, and many of you, I am sure, have been made uncomfortable by your muddy walk through the streets of our city. I cannot omit, however, to thank my friends from Lafayette for this beautiful floral tribute which they have placed at my side—an emblem of their profession. [Floral gripsack.] I accept it gratefully, and very highly appreciate it as a mark of the confidence and respect of the intelligent body of my own fellow-citizens of Indiana. [Great cheering.]

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 22.Threethousand enthusiastic citizens of Springfield, Clarke County, Ohio, paid their respects to the Republican nominee on this date, under the auspices of the Republican White Hat Brigade, Gen. A. S. Bushnell, Commander; E. T. Thomes, Vice-Commander; S. J. Wilkerson, Chief ofStaff; J. W. R. Cline, Sam'l Hoffman, and J. H. Arbogast, Aids. The brigade, comprising 2,300 voters, each wearing a white beaver hat, was divided into three regiments and accompanied by six excellent bands.The First Regiment was commanded by Col. J. A. Dickus, Lieut.-Col. Geo. Lentz, Major Henry Harper. Second Regiment—Col. Wm. F. Bakhaus, Lieut.-Col. Darwin Pierce, Major Wm. Robinson. Third Regiment—Col. H. N. Taylor, Lieut.-Col. Henry Hains, Major P. M. Hawk. When General Harrison entered the hall every Buckeye stood on his chair and frantically waved his high hat in one hand and a flag in the other. General Bushnell made the presentation address, to which General Harrison responded as follows:General Bushnell and my Ohio Friends—The people of Clarke County owed me a visit. I recall, with great pleasure, two occasions when I visited your prosperous county and the rich and busy city of Springfield to speak in behalf of the Republican party and its candidates. I recall with pleasure the cordiality with which I was received by your people. [Applause.] I noted then the intelligent interest manifested by the masses of your people in public questions, and the enthusiasm with which you rallied to the defense of Republican principles. [Cheers.] We are glad to welcome you to Indiana, but regret that this inclement day and our muddy streets have thrown about your visit so many incidents of discomfort. I hope that you will not allow these incidents to give you an unfavorable impression of the beautiful capital city of Indiana. [Cheers and cries of "We won't!"] Our people are glad to have this added evidence of the interest which the people of your State take in the question which the issue of this campaign will settle. I say settle, because I believe that the question of the life of protective tariff system is now very distinctly presented. The enemies of the system have left their ambuscades and taken to the open field, and we are to have a decisive battle over this question. [Great cheers.] I believe that never before, in any campaign, has this question been so fully and ably discussed in the hearing of our people. [Cheers.] There can be found nowhere in this country a better illustration of what a great manufacturing centre will do for the farmer in enhancing the value of his farm and in furnishing a home market for his products than the city of Springfield. [Cheers.]Your city and county—your merchants and farmers—are prosperous, because you have a great body of well-paid wage-earners in your great shops and factories. [Cheers.] It is the policy of the Republican party to multiply, all through our agricultural regions, such centres of manufacturing industries as Springfield. [Cheers.] It is conceded that to all our working people, all those who earn their subsistence by toil, this campaign involves most important interests. I will not pursue in its details this question. You have heard it discussed, and most of you, perhaps all, have made up your conclusions. It is of such importance as, wholly without respect to the candidate who may by chance represent it, to be worthy of the intelligent and earnest thought and vigorous effort of every American citizen. [Cheers.] Let me now only thank you for this most remarkable evidence of the interest of your people. We have rarely, if it all, seen here, in this long procession of delegations, one that equalled that which I see before me now. [Great cheering.]At the conclusion of General Harrison's speech General Bushnell presented him with a highly polished horse-shoe, manufactured from American steel by S. B. Thomas, formerly an Englishman. Repeated calls for Mr. Thomas brought that gentleman out, and there was another prolonged demonstration as General Harrison cordially clasped his hand and said:I accept with pleasure this product of the skill and industry of one who, out of his own experience, can speak of the benefits of a protective tariff. One who sought our land because it offered better wages and better hopes [cheers], and who in his life here has been able to contrast the condition of working people in England and in America. [Cheers.]

Threethousand enthusiastic citizens of Springfield, Clarke County, Ohio, paid their respects to the Republican nominee on this date, under the auspices of the Republican White Hat Brigade, Gen. A. S. Bushnell, Commander; E. T. Thomes, Vice-Commander; S. J. Wilkerson, Chief ofStaff; J. W. R. Cline, Sam'l Hoffman, and J. H. Arbogast, Aids. The brigade, comprising 2,300 voters, each wearing a white beaver hat, was divided into three regiments and accompanied by six excellent bands.

The First Regiment was commanded by Col. J. A. Dickus, Lieut.-Col. Geo. Lentz, Major Henry Harper. Second Regiment—Col. Wm. F. Bakhaus, Lieut.-Col. Darwin Pierce, Major Wm. Robinson. Third Regiment—Col. H. N. Taylor, Lieut.-Col. Henry Hains, Major P. M. Hawk. When General Harrison entered the hall every Buckeye stood on his chair and frantically waved his high hat in one hand and a flag in the other. General Bushnell made the presentation address, to which General Harrison responded as follows:

General Bushnell and my Ohio Friends—The people of Clarke County owed me a visit. I recall, with great pleasure, two occasions when I visited your prosperous county and the rich and busy city of Springfield to speak in behalf of the Republican party and its candidates. I recall with pleasure the cordiality with which I was received by your people. [Applause.] I noted then the intelligent interest manifested by the masses of your people in public questions, and the enthusiasm with which you rallied to the defense of Republican principles. [Cheers.] We are glad to welcome you to Indiana, but regret that this inclement day and our muddy streets have thrown about your visit so many incidents of discomfort. I hope that you will not allow these incidents to give you an unfavorable impression of the beautiful capital city of Indiana. [Cheers and cries of "We won't!"] Our people are glad to have this added evidence of the interest which the people of your State take in the question which the issue of this campaign will settle. I say settle, because I believe that the question of the life of protective tariff system is now very distinctly presented. The enemies of the system have left their ambuscades and taken to the open field, and we are to have a decisive battle over this question. [Great cheers.] I believe that never before, in any campaign, has this question been so fully and ably discussed in the hearing of our people. [Cheers.] There can be found nowhere in this country a better illustration of what a great manufacturing centre will do for the farmer in enhancing the value of his farm and in furnishing a home market for his products than the city of Springfield. [Cheers.]Your city and county—your merchants and farmers—are prosperous, because you have a great body of well-paid wage-earners in your great shops and factories. [Cheers.] It is the policy of the Republican party to multiply, all through our agricultural regions, such centres of manufacturing industries as Springfield. [Cheers.] It is conceded that to all our working people, all those who earn their subsistence by toil, this campaign involves most important interests. I will not pursue in its details this question. You have heard it discussed, and most of you, perhaps all, have made up your conclusions. It is of such importance as, wholly without respect to the candidate who may by chance represent it, to be worthy of the intelligent and earnest thought and vigorous effort of every American citizen. [Cheers.] Let me now only thank you for this most remarkable evidence of the interest of your people. We have rarely, if it all, seen here, in this long procession of delegations, one that equalled that which I see before me now. [Great cheering.]

At the conclusion of General Harrison's speech General Bushnell presented him with a highly polished horse-shoe, manufactured from American steel by S. B. Thomas, formerly an Englishman. Repeated calls for Mr. Thomas brought that gentleman out, and there was another prolonged demonstration as General Harrison cordially clasped his hand and said:

I accept with pleasure this product of the skill and industry of one who, out of his own experience, can speak of the benefits of a protective tariff. One who sought our land because it offered better wages and better hopes [cheers], and who in his life here has been able to contrast the condition of working people in England and in America. [Cheers.]

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 25.Duringthe campaign in Indiana several prominent labor representatives from the East canvassed the State in advocacy of a protective tariff and the Republican ticket. Chief among these speakers were Charles H. Litchman, of Massachusetts, ex-Secretary-General of the Knights of Labor; John J. Jarrett, Hon. Henry Hall, Eccles Robinson, and Robert D. Layton, of Pennsylvania, and Jeremiah Murphy, of New York. These gentlemen, assisted by John R. Rankin, Marshall C. Woods, and other prominent Indiana labor leaders, signalized the conclusion of their campaign work by a notable workingmen's demonstration on October 25. About 10,000 voters from over the State participated in the parade, led by Chief Marshal John R. Rankin, assisted by C. A. Rodney, George E. Clarke, Wm. R. Mounts, John Baker, Fred Andler, Wm. H. Baughmier, Geo. E. Perry, Lewis Rathbaust, J. N. Loop, Wm. Cook, Gustave Schneider, John W. Browning, A. Raphel, and Michael Bamberger.General Harrison, with Hon. William McKinley, Jr., of Ohio, Senator John C. Spooner, of Wisconsin, and Senator Henry W. Blair, of New Hampshire, reviewed the column and later attended a great meeting at Tomlinson Hall. Many ladies occupied seats on the stage, among them Mrs. Harrison. When General Harrison appeared, escorted by Secretary Litchman, the vast audience arose and cheered frantically for full five minutes.L. W. McDaniels, a prominent member of the Typographical Union, presided, and in his address among other things said:We are here to repudiate the authority claimed by a few professional men to speak for the wage-workers of Indiana, to deny the truthfulness of their statements, and to contradict the assertion that there is other than the kindliest feeling among the workingmen of Indiana toward General Harrison. While General Harrison has never acted the blatant demagogue by making loud professions, yet we have had evidence of his earnest sympathy and sincere friendship on more than one occasion, notably his advocacy while in the Senate of the bill making arbitration the means of settlement of labor troubles and excluding contract labor from our shores. Also the bill prohibiting the use of convict labor on Government works, or the purchasing by the Government of any of the products of convict labor.As General Harrison arose to respond there was another prolonged outbreak; he appeared greatly moved, and delivered probably his most earnest speech of the campaign. The demonstrations of approval were very marked, especially as the General warmed up to his denials of matters suggested by Chairman McDaniels' remarks. He said:Mr. McDaniels and my Friends—I have seen, during this busy summer, many earnest and demonstrative assemblages of my fellow-citizens. I have listened to many addresses full of the kindest expressions toward me personally; but, among them all, none have been more grateful to me, none have more deeply touched me than this great assemblage of the workingmen of Indiana and these kind words which have been addressed to me in your behalf. [Great cheering.] There are reasons why this should be so that will readily occur to your minds, and to some of which Mr. McDaniels has alluded. Early in this campaign certain people, claiming to speak for the laboring men, but really in the employ of the Democratic campaign managers, promulgated through the newspaper press and by campaign publications that were not given the open endorsement of the Democratic campaign managers, but were paid for by their funds and circulated under their auspices, a number of false and scandalous stories relating to my attitude toward organized labor. [Great and prolonged cheering.] The purpose of all these stories was to poison the minds of the workingmen against the candidate of the party that stands in this campaign for the principle of protection to American labor. [Great cheering.] I have only once, in all the addresses I have made to my fellow-citizens, alluded to these malicious and scandalous stories, but, now and in the presence of this great gathering of workingmen, I do pronounce them to be utterly false. [Tumultuous cheering, waving of flags and banners, continued for several minutes.] The story that I ever said that one dollar a day was enough for a workingman, with all its accompaniments and appendages, is not a perversion of anything I ever said—it is a false creation. [Enthusiastic cheering.] I will not follow in detail this long catalogue of campaign slanders, but will only add that it is equally false that anywhere or at any time I ever spoke disparagingly of my fellow-citizens of Irish nativity or descent. Many of them are now enrolling themselves on the side of protection for American labor—this created the necessity for the story. [Cheers.] I want to say again that those who pitch a campaign upon so low a level greatly underestimate the intelligence, the sense of decency, and the love of fair play of the American people. [Prolonged cheering.] I said to one of the first delegations that visited me that this was a contestof great principles; that it would be fought out upon the high plains of truth, and not in the swamps of slander and defamation. [Great cheering.] Those who will encamp their army in the swamp will abandon the victory to the army that is on the heights. [Cheers.] The Republican party stands to-day as the bulwark and defense of the wage-earners of this country against a competition which may reduce American wages even below the standard they falsely impute to my suggestion. [Cheers.]There are two very plain facts that I have often stated—and others more forcibly than I—that it seems to me should be conclusive with the wage-earners of America. The policy of the Democratic party—the revision of our tariff laws as indicated by the Democratic party, a revenue-only tariff, or progressive free trade—means a vast and sudden increase of importations. Is there a man here so dull as not to know that this means diminished work in our American shops? [Cheers and cries of "No, no!"] If some one says that labor is not fully employed now, do you hope it will be more fully employed when you have transferred one-third of the work done in our shops to foreign workshops? [Cries of "No, no!"] If some one tells me that labor is not sufficiently rewarded here, does he hope to have its rewards increased by striking down our protective duties and compelling our workmen to compete with the underpaid labor of Europe? [Cheers.]I conclude by saying that less work and lower wages are the inevitable result of the triumph of the principles advocated by the Democratic party. [Cheers.]And now you will excuse further speech from me. [Cries of "Go on!"] There are here several distinguished advocates of Republican principles. You will be permitted to hear now, I understand, from the Hon. Henry W. Blair, a Senator from the State of New Hampshire, who has been so long at the head of the Committee on Education and Labor in the United States Senate; and to-night in this hall you will be permitted to listen to the Hon. William McKinley, Jr., of Ohio. Now will you allow me again to thank you out of a full heart for this cordial tender of your confidence and respect. I felt that in return I could not omit to say what I have said, not because you needed to be assured of my friendliness, but in recognition of a confidence that falsehood and slander could not shake. I have not thought it in good taste to make many personal references in my public addresses. If any one thinks it necessary that a comparison should be instituted between the candidates of the two great parties as to their friendliness to the reforms demanded by organized labor, I must leave others to make it. [Great cheering.]

