REFERENCE.
A.Pwanting Qua Street.B.New China Street.C.Old China Street.X Guard House.D.Hog Lane.E.The Creek.F.Jack Ass Point.L.Old Clothes Street.N.Old Tom Linguist.O.Carpenters Square.P.Bridge Over Creek.G.H.J.Custom Houses.K.King Qua's Hong.M.Mau Qua's Hong.H.Hou Qua's Hong.X.Honam Joss House.Y.Hou Qua's House.Z.Pwanting Qua's House.CH.Consoo House.
The words Factory and Hong were interchangeable, although not identical. The former, as will have been seen, consisted of dwellings and offices combined. The latter not only contained numerous offices foremployés, cooks, messengers, weighmasters, &c., but were of vast extent, and capable of receiving an entire ship's cargo, as well as quantities of teas and silk. When speaking of their own residences, foreigners generally used the word 'Factories;' when of a Hong merchant's place of business, the word Hong. The Swedish Factory, however, seemed to enjoy the distinction of going by its Chinese appellation, viz. 'Suy-Hong.'[10]
I have been thus specific in the description of these world-renowned Factories, as they were subsequently razed to the ground consequent upon Sir Michael Seymour's bombardment of the city of Canton. When Ilast visited the site, nearly thirty-five years after I first took up my residence in them, it was literally unrecognisable. It presented a scene, the desolation of desolation; there remained not one stone upon another! For more than one hundred years they had formed the sole residence of foreigners within the limits of the vast Chinese Empire. The business transacted within their walls was incalculable, and I think I am safe in saying that from the novelty of the life, the social good feeling and unbounded hospitality always mutually existing; from the facility of all dealings with the Chinese who were assigned to transact business with us, together with their proverbial honesty, combined with a sense of perfect security to person and property, scarcely a resident of any lengthened time, in short, any 'Old Canton,' but finally left them with regret.
In no part of the world could the authorities have exercised a more vigilant care over the personal safety of strangers who of their own free will came to live in the midst of a population whose customs and prejudices were so opposed to everything foreign, and yet the Chinese Government was bound by no treaty obligations tospeciallyprovide protection for them. They dwelt at Canton purely on sufferance. Neither Consul nor any other official representative from abroad was directly acknowledged as such, and yet the solicitude of the local government never flagged. In addition to the guards always posted at the corner of the American Hong and Old China Street, others were stationed in various directions in the suburbs frequented by foreigners, in order that any Chinese who might be troublesome could be driven off, or that they could escort back tothe factories those who were uncertain of their whereabouts.
During the north-east monsoon fires were quite frequent in the densely populated suburbs lying north of the factories. When they threatened the foreign quarter the Hong merchants, acting in consonance with the known wishes of the Mandarins, would send gangs of armed coolies to assist in the removal to boats provided by them of books, papers, treasure, and personal effects. All strange Chinese would be ruthlessly driven from the Square, and an unobstructed passage to the boats secured. I have witnessed this repeatedly. Should a foreigner get into a disturbance in the street, and it was generally safe to say it was through his own fault, the Chinamen went to the wall. When a mob of many thousand ruffians invaded the Factory Square, as in November 1838, shortly preceding the opium surrender, and with stones and missiles of all sorts drove the foreigners inside their gates, which they were forced to barricade, a not unnatural anxiety prevailed amongst us as to what might be the result. Yet this attack wascaused by foreigners, who interfered with the Mandarinswhile attempting to carry out Government orders.
All foreigners who came to Canton, from the first arrivals, were considered as having no other object than that of commerce. The English and the Dutch made their appearance in the first half of the seventeenth century; successively arrived, the Danes, Swedes, and Austrians (Imperialists). The Spaniards invited the Chinese to their new settlement at Manila for a time, and afterwards they themselves came to the provincial city.
Some amongst these different nationalities, tradition said the Dutch, hadred hair, which led the Chinesefacetiously to apply the term 'Red-headed Devils' ever after to all foreigners alike. They themselves give to the whole of their own race the name of 'Black Hair'd.'
The authorities framed eight regulations for the especial government and control of these divers people from afar. They date from the year 1760, and are curious enough to recall. Never having been abrogated, they were assumed to be in force always. They were confirmed by an edict of the Emperor Kea-King in 1819, after a revision in 1810. Some of them came to be disregarded by the foreign community, particularly those referring to the Gardens, the Honam Temple, and pulling in their own boats on the river; but so far as regards women entering the Factories, an infringement of them in this essential particular took place in 1830, as will be seen hereafter. The chief sufferers in the event of a disregard of any important item of the regulations would of course be the Hong merchants. The 'Eight Regulations' were now and then brought to the Factories by a Linguist, as an intimation that they were not to be considered a 'dead letter.' Translated into English they read thus——
Regulation 1.—All vessels of war are prohibited from entering the Bogue. Vessels of war acting as convoy to merchantmen must anchor outside at Sea till their merchant-ships are ready to depart, and then sail away with them.Regulation 2.—Neither women, guns, spears, nor arms of any kind can be brought to the Factories.Regulation 3.—All river-pilots and ships' Compradores must be registered at the office of the 'Tung-Che'[11]at Macao. That officer will also furnish each one of them with a licence, or badge, which must be worn around the waist. He must produceit whenever called for. All other boatmen and people must not have communication with foreigners, unless under the immediate control of the ships' Compradores; and should smuggling take place, the Compradore[12]of the ship engaged in it will be punished.Regulation 4.—Each Factory is restricted for its service to 8 Chinese (irrespective of the number of its occupants), say 2 porters, 4 water-carriers, 1 person to take care of goods ('go-down coolie'), and 1 mā-chen (intended for the foreign word 'merchant'), who originally performed all the duties of the 'House Compradore,' as he is styled to-day.Regulation 5prohibits foreigners from rowing about the river in their own boats for 'pleasure.' On the 8th, 18th, and 28th days of the moon 'they may take the air,' as fixed by the Government in the 21st year of Kea-King (1819). All ships' boats passing the Custom-houses on the river must be detained and examined, to guard against guns, swords, or firearms being furtively carried in them. On the 8th, 18th, and 28th days of the moon these foreign barbarians may visit the Flower Gardens and the Honam Joss-house,[13]but not indrovesof over ten at one time. When they have 'refreshed' they must return to the Factories, not be allowed to pass the night 'out,' or collect together to carouse. Should they do so, then, when the next 'holiday' comes, they shall not be permitted to go. If the ten should presume to enter villages, public places, or bazaars, punishment will be inflicted upon theLinguistwho accompanies them.Regulation 6.—Foreigners are not allowed to present petitions. If they have anything to represent, it must be done through the Hong merchants.Regulation 7.—Hong merchants are not to owe debts to foreigners. Smuggling goods to and from the city is prohibited.Regulation 8.—Foreign ships arriving with merchandise must not loiter about outside the river; they must come directto Whampoa. They must not rove about the bays at pleasure and sell to rascally natives goods subject to duty, that these may smuggle them, and thereby defraud His Celestial Majesty's revenue.
Regulation 1.—All vessels of war are prohibited from entering the Bogue. Vessels of war acting as convoy to merchantmen must anchor outside at Sea till their merchant-ships are ready to depart, and then sail away with them.
Regulation 2.—Neither women, guns, spears, nor arms of any kind can be brought to the Factories.
Regulation 3.—All river-pilots and ships' Compradores must be registered at the office of the 'Tung-Che'[11]at Macao. That officer will also furnish each one of them with a licence, or badge, which must be worn around the waist. He must produceit whenever called for. All other boatmen and people must not have communication with foreigners, unless under the immediate control of the ships' Compradores; and should smuggling take place, the Compradore[12]of the ship engaged in it will be punished.