Duringthe campaign in Indiana several prominent labor representatives from the East canvassed the State in advocacy of a protective tariff and the Republican ticket. Chief among these speakers were Charles H. Litchman, of Massachusetts, ex-Secretary-General of the Knights of Labor; John J. Jarrett, Hon. Henry Hall, Eccles Robinson, and Robert D. Layton, of Pennsylvania, and Jeremiah Murphy, of New York. These gentlemen, assisted by John R. Rankin, Marshall C. Woods, and other prominent Indiana labor leaders, signalized the conclusion of their campaign work by a notable workingmen's demonstration on October 25. About 10,000 voters from over the State participated in the parade, led by Chief Marshal John R. Rankin, assisted by C. A. Rodney, George E. Clarke, Wm. R. Mounts, John Baker, Fred Andler, Wm. H. Baughmier, Geo. E. Perry, Lewis Rathbaust, J. N. Loop, Wm. Cook, Gustave Schneider, John W. Browning, A. Raphel, and Michael Bamberger.

General Harrison, with Hon. William McKinley, Jr., of Ohio, Senator John C. Spooner, of Wisconsin, and Senator Henry W. Blair, of New Hampshire, reviewed the column and later attended a great meeting at Tomlinson Hall. Many ladies occupied seats on the stage, among them Mrs. Harrison. When General Harrison appeared, escorted by Secretary Litchman, the vast audience arose and cheered frantically for full five minutes.

L. W. McDaniels, a prominent member of the Typographical Union, presided, and in his address among other things said:

We are here to repudiate the authority claimed by a few professional men to speak for the wage-workers of Indiana, to deny the truthfulness of their statements, and to contradict the assertion that there is other than the kindliest feeling among the workingmen of Indiana toward General Harrison. While General Harrison has never acted the blatant demagogue by making loud professions, yet we have had evidence of his earnest sympathy and sincere friendship on more than one occasion, notably his advocacy while in the Senate of the bill making arbitration the means of settlement of labor troubles and excluding contract labor from our shores. Also the bill prohibiting the use of convict labor on Government works, or the purchasing by the Government of any of the products of convict labor.

As General Harrison arose to respond there was another prolonged outbreak; he appeared greatly moved, and delivered probably his most earnest speech of the campaign. The demonstrations of approval were very marked, especially as the General warmed up to his denials of matters suggested by Chairman McDaniels' remarks. He said:

Mr. McDaniels and my Friends—I have seen, during this busy summer, many earnest and demonstrative assemblages of my fellow-citizens. I have listened to many addresses full of the kindest expressions toward me personally; but, among them all, none have been more grateful to me, none have more deeply touched me than this great assemblage of the workingmen of Indiana and these kind words which have been addressed to me in your behalf. [Great cheering.] There are reasons why this should be so that will readily occur to your minds, and to some of which Mr. McDaniels has alluded. Early in this campaign certain people, claiming to speak for the laboring men, but really in the employ of the Democratic campaign managers, promulgated through the newspaper press and by campaign publications that were not given the open endorsement of the Democratic campaign managers, but were paid for by their funds and circulated under their auspices, a number of false and scandalous stories relating to my attitude toward organized labor. [Great and prolonged cheering.] The purpose of all these stories was to poison the minds of the workingmen against the candidate of the party that stands in this campaign for the principle of protection to American labor. [Great cheering.] I have only once, in all the addresses I have made to my fellow-citizens, alluded to these malicious and scandalous stories, but, now and in the presence of this great gathering of workingmen, I do pronounce them to be utterly false. [Tumultuous cheering, waving of flags and banners, continued for several minutes.] The story that I ever said that one dollar a day was enough for a workingman, with all its accompaniments and appendages, is not a perversion of anything I ever said—it is a false creation. [Enthusiastic cheering.] I will not follow in detail this long catalogue of campaign slanders, but will only add that it is equally false that anywhere or at any time I ever spoke disparagingly of my fellow-citizens of Irish nativity or descent. Many of them are now enrolling themselves on the side of protection for American labor—this created the necessity for the story. [Cheers.] I want to say again that those who pitch a campaign upon so low a level greatly underestimate the intelligence, the sense of decency, and the love of fair play of the American people. [Prolonged cheering.] I said to one of the first delegations that visited me that this was a contestof great principles; that it would be fought out upon the high plains of truth, and not in the swamps of slander and defamation. [Great cheering.] Those who will encamp their army in the swamp will abandon the victory to the army that is on the heights. [Cheers.] The Republican party stands to-day as the bulwark and defense of the wage-earners of this country against a competition which may reduce American wages even below the standard they falsely impute to my suggestion. [Cheers.]There are two very plain facts that I have often stated—and others more forcibly than I—that it seems to me should be conclusive with the wage-earners of America. The policy of the Democratic party—the revision of our tariff laws as indicated by the Democratic party, a revenue-only tariff, or progressive free trade—means a vast and sudden increase of importations. Is there a man here so dull as not to know that this means diminished work in our American shops? [Cheers and cries of "No, no!"] If some one says that labor is not fully employed now, do you hope it will be more fully employed when you have transferred one-third of the work done in our shops to foreign workshops? [Cries of "No, no!"] If some one tells me that labor is not sufficiently rewarded here, does he hope to have its rewards increased by striking down our protective duties and compelling our workmen to compete with the underpaid labor of Europe? [Cheers.]I conclude by saying that less work and lower wages are the inevitable result of the triumph of the principles advocated by the Democratic party. [Cheers.]And now you will excuse further speech from me. [Cries of "Go on!"] There are here several distinguished advocates of Republican principles. You will be permitted to hear now, I understand, from the Hon. Henry W. Blair, a Senator from the State of New Hampshire, who has been so long at the head of the Committee on Education and Labor in the United States Senate; and to-night in this hall you will be permitted to listen to the Hon. William McKinley, Jr., of Ohio. Now will you allow me again to thank you out of a full heart for this cordial tender of your confidence and respect. I felt that in return I could not omit to say what I have said, not because you needed to be assured of my friendliness, but in recognition of a confidence that falsehood and slander could not shake. I have not thought it in good taste to make many personal references in my public addresses. If any one thinks it necessary that a comparison should be instituted between the candidates of the two great parties as to their friendliness to the reforms demanded by organized labor, I must leave others to make it. [Great cheering.]

There are two very plain facts that I have often stated—and others more forcibly than I—that it seems to me should be conclusive with the wage-earners of America. The policy of the Democratic party—the revision of our tariff laws as indicated by the Democratic party, a revenue-only tariff, or progressive free trade—means a vast and sudden increase of importations. Is there a man here so dull as not to know that this means diminished work in our American shops? [Cheers and cries of "No, no!"] If some one says that labor is not fully employed now, do you hope it will be more fully employed when you have transferred one-third of the work done in our shops to foreign workshops? [Cries of "No, no!"] If some one tells me that labor is not sufficiently rewarded here, does he hope to have its rewards increased by striking down our protective duties and compelling our workmen to compete with the underpaid labor of Europe? [Cheers.]

I conclude by saying that less work and lower wages are the inevitable result of the triumph of the principles advocated by the Democratic party. [Cheers.]

And now you will excuse further speech from me. [Cries of "Go on!"] There are here several distinguished advocates of Republican principles. You will be permitted to hear now, I understand, from the Hon. Henry W. Blair, a Senator from the State of New Hampshire, who has been so long at the head of the Committee on Education and Labor in the United States Senate; and to-night in this hall you will be permitted to listen to the Hon. William McKinley, Jr., of Ohio. Now will you allow me again to thank you out of a full heart for this cordial tender of your confidence and respect. I felt that in return I could not omit to say what I have said, not because you needed to be assured of my friendliness, but in recognition of a confidence that falsehood and slander could not shake. I have not thought it in good taste to make many personal references in my public addresses. If any one thinks it necessary that a comparison should be instituted between the candidates of the two great parties as to their friendliness to the reforms demanded by organized labor, I must leave others to make it. [Great cheering.]

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 27.Therailroad men of Indiana held their last gathering of the great campaign on Saturday night, October 27. Its estimated 7,000 voters participated in their parade under Chief Marshal A. D. Shaw and Chief of Staff Geo. Butler. The Porter Flambeau Club, the Harrison Zouaves, and 1,000 members of the Indianapolis Railroad Club—each man carrying a colored lantern—escorted the visiting organizations. General Harrison and the Hon. W. R. McKeen, of Terre Haute, reviewed the brilliant procession from the balcony of the New-Denison and then repaired to Tomlinson Hall, where the General's arrival was signalized by an extraordinary demonstration. Chairman Finch introduced Hon. Mathew O'Doherty, of Louisville, and A. F. Potts, of Indianapolis, who addressed the meeting later in the evening.General Harrison was the first speaker. He said:My Friends of the Railroad Republican Clubs—Before your committee waited upon me to request my presence here to-night I had resolutely determined that I would not make another address in this campaign. But when they presented their suggestion that I should meet my railroad friends, I said to them—the kindness which has been shown to me from an early period in this campaign by the railroad men of Indiana has been so conspicuous and so cordial that I could not deny any request that is presented in their name. [Cheers.] And so I am here to-night, not to speak upon any political topic, but only to express, if I can find words to express, the deep and earnest thankfulness I feel toward you who have shown so much kindness and confidence in me. [Cheers.] Very early in this campaign there were those who sought to make a breach between you and me. You did not wait for my answer, but you made answer yourselves. [Cheers.] And time and again you have witnessed your faith that my disposition toward you and toward the men who toil for their living was one of friendliness, and the principles which I represented and have always advocated were those that promoted the true interests of the workingmen of America. [Cheers.] I have always believed and held that the prosperity of our country, that the supremacy of its institutionsand its social order all depended upon our pursuing such a policy in our legislation that we should have in America a class of workingmen earning adequate wages that would bring comfort into their homes and maintain hope in their hearts. [Cheers.] A despairing man, a man out of whose horizon the star of hope has gone, is not a safe citizen in a republic. [Cheers.] Therefore I would preserve against unfriendly competition the highest possible scale of wages to our working people. [Great cheering.]I know the stout hearts, I know the intelligence, I know the enterprise of those men who man our railway trains and push them at lightning speed through darkness and storm. I know the skill and faithfulness of those who sit at the telegraph instrument, holding in their watchfulness the safety of those who journey. I know the fidelity of the men who conduct this business, which has grown to be a system as fine and perfect as the finest product of mechanical art. [Cheers.] And so I value to-night this evidence of your cordial respect; and let me say that whatever may happen to me in the future, whether I shall remain a citizen of Indianapolis to bear with you the duties and responsibilities of private citizenship, or shall be honored with office, I shall never forget this great demonstration of your friendliness. [Prolonged cheers.]General Harrison's unequalled campaign of speech-making closed on the afternoon of this day with a visit from 80 young lady students of Oxford, Ohio, College. They were organized as the "Carrie Harrison Club of Oxford," and their visit was in honor of that distinguished lady, who, 36 years before, as Miss Carrie Scott, graduated from this same institution, of which her venerable father, the Rev. Dr. John W. Scott, was the first President. The students were accompanied by President and Mrs. Faye Walker and Professors Wilson, Fisher, and Dean.Miss Nellie F. Deem, of Union City, Indiana, the youngest teacher in the college, addressed Mrs. Harrison on behalf of the school. General Harrison responded briefly in a happy little speech, in which he expressed the pleasure felt by both over the visit of the Oxford young ladies. He spoke of their mutual memories of the school and the happy days spent in its charming surroundings, and said they both rejoiced in the prosperity of the college, noted as itwas for its scholarship and the Christian training of its pupils. In conclusion he thanked them for their visit, and assured them that the kind words spoken of Mrs. Harrison and himself were fully appreciated and would be long remembered.

Therailroad men of Indiana held their last gathering of the great campaign on Saturday night, October 27. Its estimated 7,000 voters participated in their parade under Chief Marshal A. D. Shaw and Chief of Staff Geo. Butler. The Porter Flambeau Club, the Harrison Zouaves, and 1,000 members of the Indianapolis Railroad Club—each man carrying a colored lantern—escorted the visiting organizations. General Harrison and the Hon. W. R. McKeen, of Terre Haute, reviewed the brilliant procession from the balcony of the New-Denison and then repaired to Tomlinson Hall, where the General's arrival was signalized by an extraordinary demonstration. Chairman Finch introduced Hon. Mathew O'Doherty, of Louisville, and A. F. Potts, of Indianapolis, who addressed the meeting later in the evening.