Regulation 4.—Each Factory is restricted for its service to 8 Chinese (irrespective of the number of its occupants), say 2 porters, 4 water-carriers, 1 person to take care of goods ('go-down coolie'), and 1 mā-chen (intended for the foreign word 'merchant'), who originally performed all the duties of the 'House Compradore,' as he is styled to-day.
Regulation 5prohibits foreigners from rowing about the river in their own boats for 'pleasure.' On the 8th, 18th, and 28th days of the moon 'they may take the air,' as fixed by the Government in the 21st year of Kea-King (1819). All ships' boats passing the Custom-houses on the river must be detained and examined, to guard against guns, swords, or firearms being furtively carried in them. On the 8th, 18th, and 28th days of the moon these foreign barbarians may visit the Flower Gardens and the Honam Joss-house,[13]but not indrovesof over ten at one time. When they have 'refreshed' they must return to the Factories, not be allowed to pass the night 'out,' or collect together to carouse. Should they do so, then, when the next 'holiday' comes, they shall not be permitted to go. If the ten should presume to enter villages, public places, or bazaars, punishment will be inflicted upon theLinguistwho accompanies them.
Regulation 6.—Foreigners are not allowed to present petitions. If they have anything to represent, it must be done through the Hong merchants.
Regulation 7.—Hong merchants are not to owe debts to foreigners. Smuggling goods to and from the city is prohibited.
Regulation 8.—Foreign ships arriving with merchandise must not loiter about outside the river; they must come directto Whampoa. They must not rove about the bays at pleasure and sell to rascally natives goods subject to duty, that these may smuggle them, and thereby defraud His Celestial Majesty's revenue.
Originally there existed two English East India Companies, the oldest of which was incorporated in 1579. In the year 1600 they amalgamated, and received a charter from Queen Elizabeth. At the same time they assumed the title of the 'United East India Company,' and as a trade-mark, a heart with two transverse bars, bearing in the four divisions thus formed the letters V. E. I. C.
This trade-mark had acquired such a well-merited reputation at Canton, that it was considered unnecessary to examine any package of merchandise that bore it. A simple exhibition of musters was made, when transactions were concluded, and the original packages forwarded unopened to all parts of the Empire. The Company's vessels first arrived at Canton between 1650 and 1660, and tea was first used in England in 1666.
By the Chinese the Company was known as Kung-Se, the characters signify 'United Affairs.' By the Canton community its representatives collectively were universally referred to as 'The Factory.' They were much more numerous than the members of any other establishment. In 1825, the 'Factory' consisted of Sir James Urmston, chief; Messrs. W. H. C. Plowden, Marjoribanks, and J. F. Davis, of whom two, with the chief, formed a select committee; of writers (as usually called) therewere about twenty; an inspector of teas, Mr. Reeves; chaplain, the Rev. R. H. Vachell; surgeons, Pierson and Colledge; and an interpreter, the Rev. Dr. Robert Morrison.
The 'Factory' entertained with unbounded hospitality and in a princely style. Their dining-room was of vast dimensions, opening upon the terrace overlooking the river. On the left was a library, amply stocked, the librarian of which was Dr. Pierson; on the right a billiard room. At one extremity of the dining-room was a life-size portrait of George IV. in royal robes, with crown and sceptre, the same that had been taken by the Embassy of Lord Amherst to Pekin, offered to and refused by the Emperor Keen-Lung, and brought to Canton overland. Opposite to it hung a smaller full-length portrait of Lord Amherst.
From the ceiling depended a row of huge chandeliers, with wax lights, the table bore candelabra, reflecting a choice service amidst quantities of silver plate.