General Harrison was the first speaker. He said:

My Friends of the Railroad Republican Clubs—Before your committee waited upon me to request my presence here to-night I had resolutely determined that I would not make another address in this campaign. But when they presented their suggestion that I should meet my railroad friends, I said to them—the kindness which has been shown to me from an early period in this campaign by the railroad men of Indiana has been so conspicuous and so cordial that I could not deny any request that is presented in their name. [Cheers.] And so I am here to-night, not to speak upon any political topic, but only to express, if I can find words to express, the deep and earnest thankfulness I feel toward you who have shown so much kindness and confidence in me. [Cheers.] Very early in this campaign there were those who sought to make a breach between you and me. You did not wait for my answer, but you made answer yourselves. [Cheers.] And time and again you have witnessed your faith that my disposition toward you and toward the men who toil for their living was one of friendliness, and the principles which I represented and have always advocated were those that promoted the true interests of the workingmen of America. [Cheers.] I have always believed and held that the prosperity of our country, that the supremacy of its institutionsand its social order all depended upon our pursuing such a policy in our legislation that we should have in America a class of workingmen earning adequate wages that would bring comfort into their homes and maintain hope in their hearts. [Cheers.] A despairing man, a man out of whose horizon the star of hope has gone, is not a safe citizen in a republic. [Cheers.] Therefore I would preserve against unfriendly competition the highest possible scale of wages to our working people. [Great cheering.]I know the stout hearts, I know the intelligence, I know the enterprise of those men who man our railway trains and push them at lightning speed through darkness and storm. I know the skill and faithfulness of those who sit at the telegraph instrument, holding in their watchfulness the safety of those who journey. I know the fidelity of the men who conduct this business, which has grown to be a system as fine and perfect as the finest product of mechanical art. [Cheers.] And so I value to-night this evidence of your cordial respect; and let me say that whatever may happen to me in the future, whether I shall remain a citizen of Indianapolis to bear with you the duties and responsibilities of private citizenship, or shall be honored with office, I shall never forget this great demonstration of your friendliness. [Prolonged cheers.]

I know the stout hearts, I know the intelligence, I know the enterprise of those men who man our railway trains and push them at lightning speed through darkness and storm. I know the skill and faithfulness of those who sit at the telegraph instrument, holding in their watchfulness the safety of those who journey. I know the fidelity of the men who conduct this business, which has grown to be a system as fine and perfect as the finest product of mechanical art. [Cheers.] And so I value to-night this evidence of your cordial respect; and let me say that whatever may happen to me in the future, whether I shall remain a citizen of Indianapolis to bear with you the duties and responsibilities of private citizenship, or shall be honored with office, I shall never forget this great demonstration of your friendliness. [Prolonged cheers.]

General Harrison's unequalled campaign of speech-making closed on the afternoon of this day with a visit from 80 young lady students of Oxford, Ohio, College. They were organized as the "Carrie Harrison Club of Oxford," and their visit was in honor of that distinguished lady, who, 36 years before, as Miss Carrie Scott, graduated from this same institution, of which her venerable father, the Rev. Dr. John W. Scott, was the first President. The students were accompanied by President and Mrs. Faye Walker and Professors Wilson, Fisher, and Dean.

Miss Nellie F. Deem, of Union City, Indiana, the youngest teacher in the college, addressed Mrs. Harrison on behalf of the school. General Harrison responded briefly in a happy little speech, in which he expressed the pleasure felt by both over the visit of the Oxford young ladies. He spoke of their mutual memories of the school and the happy days spent in its charming surroundings, and said they both rejoiced in the prosperity of the college, noted as itwas for its scholarship and the Christian training of its pupils. In conclusion he thanked them for their visit, and assured them that the kind words spoken of Mrs. Harrison and himself were fully appreciated and would be long remembered.

INDIANAPOLIS, NOVEMBER 5.Thelast day of the great campaign brought a delegation of nearly 100 ladies and gentlemen from Terre Haute, Indiana, who came to deliver a handsome present of a miniature silver-mounted plush chair, designated the "Presidential Chair." They also brought Mrs. Harrison a valuable flower-stand, voted to her at Germania Fair as the most popular lady. In returning thanks for these gifts and their visit General Harrison said:Captain Ebel and Gentlemen—I am very much obliged to you for this friendly visit. It comes in the nature of a surprise, for it was only a little while ago that I was advised of your intention. I thank you for this gift. It is intended, I suppose, as a type, and a type of a very useful article, one that does not come amiss in any station of life. Only those who for months found their only convenient seat upon a log or a cracker-box know what infinite luxury there was in even a common Windsor chair. We are glad to welcome you to our home, and will be glad to greet personally the members of this club and those ladies who accompany you.The General then, in behalf of Mrs. Harrison, thanked the ladies for their present to her.

Thelast day of the great campaign brought a delegation of nearly 100 ladies and gentlemen from Terre Haute, Indiana, who came to deliver a handsome present of a miniature silver-mounted plush chair, designated the "Presidential Chair." They also brought Mrs. Harrison a valuable flower-stand, voted to her at Germania Fair as the most popular lady. In returning thanks for these gifts and their visit General Harrison said:

Captain Ebel and Gentlemen—I am very much obliged to you for this friendly visit. It comes in the nature of a surprise, for it was only a little while ago that I was advised of your intention. I thank you for this gift. It is intended, I suppose, as a type, and a type of a very useful article, one that does not come amiss in any station of life. Only those who for months found their only convenient seat upon a log or a cracker-box know what infinite luxury there was in even a common Windsor chair. We are glad to welcome you to our home, and will be glad to greet personally the members of this club and those ladies who accompany you.

The General then, in behalf of Mrs. Harrison, thanked the ladies for their present to her.

THE ELECTION, NOVEMBER, 1888.Itis not the purpose of this work to more than chronicle the result of the great presidential campaign of 1888. The election fell on November 6. Twenty States gave the Republican candidate 233 votes in the Electoral College, and 18 States cast 168 votes for Mr. Cleveland, the Democratic candidate. The total vote cast in the 38 States, for the 7 electoral tickets, was 11,386,632, of which General Harrison received 5,440,551. The Republican electoral ticket was chosen in Indiana by a plurality of 2,392 votes.When it became evident that General Harrison had won the election a demonstration without parallel was inaugurated at Indianapolis and continued three days. The exciting street parades and gatherings witnessed at the time of his nomination were re-enacted with tenfold energy and enthusiasm. Delegations came from all points in the State to offer their congratulations, and 10,000 telegrams and letters from distinguished countrymen poured in upon the successful candidate. From an early hour on the morning of the 7th, for days thereafter, the streets of Indianapolis were thronged with enthusiastic visitors.The first delegation to call upon General Harrison after his election came from Hendricks County, numbering 400 veterans and others, headed by Ira J. Chase, the newly elected Lieutenant-Governor, Rev. J. H. Hull, and John C. Ochiltree. General Harrison made no formal response to their congratulatory address. On November 9 a delegation from the Commercial Club of Cincinnati arrived, and at night the saw-makers of Indianapolis—about 100 in number—bedecked in red from head to foot, marched with glaring torches to the residence of General Harrison, and after a serenade called upon him for a speech.Coming out on the steps the General said:The time for speech-making is over. The debate is closed, and I believe the polls are closed. ["Right you are!"] I will only thankyou for your call to-night and for that friendly spirit which you have shown to me during the campaign.A Famous Telegram.The State of New York gave Harrison (Rep.) over Cleveland (Dem.) a plurality of 13,074 votes; but for Governor—at the same election—the State gave David B. Hill (Dem.) a plurality of 19,171 over Warner Miller (Rep.). These opposite results called forth the following famous telegram from the President-elect:Indianapolis, Ind., Nov. 9, 1888.ToHon. Warner Miller,Herkimer, N. Y.:I am greatly grieved at your defeat. If the intrepid leader fell outside the breastworks, the column, inspired by his courage, went on to victory.Benjamin Harrison.

Itis not the purpose of this work to more than chronicle the result of the great presidential campaign of 1888. The election fell on November 6. Twenty States gave the Republican candidate 233 votes in the Electoral College, and 18 States cast 168 votes for Mr. Cleveland, the Democratic candidate. The total vote cast in the 38 States, for the 7 electoral tickets, was 11,386,632, of which General Harrison received 5,440,551. The Republican electoral ticket was chosen in Indiana by a plurality of 2,392 votes.

When it became evident that General Harrison had won the election a demonstration without parallel was inaugurated at Indianapolis and continued three days. The exciting street parades and gatherings witnessed at the time of his nomination were re-enacted with tenfold energy and enthusiasm. Delegations came from all points in the State to offer their congratulations, and 10,000 telegrams and letters from distinguished countrymen poured in upon the successful candidate. From an early hour on the morning of the 7th, for days thereafter, the streets of Indianapolis were thronged with enthusiastic visitors.

The first delegation to call upon General Harrison after his election came from Hendricks County, numbering 400 veterans and others, headed by Ira J. Chase, the newly elected Lieutenant-Governor, Rev. J. H. Hull, and John C. Ochiltree. General Harrison made no formal response to their congratulatory address. On November 9 a delegation from the Commercial Club of Cincinnati arrived, and at night the saw-makers of Indianapolis—about 100 in number—bedecked in red from head to foot, marched with glaring torches to the residence of General Harrison, and after a serenade called upon him for a speech.

Coming out on the steps the General said:

The time for speech-making is over. The debate is closed, and I believe the polls are closed. ["Right you are!"] I will only thankyou for your call to-night and for that friendly spirit which you have shown to me during the campaign.

A Famous Telegram.

The State of New York gave Harrison (Rep.) over Cleveland (Dem.) a plurality of 13,074 votes; but for Governor—at the same election—the State gave David B. Hill (Dem.) a plurality of 19,171 over Warner Miller (Rep.). These opposite results called forth the following famous telegram from the President-elect:

Indianapolis, Ind., Nov. 9, 1888.ToHon. Warner Miller,Herkimer, N. Y.:I am greatly grieved at your defeat. If the intrepid leader fell outside the breastworks, the column, inspired by his courage, went on to victory.Benjamin Harrison.

Indianapolis, Ind., Nov. 9, 1888.

ToHon. Warner Miller,Herkimer, N. Y.:

I am greatly grieved at your defeat. If the intrepid leader fell outside the breastworks, the column, inspired by his courage, went on to victory.

Benjamin Harrison.

INDIANAPOLIS, JANUARY 1, 1889.Theinstallation of officers by George H. Thomas Post, G. A. R., on the night of New Year's Day, '89, was attended by General Harrison, who for many years had been an active member of this post. Many comrades from other posts in the city were present. The President-elect was escorted by Col. Irvin Robbins, who was commander of the Democratic regiment during the recent campaign, and Col. George W. Spahr, who commanded a Republican regiment. He was received with full honors by the retiring commander, James B. Black, who presented him to the post.In response to their enthusiastic greeting, General Harrison—speaking in public for the first time since his election—in substance said:Commander and Comrades—It affords me pleasure to meet with you again on this occasion. When I left the army so many years ago I little expected to enter it again, as I soon will. Among the many honors which may be placed on me in the future there will be none, I can assure you, that I will esteem more highly than my membership in this order, instituted by those who sustained theflag of Washington, the flag of Perry, the flag that was baptized in the blood of the Revolution and again in the second conflict with the mother country; that floated over the halls of the Montezumas, and was sustained in other wars, and which you made possible to wave over every foot of our beloved country. I esteem it my greatest honor that I bore even an humble part with you and all the comrades of the Grand Army in bringing about this most desirable result. I wish to say before parting with you, if I may never look upon your faces collectively again, that the parting request I would make of you would be that each of you, without regard to party (and I believe I can say this without offence to any comrade of the Grand Army), stand shoulder to shoulder, as we did during the war, to preserve a free and honest ballot. There is nothing, I can assure you, that will do more to preserve and maintain our institutions than this. Our country, separated as it is by the great watery waste, need have no fear of interference by foreign countries with its institutions; nor do we desire in any way to interfere with them. Nor, indeed, is there any fear of another civil war. The only fear we should now have is a corruption or suppression of the free ballot, and your utmost exertions should be to prevent it.In concluding, he called for the choicest blessings upon his comrades, saying: "To each one, God bless you and your families; God keep you and protect you in your homes!"

Theinstallation of officers by George H. Thomas Post, G. A. R., on the night of New Year's Day, '89, was attended by General Harrison, who for many years had been an active member of this post. Many comrades from other posts in the city were present. The President-elect was escorted by Col. Irvin Robbins, who was commander of the Democratic regiment during the recent campaign, and Col. George W. Spahr, who commanded a Republican regiment. He was received with full honors by the retiring commander, James B. Black, who presented him to the post.

In response to their enthusiastic greeting, General Harrison—speaking in public for the first time since his election—in substance said:

Commander and Comrades—It affords me pleasure to meet with you again on this occasion. When I left the army so many years ago I little expected to enter it again, as I soon will. Among the many honors which may be placed on me in the future there will be none, I can assure you, that I will esteem more highly than my membership in this order, instituted by those who sustained theflag of Washington, the flag of Perry, the flag that was baptized in the blood of the Revolution and again in the second conflict with the mother country; that floated over the halls of the Montezumas, and was sustained in other wars, and which you made possible to wave over every foot of our beloved country. I esteem it my greatest honor that I bore even an humble part with you and all the comrades of the Grand Army in bringing about this most desirable result. I wish to say before parting with you, if I may never look upon your faces collectively again, that the parting request I would make of you would be that each of you, without regard to party (and I believe I can say this without offence to any comrade of the Grand Army), stand shoulder to shoulder, as we did during the war, to preserve a free and honest ballot. There is nothing, I can assure you, that will do more to preserve and maintain our institutions than this. Our country, separated as it is by the great watery waste, need have no fear of interference by foreign countries with its institutions; nor do we desire in any way to interfere with them. Nor, indeed, is there any fear of another civil war. The only fear we should now have is a corruption or suppression of the free ballot, and your utmost exertions should be to prevent it.

In concluding, he called for the choicest blessings upon his comrades, saying: "To each one, God bless you and your families; God keep you and protect you in your homes!"

INDIANAPOLIS, FEBRUARY 25, 1889.The Departure for Washington.President-electand Mrs. Harrison bade their friends and neighbors good-by and left Indiana on February 25 for Washington. Governor Hovey, Mayor Denny, and several thousand citizens escorted them from their residence to the railroad station. In the escort column were 1,000 G. A. R. veterans from Geo. H. Thomas and other posts, commanded by H. C. Allen. Conspicuous in their ranks was that distinguished soldier-diplomat, General Lew Wallace. The members of the Indiana Legislature salutedand joined thecortégeas it passed through Pennsylvania Street.General Harrison's carriage was completely enclosed within a hollow square composed of 32 prominent citizens—a body-guard of honor. The entire population of the city turned out to witness the eventful departure, while numerous delegations were present from Danville, Richmond, Crawfordsville, Terre Haute, and other cities. A great throng greeted the distinguished travellers at the Union Station. From the rear platform of the special inaugural train Governor Hovey presented the President-elect amid tumultuous cheering.General Harrison was greatly affected by the scene and the occasion. Speaking with emotion he said:My Good Friends and Neighbors—I cannot trust myself to put in words what I feel at this time. Every kind thought that is in your minds and every good wish that is in your hearts for me finds its responsive wish and thought in my mind and heart for each of you. I love this city. It has been my own cherished home. Twice before I have left it to discharge public duties and returned to it with gladness, as I hope to do again. It is a city on whose streets the pompous displays of wealth are not seen. It is full of pleasant homes, and in these homes there is an unusual store of contentment. The memory of your favor and kindness will abide with me, and my strong desire to hold your respect and confidence will strengthen me in the discharge of my new and responsible duties. Let me say farewell to all my Indiana friends. For the public honors that have come to me I am their grateful debtor. They have made the debt so large that I can never discharge it. There is a great sense of loneliness in the discharge of high public duties. The moment of decision is one of isolation. But there is One whose help comes even into the quiet chamber of judgment, and to His wise and unfailing guidance will I look for direction and safety. My family unite with me in grateful thanks for this cordial good-by, and with me wish that these years of separation may be full of peace and happiness for each of you. [Great cheering.]

The Departure for Washington.

President-electand Mrs. Harrison bade their friends and neighbors good-by and left Indiana on February 25 for Washington. Governor Hovey, Mayor Denny, and several thousand citizens escorted them from their residence to the railroad station. In the escort column were 1,000 G. A. R. veterans from Geo. H. Thomas and other posts, commanded by H. C. Allen. Conspicuous in their ranks was that distinguished soldier-diplomat, General Lew Wallace. The members of the Indiana Legislature salutedand joined thecortégeas it passed through Pennsylvania Street.

General Harrison's carriage was completely enclosed within a hollow square composed of 32 prominent citizens—a body-guard of honor. The entire population of the city turned out to witness the eventful departure, while numerous delegations were present from Danville, Richmond, Crawfordsville, Terre Haute, and other cities. A great throng greeted the distinguished travellers at the Union Station. From the rear platform of the special inaugural train Governor Hovey presented the President-elect amid tumultuous cheering.

General Harrison was greatly affected by the scene and the occasion. Speaking with emotion he said:

My Good Friends and Neighbors—I cannot trust myself to put in words what I feel at this time. Every kind thought that is in your minds and every good wish that is in your hearts for me finds its responsive wish and thought in my mind and heart for each of you. I love this city. It has been my own cherished home. Twice before I have left it to discharge public duties and returned to it with gladness, as I hope to do again. It is a city on whose streets the pompous displays of wealth are not seen. It is full of pleasant homes, and in these homes there is an unusual store of contentment. The memory of your favor and kindness will abide with me, and my strong desire to hold your respect and confidence will strengthen me in the discharge of my new and responsible duties. Let me say farewell to all my Indiana friends. For the public honors that have come to me I am their grateful debtor. They have made the debt so large that I can never discharge it. There is a great sense of loneliness in the discharge of high public duties. The moment of decision is one of isolation. But there is One whose help comes even into the quiet chamber of judgment, and to His wise and unfailing guidance will I look for direction and safety. My family unite with me in grateful thanks for this cordial good-by, and with me wish that these years of separation may be full of peace and happiness for each of you. [Great cheering.]

KNIGHTSTOWN, INDIANA, FEBRUARY 25.Asthe inaugural train sped along it was greeted at every station by thousands of cheering spectators. The first stop was at Knightstown, where the Soldiers' Orphans' Home is located. In response to their calls General Harrison said:My Friends—I thank you for this cordial gathering and demonstration. I can detain the train but a moment, and I only stopped at the request of the Superintendent of the Soldiers' Orphans' Home, so that the children might have an opportunity to see me and that I might wish them the bright and prosperous future which the sacrifices of their fathers won for them. I bid you farewell.

Asthe inaugural train sped along it was greeted at every station by thousands of cheering spectators. The first stop was at Knightstown, where the Soldiers' Orphans' Home is located. In response to their calls General Harrison said:

My Friends—I thank you for this cordial gathering and demonstration. I can detain the train but a moment, and I only stopped at the request of the Superintendent of the Soldiers' Orphans' Home, so that the children might have an opportunity to see me and that I might wish them the bright and prosperous future which the sacrifices of their fathers won for them. I bid you farewell.

RICHMOND, INDIANA, FEBRUARY 25.Thecity of Richmond was reached at 5 o'clock in the afternoon, where several thousand people greeted the travellers. General Harrison said:My Friends—I have so long had my home among you that I cannot but feel a sense of regret in leaving the soil of Indiana. I go with a deep sense of inadequacy, but I am sure you will be patient with my mistakes, and that you will all give me your help as citizens [cheers and cries of "We will!"] in my efforts to promote the best interests of our people and the honor of the Nation we love. I thank you for this cordial greeting. [Cheers.]

Thecity of Richmond was reached at 5 o'clock in the afternoon, where several thousand people greeted the travellers. General Harrison said:

My Friends—I have so long had my home among you that I cannot but feel a sense of regret in leaving the soil of Indiana. I go with a deep sense of inadequacy, but I am sure you will be patient with my mistakes, and that you will all give me your help as citizens [cheers and cries of "We will!"] in my efforts to promote the best interests of our people and the honor of the Nation we love. I thank you for this cordial greeting. [Cheers.]

COLUMBUS, OHIO, FEBRUARY 25.AtPiqua the President-elect and his party were welcomed by Ohio's chief executive, Gov. J. B. Foraker, and his wife; and, notwithstanding the hour, some 20,000 people greeted their arrival at Columbus. The roar of cannon rendered speaking difficult. Governor Foraker presented General Harrison, who here made his last public speech before being inaugurated as President. He said:My Fellow-citizens—I thank you for the wonderful demonstration of this evening. In these evidences of the good will of my friends I receive a new stimulus as I enter upon the duties of the great office to which I have been chosen. I beg to thank you again for your interest. [Great cheering.]

AtPiqua the President-elect and his party were welcomed by Ohio's chief executive, Gov. J. B. Foraker, and his wife; and, notwithstanding the hour, some 20,000 people greeted their arrival at Columbus. The roar of cannon rendered speaking difficult. Governor Foraker presented General Harrison, who here made his last public speech before being inaugurated as President. He said:

My Fellow-citizens—I thank you for the wonderful demonstration of this evening. In these evidences of the good will of my friends I receive a new stimulus as I enter upon the duties of the great office to which I have been chosen. I beg to thank you again for your interest. [Great cheering.]