I was glad to have witnessed this sight, unique in that distant quarter of the world, to reach which the old adage would apply, 'it was not every one who could get to Corinth.' Soon after I landed at Canton, I had the honour of a first invitation to dine with the 'Factory' and must confess that at my then age I accepted it with fear and trepidation. One of theinvitéfrom the Suy-Hong, Mr. Oliver H. Gordon, accompanied me. Our way led through the great outer gate, past the 'chapel' whose spire bore conspicuously a large clock, the only one in Canton, and by which everyone regulated his watch; then up a broad flight of stone steps to a verandah, crossing which one entered the library and reception room as well. When the hosts and theguests had assembled, large folding doors were opened and we entered the noble dining-room, whose brilliancy and cheerfulness and gorgeously furnished table I seenow. At the remote end of the room were grouped the Chinese servants of the Factory and of the guests, in caps and long robes, who immediately took up their places behind their respective masters as soon as seated.
About thirty gentlemen were present, including Mr. Bletterman, chief of the 'Maatschappay;'[14]Mr. Hollingworth Magniac, of the 'licensed' house of Magniac & Co. (predecessors of the present firm of Jardine, Matheson, & Co.); Mr. Thomas Dent, of another 'licensed' firm, Thomas Dent & Co.; and several of my own countrymen, including Mr. Benjamin C. Wilcox and John R. Latimer.
But the days of the Honourable East India Company were now unconsciously drawing to an end. It had existed for 250 years! It ceased as a 'commercial' body in 1833. Many members of the 'Factory' were then removed to India and there took up civil appointments. Messrs. Astell and Clarke alone remained at Canton to close up outstanding affairs, and finally left in December 1839. Twenty-five more years were accorded to the Company after 1833 to transfer to the Crown the splendid empire those enterprising merchants had founded in India, and in 1858 its sun set—politically.
Few now remain who witnessed the final breaking up and departure of 'the Factory' from Canton; personally, there was much regret, as it had always been a marked feature in the community. The 'Outside' Merchants, unshackled from licenses, hailed it as anauspicious day, opening up to them visions of prosperity, which soon assumed the form and substance of reality. As an event to be placed 'on record' as the Chinese say, the first 'free ship' with 'free teas' was loaded at Whampoa and despatched for London on March 22, 1834, by the still existing house of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, & Co. The vessel was named the 'Sarah,' Captain Whiteside.
The principal teas shipped by the Company were Bohea and Congo. One may judge of their qualities by their selling in England from 'two shillings and sixpence up to sixty shillings per pound, while sound common Congo is selling to-day at sixpence farthing'! (Messrs. J. C. Sillar & Co's tea circular of February, 1881.) The Company imported English-made woollens and cottons and raw cotton from India. The most important of the licensed houses in 1825 were Magniac & Co., Thomas Dent & Co., Ilberry, Fearon & Co., Whiteman & Co., and Robertson, Cullen, & Co. (Colonel Fearon, who commanded the detachment of troops on board the East India Company's ship 'Kent,' burnt in the Bay of Biscay, 1825, on her way to Calcutta, was a brother of the Mr. Fearon just named.) Their transactions were with India, and in the aggregate on a very extensive scale. They received raw cotton from the three Presidencies; opium from Bombay and Calcutta; rice, pepper, tin, &c., from the Straits of Malacca. The local name for their business was the 'Country Trade' the ships were 'Country Ships' and the masters of them 'Country Captains.' Some of my readers may recall a dish which was often placed before us, when dining on board these vessels at Whampoa, viz., 'Country Captain.' Theships were 'Country' built as well, and of teak; they were not fast sailers, but comfortable and substantial. They made one voyage annually, rolling up the China Sea before the south-west monsoon and rolling down again with the north-east. Some of them, as the 'Sulimany,' the 'Fort William,' the 'Futty Salaam,' were not far from their eightieth birthday.
The Hong merchants (collectively, the Co-Hong) as a body corporate date from 1720. From that year, except for a short interval before 1725, they were the monopolists of the foreign trade. The principal ones, in 1825, were Houqua, Mouqua, Pwankeiqua, Pwansuylan, Chungqua, Kingqua, and Gouqua. The affixqua, which is usually supposed to be a part of the name, is simply a term of civility or respect, and is equivalent to Mister or Sir. The word means literally to 'manage' or 'control.' The number of the 'Co-Hong' was limited to thirteen.