WASHINGTON, D. C., MARCH 4, 1889.General Harrisonand his family, accompanied by Hon. James N. Huston, Hon. W. H. H. Miller, Mr. E. W. Halford, Mr. E. F. Tibbott and family, Miss Sanger, and the representatives of the press, arrived in Washington on the evening of February 26. The President-elect was met by Col. A. T. Britton, Geo. B. Williams, Gen. H. V. Boynton, J. K. McCammon, Gen. Daniel Macauley, and other members of the Inaugural Committee, and escorted to the Arlington Hotel.The inaugural celebration was conducted by several hundred residents of Washington, acting through committees. The Executive Committee, having supervising charge of all matters pertaining to the celebration, comprised the following prominent Washingtonians: Alex. T. Britton, Chairman; Myron M. Parker, Vice-Chairman; Brainerd H. Warner, Treasurer; Henry L. Swords, Secretary; Elmon A. Adams, Joseph K. McCammon, James E. Bell, James G. Berret, Robert Boyd, Henry V. Boynton, Almon M. Clapp, A. H. S. Davis, Frederick Douglass, John Joy Edson, Lawrence Gardner, George Gibson, Charles C. Glover, Stilson Hutchins, E. Kurtz Johnson, George E. Lemon, John McElroy, Geo. A. McIlhenny, Crosby S. Noyes, Albert Ordway, Charles B. Purvis, Melancthon L. Ruth, Thomas Somerville, Orren G. Staples, John W. Thompson, Henry A. Willard, George B. Williams, Louis D. Wine, Simon Wolf, Levi P. Wright, and Hallett Kilbourn. General James Beaver, Governor of Pennsylvania, was Chief Marshal of the day, and with abrilliant staff led the great column in its march to and from the Capitol. The veterans of the Seventieth Indiana Regiment were accorded the post of honor on the route to the Capitol, and on conclusion of the ceremonies escorted their old commander to the White House. Chief-Justice Fuller administered the oath of office.President Harrison delivered his inaugural address from the terrace of the Capitol in the presence of a vast concourse and during a rainfall.THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS.There is no constitutional or legal requirement that the President shall take the oath of office in the presence of the people. But there is so manifest an appropriateness in the public induction to office of the chief executive officer of the Nation that from the beginning of the Government the people, to whose service the official oath consecrates the officer, have been called to witness the solemn ceremonial. The oath taken in the presence of the people becomes a mutual covenant; the officer covenants to serve the whole body of the people by a faithful execution of the laws, so that they may be the unfailing defence and security of those who respect and observe them, and that neither wealth and station nor the power of combinations shall be able to evade their just penalties or to wrest them from a beneficent public purpose to serve the ends of cruelty or selfishness. My promise is spoken; yours unspoken, but not the less real and solemn. The people of every State have here their representatives. Surely I do not misinterpret the spirit of the occasion when I assume that the whole body of the people covenant with me and with each other to-day to support and defend the Constitution and the Union of the States, to yield willing obedience to all the laws and each to every other citizen his equal civil and political rights. Entering thus solemnly in covenant with each other, we may reverently invoke and confidently expect the favor and help of Almighty God, that He will give to me wisdom, strength, and fidelity, and to our people a spirit of fraternity and a love of righteousness and peace.This occasion derives peculiar interest from the fact that the presidential term which begins this day is the twenty-sixth under our Constitution. The first inauguration of President Washington took place in New York, where Congress was then sitting, on April 30, 1789, having been deferred by reason of delays attending theorganization of the Congress and the canvass of the electoral vote. Our people have already worthily observed the centennials of the Declaration of Independence, of the battle of Yorktown, and of the adoption of the Constitution, and will shortly celebrate in New York the institution of the second great department of our constitutional scheme of government. When the centennial of the institution of the judicial department by the organization of the Supreme Court shall have been suitably observed, as I trust it will be, our Nation will have fully entered its second century.I will not attempt to note the marvellous and, in great part, happy contrasts between our country as it steps over the threshold into its second century of organized existence under the Constitution, and that weak but wisely ordered young Nation that looked undauntedly down the first century, when all its years stretched out before it.Our people will not fail at this time to recall the incidents which accompanied the institution of government under the Constitution, or to find inspiration and guidance in the teachings and example of Washington and his great associates, and hope and courage in the contrast which thirty-eight populous and prosperous States offer to the thirteen States, weak in everything except courage and the love of liberty, that then fringed our Atlantic seaboard.The Territory of Dakota has now a population greater than any of the original States—except Virginia—and greater than the aggregate of five of the smaller States in 1790. The centre of population when our national capital was located was east of Baltimore, and it was argued by many well-informed persons that it would move eastward rather than westward. Yet in 1880 it was found to be near Cincinnati, and the new census, about to be taken, will show another stride to the westward. That which was the body has come to be only the rich fringe of the nation's robe. But our growth has not been limited to territory, population, and aggregate wealth, marvellous as it has been in each of those directions. The masses of our people are better fed, clothed, and housed than their fathers were. The facilities for popular education have been vastly enlarged and more generally diffused. The virtues of courage and patriotism have given recent proof of their continued presence and increasing power in the hearts and over the lives of our people. The influences of religion have been multiplied and strengthened. The sweet offices of charity have greatly increased. The virtue of temperance is held in higher estimation. We have not attained an ideal condition. Not all of our people are happy and prosperous; not all of them are virtuous and law-abiding.But, on the whole, the opportunities offered to the individual to secure the comforts of life are better than are found elsewhere, and largely better than they were here 100 years ago.The surrender of a large measure of sovereignty to the general Government, effected by the adoption of the Constitution, was not accomplished until the suggestions of reason were strongly re-enforced by the more imperative voice of experience. The divergent interests of peace speedily demanded a "more perfect union." The merchant, the ship-master, and the manufacturer discovered and disclosed to our statesmen and to the people that commercial emancipation must be added to the political freedom which had been so bravely won. The commercial policy of the mother country had not relaxed any of its hard and oppressive features. To hold in check the development of our commercial marine, to prevent or retard the establishment and growth of manufactures in the States, and so to secure the American market for their shops and the carrying trade for their ships, was the policy of European statesmen, and was pursued with the most selfish vigor. Petitions poured in upon Congress urging the imposition of discriminating duties that should encourage the production of needed things at home. The patriotism of the people, which no longer found a field of exercise in war, was energetically directed to the duty of equipping the young republic for the defence of its independence by making its people self-dependent. Societies for the promotion of home manufactures and for encouraging the use of domestics in the dress of the people were organized in many of the States. The revival at the end of the century of the same patriotic interest in the preservation and development of domestic industries and the defence of our working people against injurious foreign competition is an incident worthy of attention.It is not a departure, but a return, that we have witnessed. The protective policy had then its opponents. The argument was made, as now, that its benefits inured to particular classes or sections. If the question became in any sense, or at any time, sectional, it was only because slavery existed in some of the States. But for this there was no reason why the cotton-producing States should not have led or walked abreast with the New England States in the production of cotton fabrics. There was this reason only why the States that divide with Pennsylvania the mineral treasures of the great southeastern and central mountain ranges should have been so tardy in bringing to the smelting furnace and the mill the coal and iron from their near opposing hillsides. Mill-fires were lighted at the funeral pile of slavery. The emancipation proclamation washeard in the depths of the earth as well as in the sky—men were made free and material things became our better servants.The sectional element has happily been eliminated from the tariff discussion. We have no longer States that are necessarily only planting States. None are excluded from achieving that diversification of pursuit among the people which brings wealth and contentment. The cotton plantation will not be less valuable when the product is spun in the country town by operatives whose necessities call for diversified crops and create a home demand for garden and agricultural products. Every new mine, furnace, and factory is an extension of the productive capacity of the State more real and valuable than added territory.Shall the prejudices and paralysis of slavery continue to hang upon the skirts of progress? How long will those who rejoice that slavery no longer exists cherish or tolerate the incapacities it puts upon their communities? I look hopefully to the continuance of our protective system and to the consequent development of manufacturing and mining enterprises in the States hitherto wholly given to agriculture as a potent influence in the perfect unification of our people. The men who have invested their capital in these enterprises, the farmers who have felt the benefit of their neighborhood, and the men who work in shop or field will not fail to find and to defend a community of interest. Is it not quite possible that the farmers and the promoters of the great mining and manufacturing enterprises which have recently been established in the South may yet find that the free ballot of the workingman, without distinction of race, is needed for their defence as well as for his own? I do not doubt that if these men in the South who now accept the tariff views of Clay and the constitutional expositions of Webster would courageously avow and defend their real convictions they would not find it difficult, by friendly instruction and co-operation, to make the black man their efficient and safe ally, not only in establishing correct principles in our national Administration, but in preserving for their local communities the benefits of social order and economical and honest government. At least until the good offices of kindness and education have been fairly tried the contrary conclusion cannot be plausibly urged.I have altogether rejected the suggestion of a special executive policy for any section of our country. It is the duty of the Executive to administer and enforce in the methods and by the instrumentalities pointed out and provided by the Constitution all the laws enacted by Congress. These laws are general, and their administration should be uniform and equal. As a citizen may notelect what laws he will obey, neither may the Executive elect which he will enforce. The duty to obey and execute embraces the Constitution in its entirety and the whole code of laws enacted under it. The evil example of permitting individuals, corporations, or communities to nullify the laws because they cross some selfish or local interests or prejudices is full of danger, not only to the Nation at large, but much more to those who use this pernicious expedient to escape their just obligations or to obtain an unjust advantage over others. They will presently themselves be compelled to appeal to the law for protection, and those who would use the law as a defence must not deny that use of it to others.If our great corporations would more scrupulously observe their legal obligations and duties they would have less cause to complain of the unlawful limitations of their rights or of violent interference with their operations. The community that by concert, open or secret, among its citizens denies to a portion of its members their plain rights under the law has severed the only safe bond of social order and prosperity. The evil works, from a bad centre, both ways. It demoralizes those who practise it, and destroys the faith of those who suffer by it in the efficiency of the law as a safe protector. The man in whose breast that faith has been darkened is naturally the subject of dangerous and uncanny suggestions. Those who use unlawful methods, if moved by no higher motive than the selfishness that prompts them, may well stop and inquire what is to be the end of this. An unlawful expedient cannot become a permanent condition of government. If the educated and influential classes in a community either practise or connive at the systematic violation of laws that seem to them to cross their convenience, what can they expect when the lesson that convenience or a supposed class interest is a sufficient cause for lawlessness has been well learned by the ignorant classes? A community where law is the rule of conduct, and where courts, not mobs, execute its penalties, is the only attractive field for business investments and honest labor.Our naturalization laws should be so amended as to make the inquiry into the character and good disposition of persons applying for citizenship more careful and searching. Our existing laws have been in their administration an unimpressive and often an unintelligible form. We accept the man as a citizen without any knowledge of his fitness, and he assumes the duties of citizenship without any knowledge as to what they are. The privileges of American citizenship are so great and its duties so grave that we may well insist upon a good knowledge of every person applying forcitizenship and a good knowledge by him of our institutions. We should not cease to be hospitable to immigration, but we should cease to be careless as to the character of it. There are men of all races, even the best, whose coming is necessarily a burden upon our public revenues or a threat to social order. These should be identified and excluded.We have happily maintained a policy of avoiding all interference with European affairs. We have been only interested spectators of their contentions in diplomacy and in war, ready to use our friendly offices to promote peace, but never obtruding our advice and never attempting unfairly to coin the distresses of other powers into commercial advantage to ourselves. We have a just right to expect that our European policy will be the American policy of European courts.It is so manifestly incompatible with those precautions for our peace and safety, which all the great powers habitually observe and enforce in matters affecting them, that a shorter water-way between our eastern and western seaboards should be dominated by any European Government, that we may confidently expect that such a purpose will not be entertained by any friendly power. We shall in the future, as in the past, use every endeavor to maintain and enlarge our friendly relations with all the great powers, but they will not expect us to look kindly upon any project that would leave us subject to the dangers of a hostile observation or environment.We have not sought to dominate or to absorb any of our weaker neighbors, but rather to aid and encourage them to establish free and stable governments, resting upon the consent of their own people. We have a clear right to expect, therefore, that no European Government will seek to establish colonial dependencies upon the territory of these independent American States. That which a sense of justice restrains us from seeking they may be reasonably expected willingly to forego.It must not be assumed, however, that our interests are so exclusively American that our entire inattention to any events that may transpire elsewhere can be taken for granted. Our citizens domiciled for purposes of trade in all countries and in many of the islands of the sea demand and will have our adequate care in their personal and commercial rights. The necessities of our navy require convenient coaling stations and dock and harbor privileges. These and other trading privileges we will feel free to obtain only by means that do not in any degree partake of coercion, however feeble the Government from which we ask such concessions. Buthaving fairly obtained them by methods and for purposes entirely consistent with the most friendly disposition toward all other powers, our consent will be necessary to any modification or impairment of the concession.We shall neither fail to respect the flag of any friendly nation or the just rights of its citizens, nor to exact the like treatment for our own. Calmness, justice, and consideration should characterize our diplomacy. The offices of an intelligent diplomacy or of friendly arbitration, in proper cases, should be adequate to the peaceful adjustment of all international difficulties. By such methods we will make our contribution to the world's peace, which no nation values more highly, and avoid the opprobrium which must fall upon the nation that ruthlessly breaks it.The duty devolved by law upon the President to nominate and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint all public officers whose appointment is not otherwise provided for in the Constitution or by act of Congress has become very burdensome, and its wise and efficient discharge full of difficulty. The civil list is so large that a personal knowledge of any large number of the applicants is impossible. The President must rely upon the representations of others, and these are often made inconsiderately and without any just sense of responsibility.I have a right, I think, to insist that those who volunteer or are invited to give advice as to appointments shall exercise consideration and fidelity. A high sense of duty and an ambition to improve the service should characterize all public officers. There are many ways in which the convenience and comfort of those who have business with our public officers may be promoted by a thoughtful and obliging officer, and I shall expect those whom I may appoint to justify their selection by a conspicuous efficiency in the discharge of their duties. Honorable party service will certainly not be esteemed by me a disqualification for public office; but it will in no case be allowed to serve as a shield for official negligence, incompetency, or delinquency. It is entirely creditable to seek public office by proper methods and with proper motives, and all applications will be treated with consideration; but I shall need, and the heads of departments will need, time for inquiry and deliberation. Persistent importunity will not, therefore, be the best support of an application for office.Heads of departments, bureaus, and all other public officers having any duty connected therewith, will be expected to enforce the Civil Service law fully and without evasion. Beyond this obvious duty I hope to do something more to advance the reform of thecivil service. The ideal, or even my own ideal, I shall probably not attain. Retrospect will be a safer basis of judgment than promises. We shall not, however, I am sure, be able to put our civil service upon a non-partisan basis until we have secured an incumbency that fair minded men of the opposition will approve for impartiality and integrity. As the number of such in the civil list is increased removals from office will diminish.While a treasury surplus is not the greatest evil, it is a serious evil. Our revenue should be ample to meet the ordinary annual demands upon our treasury, with a sufficient margin for those extraordinary but scarcely less imperative demands which arise now and then. Expenditure should always be made with economy, and only upon public necessity. Wastefulness, profligacy, or favoritism in public expenditures is criminal; but there is nothing in the condition of our country or of our people to suggest that anything presently necessary to the public prosperity, security, or honor should be unduly postponed. It will be the duty of Congress wisely to forecast and estimate these extraordinary demands, and, having added them to our ordinary expenditures, to so adjust our revenue laws that no considerable annual surplus will remain. We will fortunately be able to apply to the redemption of the public debt any small and unforeseen excess of revenue. This is better than to reduce our income below our necessary expenditures with the resulting choice between another change of our revenue laws and an increase of the public debt. It is quite possible, I am sure, to effect the necessary reduction in our revenues without breaking down our protective tariff or seriously injuring any domestic industry.The construction of a sufficient number of modern war ships and of their necessary armament should progress as rapidly as is consistent with care and perfection in plans and workmanship. The spirit, courage, and skill of our naval officers and seamen have many times in our history given to weak ships and inefficient guns a rating greatly beyond that of the naval list. That they will again do so upon occasion I do not doubt; but they ought not, by premeditation or neglect, to be left to the risks and exigencies of an unequal combat.We should encourage the establishment of American steamship lines. The exchanges of commerce demand stated, reliable, and rapid means of communication, and until these are provided the development of our trade with the States lying south of us is impossible.Our pension law should give more adequate and discriminatingrelief to the Union soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. Such occasions as this should remind us that we owe everything to their valor and sacrifice.It is a subject of congratulation that there is a near prospect of the admission into the Union of the Dakotas and Montana and Washington Territories. This act of justice has been unreasonably delayed in the case of some of them. The people who have settled those Territories are intelligent, enterprising, and patriotic, and the accession of these new States will add strength to the Nation. It is due to the settlers in the Territories who have availed themselves of the invitations of our land laws to make homes upon the public domain that their titles should be speedily adjusted and their honest entries confirmed by patent.It is very gratifying to observe the general interest now being manifested in the reform of our election laws. Those who have been for years calling attention to the pressing necessity of throwing about the ballot-box and about the elector further safeguards, in order that our elections might not only be free and pure, but might clearly appear to be so, will welcome the accession of any who did not so soon discover the need of reform. The national Congress has not as yet taken control of elections in that case over which the Constitution gives it jurisdiction, but has accepted and adopted the election laws of the several States, provided penalties for their violation and a method of supervision. Only the inefficiency of the State laws or an unfair partisan administration of them could suggest a departure from this policy. It was clearly, however, in the contemplation of the framers of the Constitution that such an exigency might arise, and provision was wisely made for it. No power vested in Congress or in the Executive to secure or perpetuate it should remain unused upon occasion.The people of all the Congressional districts have an equal interest that the election in each shall truly express the views and wishes of a majority of the qualified electors residing within it. The results of such elections are not local, and the insistence of electors residing in other districts that they shall be pure and free does not savor at all of impertinence. If in any of the States the public security is thought to be threatened by ignorance among the electors, the obvious remedy is education. The sympathy and help of our people will not be withheld from any community struggling with special embarrassments or difficulties connected with the suffrage, if the remedies proposed proceed upon lawful lines and are promoted by just and honorable methods. How shall those who practise election frauds recover that respect for the sanctity of theballot which is the first condition and obligation of good citizenship? The man who has come to regard the ballot-box as a juggler's hat has renounced his allegiance.Let us exalt patriotism and moderate our party contentions. Let those who would die for the flag on the field of battle give a better proof of their patriotism and a higher glory to their country by promoting fraternity and justice. A party success that is achieved by unfair methods or by practices that partake of revolution is hurtful and evanescent, even from a party standpoint. We should hold our differing opinions in mutual respect, and, having submitted them to the arbitrament of the ballot, should accept an adverse judgment with the same respect that we would have demanded of our opponents if the decision had been in our favor.No other people have a government more worthy of their respect and love, or a land so magnificent in extent, so pleasant to look upon, and so full of generous suggestion to enterprise and labor. God has placed upon our head a diadem, and has laid at our feet power and wealth beyond definition or calculation. But we must not forget that we take these gifts upon the condition that justice and mercy shall hold the reins of power, and that the upward avenues of hope shall be free to all the people.I do not mistrust the future. Dangers have been in frequent ambush along our path, but we have uncovered and vanquished them all. Passion has swept some of our communities, but only to give us a new demonstration that the great body of our people are stable, patriotic, and law-abiding. No political party can long pursue advantage at the expense of public honor or by rude and indecent methods, without protest and fatal disaffection in its own body. The peaceful agencies of commerce are more fully revealing the necessary unity of all our communities, and the increasing intercourse of our people is promoting mutual respect. We shall find unalloyed pleasure in the revelation which our next census will make of the swift development of the great resources of some of the States. Each State will bring its generous contribution to the great aggregate of the Nation's increase. And when the harvest from the fields, the cattle from the hills, and the ores of the earth shall have been weighed, counted, and valued, we will turn from them all to crown with the highest honor the State that has most promoted education, virtue, justice, and patriotism among the people.