Their establishments commenced on the creek already referred to, and extended eastward on the riverside, whereby the shipping off and landing of cargo were attended with great facilities. They were the 'warehouses' in which were received all the teas and silk from the interior, and in which these articles were repacked, if necessary, weighed, matted, and marked, before being sent to the ships at Whampoa. The boats in which they were conveyed were of a peculiar build, with circular decks and sides, and from their resemblance to a melon they were called 'water-melons' by the Chinese, but by foreigners they were always referred toas 'chop-boats.' They were of the capacity of 500 chests of tea, or 500 piculs of weight. The orderly and intelligent despatch of business at the Hongs was characteristic of the Chinese, as were the neatness of all packages and the dexterity with which they were handled.
The Hong merchants were the only ones officially recognised by the Government, and no goods bought of 'outside' Chinese could be shipped off except through one or the other of the 'Hongs,' which received thereon a tax, and in whose name they were reported to the Hoppo. The 'outside' merchants had, however, become of great importance, their transactions were on an immense scale annually. As manufacturers of silks, of floor-matting, nankeens, crapes, grass-cloth, and a host of less important articles, many of them had amassed great wealth; at the same time, they were always assumed, officially, as confining themselves strictly to such things as were necessary for the 'personal use' of foreign residents. In fact, it was 'custom' from time to time for the authorities to remind them of this, and even to enumerate the things which they were only allowed to furnish. As a curiosity they may be recorded—clothing, umbrellas, straw hats, fans, shoes, and so on!
The Hong merchants were responsible to the Hoppo for the duties on all exports and imports. They alone transacted business with that officer's department—viz., the 'Customs'—by which foreigners were spared trouble and inconvenience. It may be as well to mention here that the 'Hoppo' (as he was incorrectly styled) filled an office especially created for the foreign trade at Canton. He received his appointment from the Emperor himself, and took rank with the first officers of the province. The Board of Revenue is in Chinese'Hoo-poo' and the office was locally misapplied to the officer in question.
As controllers of the entire foreign commerce of the port of Canton, which amounted annually to many millions of dollars, if the benefits derived therefrom were of vast importance, the responsibilities were also great. For infractions of 'regulations' by a ship or by her agents they were liable. It was assumed that they could, or should, control foreigners residing in the Factories as well as the vessels anchored at Whampoa. In both cases they were required to 'secure' due 'obedience.' Every resident therefore had his 'sponsor' from the moment of landing, as every ship had hers, and hence the Hong merchants became 'security merchants.' My own was Houqua, who of course represented some others also, and in view of these mutual relationships we would jocularly call them 'our horse godfathers.'
The purchases of the East India Company were divided amongst the Hong merchants proportionately, in shares, of which fourteen fell to the lot of Houqua.
The position of Hong merchant was obtained through the payment of large sums of money at Pekin. I have heard of as much as 200,000 taels, say 55,000l.sterling. If the 'license' thus acquired was costly, it secured to them uninterrupted and extraordinary pecuniary advantages; but, on the other hand, it subjected them to calls or 'squeezes' for contributions to public works or buildings, for the relief of districts suffering from a scarcity of rice, as well as for the often imaginary or over-estimated damage caused by the overflowing of the 'Yang-tsze-Keang' or the 'Yellow River.'
'Well, Houqua,' you would say on some visit, 'hav got news to-day?' 'Hav got too muchee bad news,' hewould reply; 'Hwang Ho hav spilum too muchee' That sounded ominously. 'Man-ta-le[15]hav come see you?' 'He no come see my, he sendee come one piece "chop." He come to-mollo. He wantchee my two-lac[16]dollar.' It was the old complaint, a 'squeeze' and this time a formidable one. 'You pay he how mutchee?' 'My pay he fitty, sikky tousand so.' 'But s'pose he no contentee?' 'S'pose he, No.1, no contentee, my pay he one lac.' This actual incident will show the sort of demands upon the senior Hong merchant (each one being called upon in his turn) and their pecuniary importance. They knew at the same time that the object of the 'squeeze' was exaggerated, and, even if necessary, that only a modest portion would go to the repairs of the banks of the river, the mandarin thinking that his own personal wants were far more pressing. They might try to parry the question, they might succeed in getting the sum asked for diminished, but they could not escape. Payments would also be made by them to the Hoppo on the occasion of his return to Pekin, on the appointment of a successor, as well as to the chiefs of the Revenue Board in that capital; but such as these had araison d'être, they secured influence and protection, and besides, the sums paid were voluntary and comparatively moderate in amount.
As it added to their dignity and privileges, the Hong merchants purchased nominal rank, the insignia of which was denoted by a button or coloured globe attached to the apex of the cap. Of this they might be deprived for offences against the law or for bankruptcy; then a wearer of it in local parlance would be'unbuttoned,' or deprived of this significant emblem of his social and public status.
The occupation of a 'merchant' in China is looked down upon by wealthy landed proprietors, by theliterati, and by those who have risen to official rank through their own talents; but bankruptcy is considered degrading and even criminal.
Bankrupts are first deprived of any nominal rank they may possess before being so adjudged by law. Previous to my arrival at Canton one case of a bankrupt Hong merchant had taken place. The penalty for a member of the Co-Hong was transportation to E-Lee. Only one other occurred during the remainder of the period of the existence of the Co-Hong. The last exiled bankrupt was Mān-Hŏ. He had been a general favourite with the foreign community, was a person of courteous manners, and in every respect a well-bred and kindly man. He had borne on his cap the 'blue button' which denoted the third rank—principal—and it gave him the privilege of a certain title on his cards, &c. The books and affairs of his Hong passed into the charge of the Co-Hong for examination, the result proved most unsatisfactory, and when it was laid before the Hoppo he was declared bankrupt, and sentenced to transportation for life to E-Lee (the present Kuldja), on the north-west frontier. It is commonly spoken of by the Canton Chinese as the 'Colo'[17]country. Few know its geographical position. Preparations having been made for his departure, at a moment when some officials were leaving for that remote province, Mān-Hŏ, with other condemned persons, was placed under their charge. The boats, having all these onboard, anchored off the Factories. Many of his old Chinese and foreign friends went on board to say goodbye. One of the latter handed him a letter, in which was expressed sympathy for his misfortunes. And it added that a sum of money, subscribed by the Hong merchants and themselves for his personal comfort, had been placed with reliable servants of his own, who were accompanying him of their own accord. Neither the Government nor the Hoppo objects to such aid being rendered by relations and friends to one who by misfortune or bad management has incurred the penalty of the law, if not excessive. In the present case the amount was 10,000 dollars.
In a few hours after, the convoy left on one of the most dreary journeys that can be imagined. It occupied several months, involving constant transhipment to other boats, now over execrable roads in the most comfortless of bamboo chairs, then on pony back, and frequently on foot.
A very long time after his departure we heard, by the return of one of his servants, that Mān-hŏ had been at first set to work as 'sweeper' in a temple, which he was able to compromise into a purely nominal 'office.' Again, that he had managed to get about him sundry comforts, such as E-Lee possessed, which is saying very little. Years passed, when we at once heard of his death and of the arrival of the body at Canton (in charge of the servants who had remained with him) for interment in his native place.
After Mān-hŏ left Canton I saw, in the hands of one of the above foreign contributors, his promissory note for $60,000, bearing interest at 5 per cent. per month. This was not exorbitant, under the circumstances in which it was given. The current rate of interest, withthe best security, was 1 per cent. per month on running account, while 2 to 3 per cent. on temporary loans per month was common.
As a body of merchants, we found them honourable and reliable in all their dealings, faithful to their contracts, and large-minded. Their private residences, of which we visited several, were on a vast scale, comprising curiously laid-out gardens, with grottoes and lakes, crossed by carved stone bridges, pathways neatly paved with small stones of various colours forming designs of birds, or fish, or flowers.