General Harrisonand his family, accompanied by Hon. James N. Huston, Hon. W. H. H. Miller, Mr. E. W. Halford, Mr. E. F. Tibbott and family, Miss Sanger, and the representatives of the press, arrived in Washington on the evening of February 26. The President-elect was met by Col. A. T. Britton, Geo. B. Williams, Gen. H. V. Boynton, J. K. McCammon, Gen. Daniel Macauley, and other members of the Inaugural Committee, and escorted to the Arlington Hotel.

The inaugural celebration was conducted by several hundred residents of Washington, acting through committees. The Executive Committee, having supervising charge of all matters pertaining to the celebration, comprised the following prominent Washingtonians: Alex. T. Britton, Chairman; Myron M. Parker, Vice-Chairman; Brainerd H. Warner, Treasurer; Henry L. Swords, Secretary; Elmon A. Adams, Joseph K. McCammon, James E. Bell, James G. Berret, Robert Boyd, Henry V. Boynton, Almon M. Clapp, A. H. S. Davis, Frederick Douglass, John Joy Edson, Lawrence Gardner, George Gibson, Charles C. Glover, Stilson Hutchins, E. Kurtz Johnson, George E. Lemon, John McElroy, Geo. A. McIlhenny, Crosby S. Noyes, Albert Ordway, Charles B. Purvis, Melancthon L. Ruth, Thomas Somerville, Orren G. Staples, John W. Thompson, Henry A. Willard, George B. Williams, Louis D. Wine, Simon Wolf, Levi P. Wright, and Hallett Kilbourn. General James Beaver, Governor of Pennsylvania, was Chief Marshal of the day, and with abrilliant staff led the great column in its march to and from the Capitol. The veterans of the Seventieth Indiana Regiment were accorded the post of honor on the route to the Capitol, and on conclusion of the ceremonies escorted their old commander to the White House. Chief-Justice Fuller administered the oath of office.

President Harrison delivered his inaugural address from the terrace of the Capitol in the presence of a vast concourse and during a rainfall.

THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

There is no constitutional or legal requirement that the President shall take the oath of office in the presence of the people. But there is so manifest an appropriateness in the public induction to office of the chief executive officer of the Nation that from the beginning of the Government the people, to whose service the official oath consecrates the officer, have been called to witness the solemn ceremonial. The oath taken in the presence of the people becomes a mutual covenant; the officer covenants to serve the whole body of the people by a faithful execution of the laws, so that they may be the unfailing defence and security of those who respect and observe them, and that neither wealth and station nor the power of combinations shall be able to evade their just penalties or to wrest them from a beneficent public purpose to serve the ends of cruelty or selfishness. My promise is spoken; yours unspoken, but not the less real and solemn. The people of every State have here their representatives. Surely I do not misinterpret the spirit of the occasion when I assume that the whole body of the people covenant with me and with each other to-day to support and defend the Constitution and the Union of the States, to yield willing obedience to all the laws and each to every other citizen his equal civil and political rights. Entering thus solemnly in covenant with each other, we may reverently invoke and confidently expect the favor and help of Almighty God, that He will give to me wisdom, strength, and fidelity, and to our people a spirit of fraternity and a love of righteousness and peace.This occasion derives peculiar interest from the fact that the presidential term which begins this day is the twenty-sixth under our Constitution. The first inauguration of President Washington took place in New York, where Congress was then sitting, on April 30, 1789, having been deferred by reason of delays attending theorganization of the Congress and the canvass of the electoral vote. Our people have already worthily observed the centennials of the Declaration of Independence, of the battle of Yorktown, and of the adoption of the Constitution, and will shortly celebrate in New York the institution of the second great department of our constitutional scheme of government. When the centennial of the institution of the judicial department by the organization of the Supreme Court shall have been suitably observed, as I trust it will be, our Nation will have fully entered its second century.I will not attempt to note the marvellous and, in great part, happy contrasts between our country as it steps over the threshold into its second century of organized existence under the Constitution, and that weak but wisely ordered young Nation that looked undauntedly down the first century, when all its years stretched out before it.Our people will not fail at this time to recall the incidents which accompanied the institution of government under the Constitution, or to find inspiration and guidance in the teachings and example of Washington and his great associates, and hope and courage in the contrast which thirty-eight populous and prosperous States offer to the thirteen States, weak in everything except courage and the love of liberty, that then fringed our Atlantic seaboard.The Territory of Dakota has now a population greater than any of the original States—except Virginia—and greater than the aggregate of five of the smaller States in 1790. The centre of population when our national capital was located was east of Baltimore, and it was argued by many well-informed persons that it would move eastward rather than westward. Yet in 1880 it was found to be near Cincinnati, and the new census, about to be taken, will show another stride to the westward. That which was the body has come to be only the rich fringe of the nation's robe. But our growth has not been limited to territory, population, and aggregate wealth, marvellous as it has been in each of those directions. The masses of our people are better fed, clothed, and housed than their fathers were. The facilities for popular education have been vastly enlarged and more generally diffused. The virtues of courage and patriotism have given recent proof of their continued presence and increasing power in the hearts and over the lives of our people. The influences of religion have been multiplied and strengthened. The sweet offices of charity have greatly increased. The virtue of temperance is held in higher estimation. We have not attained an ideal condition. Not all of our people are happy and prosperous; not all of them are virtuous and law-abiding.But, on the whole, the opportunities offered to the individual to secure the comforts of life are better than are found elsewhere, and largely better than they were here 100 years ago.The surrender of a large measure of sovereignty to the general Government, effected by the adoption of the Constitution, was not accomplished until the suggestions of reason were strongly re-enforced by the more imperative voice of experience. The divergent interests of peace speedily demanded a "more perfect union." The merchant, the ship-master, and the manufacturer discovered and disclosed to our statesmen and to the people that commercial emancipation must be added to the political freedom which had been so bravely won. The commercial policy of the mother country had not relaxed any of its hard and oppressive features. To hold in check the development of our commercial marine, to prevent or retard the establishment and growth of manufactures in the States, and so to secure the American market for their shops and the carrying trade for their ships, was the policy of European statesmen, and was pursued with the most selfish vigor. Petitions poured in upon Congress urging the imposition of discriminating duties that should encourage the production of needed things at home. The patriotism of the people, which no longer found a field of exercise in war, was energetically directed to the duty of equipping the young republic for the defence of its independence by making its people self-dependent. Societies for the promotion of home manufactures and for encouraging the use of domestics in the dress of the people were organized in many of the States. The revival at the end of the century of the same patriotic interest in the preservation and development of domestic industries and the defence of our working people against injurious foreign competition is an incident worthy of attention.It is not a departure, but a return, that we have witnessed. The protective policy had then its opponents. The argument was made, as now, that its benefits inured to particular classes or sections. If the question became in any sense, or at any time, sectional, it was only because slavery existed in some of the States. But for this there was no reason why the cotton-producing States should not have led or walked abreast with the New England States in the production of cotton fabrics. There was this reason only why the States that divide with Pennsylvania the mineral treasures of the great southeastern and central mountain ranges should have been so tardy in bringing to the smelting furnace and the mill the coal and iron from their near opposing hillsides. Mill-fires were lighted at the funeral pile of slavery. The emancipation proclamation washeard in the depths of the earth as well as in the sky—men were made free and material things became our better servants.The sectional element has happily been eliminated from the tariff discussion. We have no longer States that are necessarily only planting States. None are excluded from achieving that diversification of pursuit among the people which brings wealth and contentment. The cotton plantation will not be less valuable when the product is spun in the country town by operatives whose necessities call for diversified crops and create a home demand for garden and agricultural products. Every new mine, furnace, and factory is an extension of the productive capacity of the State more real and valuable than added territory.Shall the prejudices and paralysis of slavery continue to hang upon the skirts of progress? How long will those who rejoice that slavery no longer exists cherish or tolerate the incapacities it puts upon their communities? I look hopefully to the continuance of our protective system and to the consequent development of manufacturing and mining enterprises in the States hitherto wholly given to agriculture as a potent influence in the perfect unification of our people. The men who have invested their capital in these enterprises, the farmers who have felt the benefit of their neighborhood, and the men who work in shop or field will not fail to find and to defend a community of interest. Is it not quite possible that the farmers and the promoters of the great mining and manufacturing enterprises which have recently been established in the South may yet find that the free ballot of the workingman, without distinction of race, is needed for their defence as well as for his own? I do not doubt that if these men in the South who now accept the tariff views of Clay and the constitutional expositions of Webster would courageously avow and defend their real convictions they would not find it difficult, by friendly instruction and co-operation, to make the black man their efficient and safe ally, not only in establishing correct principles in our national Administration, but in preserving for their local communities the benefits of social order and economical and honest government. At least until the good offices of kindness and education have been fairly tried the contrary conclusion cannot be plausibly urged.I have altogether rejected the suggestion of a special executive policy for any section of our country. It is the duty of the Executive to administer and enforce in the methods and by the instrumentalities pointed out and provided by the Constitution all the laws enacted by Congress. These laws are general, and their administration should be uniform and equal. As a citizen may notelect what laws he will obey, neither may the Executive elect which he will enforce. The duty to obey and execute embraces the Constitution in its entirety and the whole code of laws enacted under it. The evil example of permitting individuals, corporations, or communities to nullify the laws because they cross some selfish or local interests or prejudices is full of danger, not only to the Nation at large, but much more to those who use this pernicious expedient to escape their just obligations or to obtain an unjust advantage over others. They will presently themselves be compelled to appeal to the law for protection, and those who would use the law as a defence must not deny that use of it to others.If our great corporations would more scrupulously observe their legal obligations and duties they would have less cause to complain of the unlawful limitations of their rights or of violent interference with their operations. The community that by concert, open or secret, among its citizens denies to a portion of its members their plain rights under the law has severed the only safe bond of social order and prosperity. The evil works, from a bad centre, both ways. It demoralizes those who practise it, and destroys the faith of those who suffer by it in the efficiency of the law as a safe protector. The man in whose breast that faith has been darkened is naturally the subject of dangerous and uncanny suggestions. Those who use unlawful methods, if moved by no higher motive than the selfishness that prompts them, may well stop and inquire what is to be the end of this. An unlawful expedient cannot become a permanent condition of government. If the educated and influential classes in a community either practise or connive at the systematic violation of laws that seem to them to cross their convenience, what can they expect when the lesson that convenience or a supposed class interest is a sufficient cause for lawlessness has been well learned by the ignorant classes? A community where law is the rule of conduct, and where courts, not mobs, execute its penalties, is the only attractive field for business investments and honest labor.Our naturalization laws should be so amended as to make the inquiry into the character and good disposition of persons applying for citizenship more careful and searching. Our existing laws have been in their administration an unimpressive and often an unintelligible form. We accept the man as a citizen without any knowledge of his fitness, and he assumes the duties of citizenship without any knowledge as to what they are. The privileges of American citizenship are so great and its duties so grave that we may well insist upon a good knowledge of every person applying forcitizenship and a good knowledge by him of our institutions. We should not cease to be hospitable to immigration, but we should cease to be careless as to the character of it. There are men of all races, even the best, whose coming is necessarily a burden upon our public revenues or a threat to social order. These should be identified and excluded.We have happily maintained a policy of avoiding all interference with European affairs. We have been only interested spectators of their contentions in diplomacy and in war, ready to use our friendly offices to promote peace, but never obtruding our advice and never attempting unfairly to coin the distresses of other powers into commercial advantage to ourselves. We have a just right to expect that our European policy will be the American policy of European courts.It is so manifestly incompatible with those precautions for our peace and safety, which all the great powers habitually observe and enforce in matters affecting them, that a shorter water-way between our eastern and western seaboards should be dominated by any European Government, that we may confidently expect that such a purpose will not be entertained by any friendly power. We shall in the future, as in the past, use every endeavor to maintain and enlarge our friendly relations with all the great powers, but they will not expect us to look kindly upon any project that would leave us subject to the dangers of a hostile observation or environment.We have not sought to dominate or to absorb any of our weaker neighbors, but rather to aid and encourage them to establish free and stable governments, resting upon the consent of their own people. We have a clear right to expect, therefore, that no European Government will seek to establish colonial dependencies upon the territory of these independent American States. That which a sense of justice restrains us from seeking they may be reasonably expected willingly to forego.It must not be assumed, however, that our interests are so exclusively American that our entire inattention to any events that may transpire elsewhere can be taken for granted. Our citizens domiciled for purposes of trade in all countries and in many of the islands of the sea demand and will have our adequate care in their personal and commercial rights. The necessities of our navy require convenient coaling stations and dock and harbor privileges. These and other trading privileges we will feel free to obtain only by means that do not in any degree partake of coercion, however feeble the Government from which we ask such concessions. Buthaving fairly obtained them by methods and for purposes entirely consistent with the most friendly disposition toward all other powers, our consent will be necessary to any modification or impairment of the concession.We shall neither fail to respect the flag of any friendly nation or the just rights of its citizens, nor to exact the like treatment for our own. Calmness, justice, and consideration should characterize our diplomacy. The offices of an intelligent diplomacy or of friendly arbitration, in proper cases, should be adequate to the peaceful adjustment of all international difficulties. By such methods we will make our contribution to the world's peace, which no nation values more highly, and avoid the opprobrium which must fall upon the nation that ruthlessly breaks it.The duty devolved by law upon the President to nominate and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint all public officers whose appointment is not otherwise provided for in the Constitution or by act of Congress has become very burdensome, and its wise and efficient discharge full of difficulty. The civil list is so large that a personal knowledge of any large number of the applicants is impossible. The President must rely upon the representations of others, and these are often made inconsiderately and without any just sense of responsibility.I have a right, I think, to insist that those who volunteer or are invited to give advice as to appointments shall exercise consideration and fidelity. A high sense of duty and an ambition to improve the service should characterize all public officers. There are many ways in which the convenience and comfort of those who have business with our public officers may be promoted by a thoughtful and obliging officer, and I shall expect those whom I may appoint to justify their selection by a conspicuous efficiency in the discharge of their duties. Honorable party service will certainly not be esteemed by me a disqualification for public office; but it will in no case be allowed to serve as a shield for official negligence, incompetency, or delinquency. It is entirely creditable to seek public office by proper methods and with proper motives, and all applications will be treated with consideration; but I shall need, and the heads of departments will need, time for inquiry and deliberation. Persistent importunity will not, therefore, be the best support of an application for office.Heads of departments, bureaus, and all other public officers having any duty connected therewith, will be expected to enforce the Civil Service law fully and without evasion. Beyond this obvious duty I hope to do something more to advance the reform of thecivil service. The ideal, or even my own ideal, I shall probably not attain. Retrospect will be a safer basis of judgment than promises. We shall not, however, I am sure, be able to put our civil service upon a non-partisan basis until we have secured an incumbency that fair minded men of the opposition will approve for impartiality and integrity. As the number of such in the civil list is increased removals from office will diminish.While a treasury surplus is not the greatest evil, it is a serious evil. Our revenue should be ample to meet the ordinary annual demands upon our treasury, with a sufficient margin for those extraordinary but scarcely less imperative demands which arise now and then. Expenditure should always be made with economy, and only upon public necessity. Wastefulness, profligacy, or favoritism in public expenditures is criminal; but there is nothing in the condition of our country or of our people to suggest that anything presently necessary to the public prosperity, security, or honor should be unduly postponed. It will be the duty of Congress wisely to forecast and estimate these extraordinary demands, and, having added them to our ordinary expenditures, to so adjust our revenue laws that no considerable annual surplus will remain. We will fortunately be able to apply to the redemption of the public debt any small and unforeseen excess of revenue. This is better than to reduce our income below our necessary expenditures with the resulting choice between another change of our revenue laws and an increase of the public debt. It is quite possible, I am sure, to effect the necessary reduction in our revenues without breaking down our protective tariff or seriously injuring any domestic industry.The construction of a sufficient number of modern war ships and of their necessary armament should progress as rapidly as is consistent with care and perfection in plans and workmanship. The spirit, courage, and skill of our naval officers and seamen have many times in our history given to weak ships and inefficient guns a rating greatly beyond that of the naval list. That they will again do so upon occasion I do not doubt; but they ought not, by premeditation or neglect, to be left to the risks and exigencies of an unequal combat.We should encourage the establishment of American steamship lines. The exchanges of commerce demand stated, reliable, and rapid means of communication, and until these are provided the development of our trade with the States lying south of us is impossible.Our pension law should give more adequate and discriminatingrelief to the Union soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. Such occasions as this should remind us that we owe everything to their valor and sacrifice.It is a subject of congratulation that there is a near prospect of the admission into the Union of the Dakotas and Montana and Washington Territories. This act of justice has been unreasonably delayed in the case of some of them. The people who have settled those Territories are intelligent, enterprising, and patriotic, and the accession of these new States will add strength to the Nation. It is due to the settlers in the Territories who have availed themselves of the invitations of our land laws to make homes upon the public domain that their titles should be speedily adjusted and their honest entries confirmed by patent.It is very gratifying to observe the general interest now being manifested in the reform of our election laws. Those who have been for years calling attention to the pressing necessity of throwing about the ballot-box and about the elector further safeguards, in order that our elections might not only be free and pure, but might clearly appear to be so, will welcome the accession of any who did not so soon discover the need of reform. The national Congress has not as yet taken control of elections in that case over which the Constitution gives it jurisdiction, but has accepted and adopted the election laws of the several States, provided penalties for their violation and a method of supervision. Only the inefficiency of the State laws or an unfair partisan administration of them could suggest a departure from this policy. It was clearly, however, in the contemplation of the framers of the Constitution that such an exigency might arise, and provision was wisely made for it. No power vested in Congress or in the Executive to secure or perpetuate it should remain unused upon occasion.The people of all the Congressional districts have an equal interest that the election in each shall truly express the views and wishes of a majority of the qualified electors residing within it. The results of such elections are not local, and the insistence of electors residing in other districts that they shall be pure and free does not savor at all of impertinence. If in any of the States the public security is thought to be threatened by ignorance among the electors, the obvious remedy is education. The sympathy and help of our people will not be withheld from any community struggling with special embarrassments or difficulties connected with the suffrage, if the remedies proposed proceed upon lawful lines and are promoted by just and honorable methods. How shall those who practise election frauds recover that respect for the sanctity of theballot which is the first condition and obligation of good citizenship? The man who has come to regard the ballot-box as a juggler's hat has renounced his allegiance.Let us exalt patriotism and moderate our party contentions. Let those who would die for the flag on the field of battle give a better proof of their patriotism and a higher glory to their country by promoting fraternity and justice. A party success that is achieved by unfair methods or by practices that partake of revolution is hurtful and evanescent, even from a party standpoint. We should hold our differing opinions in mutual respect, and, having submitted them to the arbitrament of the ballot, should accept an adverse judgment with the same respect that we would have demanded of our opponents if the decision had been in our favor.No other people have a government more worthy of their respect and love, or a land so magnificent in extent, so pleasant to look upon, and so full of generous suggestion to enterprise and labor. God has placed upon our head a diadem, and has laid at our feet power and wealth beyond definition or calculation. But we must not forget that we take these gifts upon the condition that justice and mercy shall hold the reins of power, and that the upward avenues of hope shall be free to all the people.I do not mistrust the future. Dangers have been in frequent ambush along our path, but we have uncovered and vanquished them all. Passion has swept some of our communities, but only to give us a new demonstration that the great body of our people are stable, patriotic, and law-abiding. No political party can long pursue advantage at the expense of public honor or by rude and indecent methods, without protest and fatal disaffection in its own body. The peaceful agencies of commerce are more fully revealing the necessary unity of all our communities, and the increasing intercourse of our people is promoting mutual respect. We shall find unalloyed pleasure in the revelation which our next census will make of the swift development of the great resources of some of the States. Each State will bring its generous contribution to the great aggregate of the Nation's increase. And when the harvest from the fields, the cattle from the hills, and the ores of the earth shall have been weighed, counted, and valued, we will turn from them all to crown with the highest honor the State that has most promoted education, virtue, justice, and patriotism among the people.

This occasion derives peculiar interest from the fact that the presidential term which begins this day is the twenty-sixth under our Constitution. The first inauguration of President Washington took place in New York, where Congress was then sitting, on April 30, 1789, having been deferred by reason of delays attending theorganization of the Congress and the canvass of the electoral vote. Our people have already worthily observed the centennials of the Declaration of Independence, of the battle of Yorktown, and of the adoption of the Constitution, and will shortly celebrate in New York the institution of the second great department of our constitutional scheme of government. When the centennial of the institution of the judicial department by the organization of the Supreme Court shall have been suitably observed, as I trust it will be, our Nation will have fully entered its second century.

I will not attempt to note the marvellous and, in great part, happy contrasts between our country as it steps over the threshold into its second century of organized existence under the Constitution, and that weak but wisely ordered young Nation that looked undauntedly down the first century, when all its years stretched out before it.

Our people will not fail at this time to recall the incidents which accompanied the institution of government under the Constitution, or to find inspiration and guidance in the teachings and example of Washington and his great associates, and hope and courage in the contrast which thirty-eight populous and prosperous States offer to the thirteen States, weak in everything except courage and the love of liberty, that then fringed our Atlantic seaboard.

The Territory of Dakota has now a population greater than any of the original States—except Virginia—and greater than the aggregate of five of the smaller States in 1790. The centre of population when our national capital was located was east of Baltimore, and it was argued by many well-informed persons that it would move eastward rather than westward. Yet in 1880 it was found to be near Cincinnati, and the new census, about to be taken, will show another stride to the westward. That which was the body has come to be only the rich fringe of the nation's robe. But our growth has not been limited to territory, population, and aggregate wealth, marvellous as it has been in each of those directions. The masses of our people are better fed, clothed, and housed than their fathers were. The facilities for popular education have been vastly enlarged and more generally diffused. The virtues of courage and patriotism have given recent proof of their continued presence and increasing power in the hearts and over the lives of our people. The influences of religion have been multiplied and strengthened. The sweet offices of charity have greatly increased. The virtue of temperance is held in higher estimation. We have not attained an ideal condition. Not all of our people are happy and prosperous; not all of them are virtuous and law-abiding.But, on the whole, the opportunities offered to the individual to secure the comforts of life are better than are found elsewhere, and largely better than they were here 100 years ago.

The surrender of a large measure of sovereignty to the general Government, effected by the adoption of the Constitution, was not accomplished until the suggestions of reason were strongly re-enforced by the more imperative voice of experience. The divergent interests of peace speedily demanded a "more perfect union." The merchant, the ship-master, and the manufacturer discovered and disclosed to our statesmen and to the people that commercial emancipation must be added to the political freedom which had been so bravely won. The commercial policy of the mother country had not relaxed any of its hard and oppressive features. To hold in check the development of our commercial marine, to prevent or retard the establishment and growth of manufactures in the States, and so to secure the American market for their shops and the carrying trade for their ships, was the policy of European statesmen, and was pursued with the most selfish vigor. Petitions poured in upon Congress urging the imposition of discriminating duties that should encourage the production of needed things at home. The patriotism of the people, which no longer found a field of exercise in war, was energetically directed to the duty of equipping the young republic for the defence of its independence by making its people self-dependent. Societies for the promotion of home manufactures and for encouraging the use of domestics in the dress of the people were organized in many of the States. The revival at the end of the century of the same patriotic interest in the preservation and development of domestic industries and the defence of our working people against injurious foreign competition is an incident worthy of attention.

It is not a departure, but a return, that we have witnessed. The protective policy had then its opponents. The argument was made, as now, that its benefits inured to particular classes or sections. If the question became in any sense, or at any time, sectional, it was only because slavery existed in some of the States. But for this there was no reason why the cotton-producing States should not have led or walked abreast with the New England States in the production of cotton fabrics. There was this reason only why the States that divide with Pennsylvania the mineral treasures of the great southeastern and central mountain ranges should have been so tardy in bringing to the smelting furnace and the mill the coal and iron from their near opposing hillsides. Mill-fires were lighted at the funeral pile of slavery. The emancipation proclamation washeard in the depths of the earth as well as in the sky—men were made free and material things became our better servants.

The sectional element has happily been eliminated from the tariff discussion. We have no longer States that are necessarily only planting States. None are excluded from achieving that diversification of pursuit among the people which brings wealth and contentment. The cotton plantation will not be less valuable when the product is spun in the country town by operatives whose necessities call for diversified crops and create a home demand for garden and agricultural products. Every new mine, furnace, and factory is an extension of the productive capacity of the State more real and valuable than added territory.

Shall the prejudices and paralysis of slavery continue to hang upon the skirts of progress? How long will those who rejoice that slavery no longer exists cherish or tolerate the incapacities it puts upon their communities? I look hopefully to the continuance of our protective system and to the consequent development of manufacturing and mining enterprises in the States hitherto wholly given to agriculture as a potent influence in the perfect unification of our people. The men who have invested their capital in these enterprises, the farmers who have felt the benefit of their neighborhood, and the men who work in shop or field will not fail to find and to defend a community of interest. Is it not quite possible that the farmers and the promoters of the great mining and manufacturing enterprises which have recently been established in the South may yet find that the free ballot of the workingman, without distinction of race, is needed for their defence as well as for his own? I do not doubt that if these men in the South who now accept the tariff views of Clay and the constitutional expositions of Webster would courageously avow and defend their real convictions they would not find it difficult, by friendly instruction and co-operation, to make the black man their efficient and safe ally, not only in establishing correct principles in our national Administration, but in preserving for their local communities the benefits of social order and economical and honest government. At least until the good offices of kindness and education have been fairly tried the contrary conclusion cannot be plausibly urged.

I have altogether rejected the suggestion of a special executive policy for any section of our country. It is the duty of the Executive to administer and enforce in the methods and by the instrumentalities pointed out and provided by the Constitution all the laws enacted by Congress. These laws are general, and their administration should be uniform and equal. As a citizen may notelect what laws he will obey, neither may the Executive elect which he will enforce. The duty to obey and execute embraces the Constitution in its entirety and the whole code of laws enacted under it. The evil example of permitting individuals, corporations, or communities to nullify the laws because they cross some selfish or local interests or prejudices is full of danger, not only to the Nation at large, but much more to those who use this pernicious expedient to escape their just obligations or to obtain an unjust advantage over others. They will presently themselves be compelled to appeal to the law for protection, and those who would use the law as a defence must not deny that use of it to others.

If our great corporations would more scrupulously observe their legal obligations and duties they would have less cause to complain of the unlawful limitations of their rights or of violent interference with their operations. The community that by concert, open or secret, among its citizens denies to a portion of its members their plain rights under the law has severed the only safe bond of social order and prosperity. The evil works, from a bad centre, both ways. It demoralizes those who practise it, and destroys the faith of those who suffer by it in the efficiency of the law as a safe protector. The man in whose breast that faith has been darkened is naturally the subject of dangerous and uncanny suggestions. Those who use unlawful methods, if moved by no higher motive than the selfishness that prompts them, may well stop and inquire what is to be the end of this. An unlawful expedient cannot become a permanent condition of government. If the educated and influential classes in a community either practise or connive at the systematic violation of laws that seem to them to cross their convenience, what can they expect when the lesson that convenience or a supposed class interest is a sufficient cause for lawlessness has been well learned by the ignorant classes? A community where law is the rule of conduct, and where courts, not mobs, execute its penalties, is the only attractive field for business investments and honest labor.

Our naturalization laws should be so amended as to make the inquiry into the character and good disposition of persons applying for citizenship more careful and searching. Our existing laws have been in their administration an unimpressive and often an unintelligible form. We accept the man as a citizen without any knowledge of his fitness, and he assumes the duties of citizenship without any knowledge as to what they are. The privileges of American citizenship are so great and its duties so grave that we may well insist upon a good knowledge of every person applying forcitizenship and a good knowledge by him of our institutions. We should not cease to be hospitable to immigration, but we should cease to be careless as to the character of it. There are men of all races, even the best, whose coming is necessarily a burden upon our public revenues or a threat to social order. These should be identified and excluded.

We have happily maintained a policy of avoiding all interference with European affairs. We have been only interested spectators of their contentions in diplomacy and in war, ready to use our friendly offices to promote peace, but never obtruding our advice and never attempting unfairly to coin the distresses of other powers into commercial advantage to ourselves. We have a just right to expect that our European policy will be the American policy of European courts.

It is so manifestly incompatible with those precautions for our peace and safety, which all the great powers habitually observe and enforce in matters affecting them, that a shorter water-way between our eastern and western seaboards should be dominated by any European Government, that we may confidently expect that such a purpose will not be entertained by any friendly power. We shall in the future, as in the past, use every endeavor to maintain and enlarge our friendly relations with all the great powers, but they will not expect us to look kindly upon any project that would leave us subject to the dangers of a hostile observation or environment.

We have not sought to dominate or to absorb any of our weaker neighbors, but rather to aid and encourage them to establish free and stable governments, resting upon the consent of their own people. We have a clear right to expect, therefore, that no European Government will seek to establish colonial dependencies upon the territory of these independent American States. That which a sense of justice restrains us from seeking they may be reasonably expected willingly to forego.

It must not be assumed, however, that our interests are so exclusively American that our entire inattention to any events that may transpire elsewhere can be taken for granted. Our citizens domiciled for purposes of trade in all countries and in many of the islands of the sea demand and will have our adequate care in their personal and commercial rights. The necessities of our navy require convenient coaling stations and dock and harbor privileges. These and other trading privileges we will feel free to obtain only by means that do not in any degree partake of coercion, however feeble the Government from which we ask such concessions. Buthaving fairly obtained them by methods and for purposes entirely consistent with the most friendly disposition toward all other powers, our consent will be necessary to any modification or impairment of the concession.

We shall neither fail to respect the flag of any friendly nation or the just rights of its citizens, nor to exact the like treatment for our own. Calmness, justice, and consideration should characterize our diplomacy. The offices of an intelligent diplomacy or of friendly arbitration, in proper cases, should be adequate to the peaceful adjustment of all international difficulties. By such methods we will make our contribution to the world's peace, which no nation values more highly, and avoid the opprobrium which must fall upon the nation that ruthlessly breaks it.

The duty devolved by law upon the President to nominate and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint all public officers whose appointment is not otherwise provided for in the Constitution or by act of Congress has become very burdensome, and its wise and efficient discharge full of difficulty. The civil list is so large that a personal knowledge of any large number of the applicants is impossible. The President must rely upon the representations of others, and these are often made inconsiderately and without any just sense of responsibility.

I have a right, I think, to insist that those who volunteer or are invited to give advice as to appointments shall exercise consideration and fidelity. A high sense of duty and an ambition to improve the service should characterize all public officers. There are many ways in which the convenience and comfort of those who have business with our public officers may be promoted by a thoughtful and obliging officer, and I shall expect those whom I may appoint to justify their selection by a conspicuous efficiency in the discharge of their duties. Honorable party service will certainly not be esteemed by me a disqualification for public office; but it will in no case be allowed to serve as a shield for official negligence, incompetency, or delinquency. It is entirely creditable to seek public office by proper methods and with proper motives, and all applications will be treated with consideration; but I shall need, and the heads of departments will need, time for inquiry and deliberation. Persistent importunity will not, therefore, be the best support of an application for office.

Heads of departments, bureaus, and all other public officers having any duty connected therewith, will be expected to enforce the Civil Service law fully and without evasion. Beyond this obvious duty I hope to do something more to advance the reform of thecivil service. The ideal, or even my own ideal, I shall probably not attain. Retrospect will be a safer basis of judgment than promises. We shall not, however, I am sure, be able to put our civil service upon a non-partisan basis until we have secured an incumbency that fair minded men of the opposition will approve for impartiality and integrity. As the number of such in the civil list is increased removals from office will diminish.

While a treasury surplus is not the greatest evil, it is a serious evil. Our revenue should be ample to meet the ordinary annual demands upon our treasury, with a sufficient margin for those extraordinary but scarcely less imperative demands which arise now and then. Expenditure should always be made with economy, and only upon public necessity. Wastefulness, profligacy, or favoritism in public expenditures is criminal; but there is nothing in the condition of our country or of our people to suggest that anything presently necessary to the public prosperity, security, or honor should be unduly postponed. It will be the duty of Congress wisely to forecast and estimate these extraordinary demands, and, having added them to our ordinary expenditures, to so adjust our revenue laws that no considerable annual surplus will remain. We will fortunately be able to apply to the redemption of the public debt any small and unforeseen excess of revenue. This is better than to reduce our income below our necessary expenditures with the resulting choice between another change of our revenue laws and an increase of the public debt. It is quite possible, I am sure, to effect the necessary reduction in our revenues without breaking down our protective tariff or seriously injuring any domestic industry.

The construction of a sufficient number of modern war ships and of their necessary armament should progress as rapidly as is consistent with care and perfection in plans and workmanship. The spirit, courage, and skill of our naval officers and seamen have many times in our history given to weak ships and inefficient guns a rating greatly beyond that of the naval list. That they will again do so upon occasion I do not doubt; but they ought not, by premeditation or neglect, to be left to the risks and exigencies of an unequal combat.

We should encourage the establishment of American steamship lines. The exchanges of commerce demand stated, reliable, and rapid means of communication, and until these are provided the development of our trade with the States lying south of us is impossible.

Our pension law should give more adequate and discriminatingrelief to the Union soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. Such occasions as this should remind us that we owe everything to their valor and sacrifice.

It is a subject of congratulation that there is a near prospect of the admission into the Union of the Dakotas and Montana and Washington Territories. This act of justice has been unreasonably delayed in the case of some of them. The people who have settled those Territories are intelligent, enterprising, and patriotic, and the accession of these new States will add strength to the Nation. It is due to the settlers in the Territories who have availed themselves of the invitations of our land laws to make homes upon the public domain that their titles should be speedily adjusted and their honest entries confirmed by patent.

It is very gratifying to observe the general interest now being manifested in the reform of our election laws. Those who have been for years calling attention to the pressing necessity of throwing about the ballot-box and about the elector further safeguards, in order that our elections might not only be free and pure, but might clearly appear to be so, will welcome the accession of any who did not so soon discover the need of reform. The national Congress has not as yet taken control of elections in that case over which the Constitution gives it jurisdiction, but has accepted and adopted the election laws of the several States, provided penalties for their violation and a method of supervision. Only the inefficiency of the State laws or an unfair partisan administration of them could suggest a departure from this policy. It was clearly, however, in the contemplation of the framers of the Constitution that such an exigency might arise, and provision was wisely made for it. No power vested in Congress or in the Executive to secure or perpetuate it should remain unused upon occasion.

The people of all the Congressional districts have an equal interest that the election in each shall truly express the views and wishes of a majority of the qualified electors residing within it. The results of such elections are not local, and the insistence of electors residing in other districts that they shall be pure and free does not savor at all of impertinence. If in any of the States the public security is thought to be threatened by ignorance among the electors, the obvious remedy is education. The sympathy and help of our people will not be withheld from any community struggling with special embarrassments or difficulties connected with the suffrage, if the remedies proposed proceed upon lawful lines and are promoted by just and honorable methods. How shall those who practise election frauds recover that respect for the sanctity of theballot which is the first condition and obligation of good citizenship? The man who has come to regard the ballot-box as a juggler's hat has renounced his allegiance.

Let us exalt patriotism and moderate our party contentions. Let those who would die for the flag on the field of battle give a better proof of their patriotism and a higher glory to their country by promoting fraternity and justice. A party success that is achieved by unfair methods or by practices that partake of revolution is hurtful and evanescent, even from a party standpoint. We should hold our differing opinions in mutual respect, and, having submitted them to the arbitrament of the ballot, should accept an adverse judgment with the same respect that we would have demanded of our opponents if the decision had been in our favor.

No other people have a government more worthy of their respect and love, or a land so magnificent in extent, so pleasant to look upon, and so full of generous suggestion to enterprise and labor. God has placed upon our head a diadem, and has laid at our feet power and wealth beyond definition or calculation. But we must not forget that we take these gifts upon the condition that justice and mercy shall hold the reins of power, and that the upward avenues of hope shall be free to all the people.

I do not mistrust the future. Dangers have been in frequent ambush along our path, but we have uncovered and vanquished them all. Passion has swept some of our communities, but only to give us a new demonstration that the great body of our people are stable, patriotic, and law-abiding. No political party can long pursue advantage at the expense of public honor or by rude and indecent methods, without protest and fatal disaffection in its own body. The peaceful agencies of commerce are more fully revealing the necessary unity of all our communities, and the increasing intercourse of our people is promoting mutual respect. We shall find unalloyed pleasure in the revelation which our next census will make of the swift development of the great resources of some of the States. Each State will bring its generous contribution to the great aggregate of the Nation's increase. And when the harvest from the fields, the cattle from the hills, and the ores of the earth shall have been weighed, counted, and valued, we will turn from them all to crown with the highest honor the State that has most promoted education, virtue, justice, and patriotism among the people.

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