One of the most beautiful was that of Pwankeiqua, on the banks of the river, three or four miles west of the Factories. The number of servants in these private 'palaces,' as they would be called elsewhere, was very great, comprising, with those ordinarily in attendance, doorkeepers, messengers, palankin bearers, and choice cooks. We had occasional opportunities of judging of the skill of the latter by an invitation to a 'chopstick' dinner, signifying that no foreign element would be found in it.
We would be served with such delicacies as birds'-nest soup,[18]with plover's eggs and Beche-de-Mar, curiously prepared sharks' fins and roasted snails; these forming but a very small proportion of the number of courses, which ended with pastry of different sorts. The liquids were wines prepared from rice, called 'Samshoo,' also from green peas, from a fruit called Wang-pe, and others whose names we never knew. The wines were served in tiny silver or porcelain cups, each placed on handsomely worked silver stands.
These feasts were very enjoyable, even when their novelty had worn off; the host, full ofbonhomieand politeness, never failing to escort us to the great outer gate on leaving, and place us under the charge of his coolies, who would there be waiting with large lanterns bearing his name to escort us back to the Factories.
It is not true, as has been supposed, that on these convivial occasions the guests were served with roast or boiled 'puppy' as abonne bouche, and I am sure that the author of the following lines gave way to his imagination after a 'chopstick' dinner with 'green pea' wine when he wrote them, or to fortify a current joke:—
The feast spread out, the splendour roundAllowed the eye no rest;The wealth of Kwang-Tung, of all Ind,Appeared to greet each guest.All tongues are still; no converse freeThe solemn silence broke;Because, alas! friend Se-Ta-CheNo word of Chinese spoke.Now here, now there, he picked a bitOf what he could not name;And all he knew was that, in fact,They made him sick the same!Mingqua, his host, pressed on each dishWith polished Chinese grace;And much, Ming thought, he relished them,At every ugly face!At last he swore he'd eat no more,'Twas written in his looks;For, 'Zounds!' said he, 'the devil hereSends both the meats and cooks!'But, covers changed, he brightened up,And thought himself in luckWhen close before him, what he sawLooked something like a duck!Still cautious grown, but, to be sure,His brain he set to rack;At length he turned to one behind,And, pointing, cried: 'Quack, Quack.'The Chinese gravely shook his head,Next made a reverend bow;And then expressed what dish it wasBy uttering, 'Bow-wow-wow!'
Numerous instances of munificence and generosity can be recorded on the part of the Hong merchants. I relate some of theseniorone as illustrations. He would accept the direct consignment of an American ship, if it was commanded by an old friend. Such a one came to Whampoa, commanded by Captain C——, having on board a cargo consisting in a great measure of quicksilver. The price of this article was much depressed at the time. It was landed at Houqua's Hong and stored, he offering to take it at its market value. Several months elapsed, when the close of the south-west monsoon foretold 'business,' and the Factories began to look out for return cargoes for their ships of new teas daily arriving. Quicksilver still remained without demand. At the price it bore, a considerable deficiency would exist in the capacity of the vessel and the quantity of teas which could be bought with the proceeds. At the same time news had arrived of an improvement in prices at New York which exhibited a large profit. Captain C——, therefore, judging it better to sell his quicksilver and load with all the despatch he could with as many teas as it would purchase, closed the sale, which was, in commercial phraseology, 'puttee book' (duly recorded). Tea purchases were then immediately made,in the course of which Houqua said to his consignor, 'Olo flen,[19]you shall have a full cargo to return with; I will furnish it, you can pay my next voyage—you no trub' (give yourself no anxiety). Everything being thus definitely arranged, the vessel commenced loading, and was half full, when Houqua came to Captain C—— and informed him that a sudden demand had arisen for 'quick'[20]on the part of northern merchants returning to their provinces, that it had advanced materially in value, and he had been credited with the parcel he brought outat the price of the day; moreover, that he had cancelled on his books the first purchase. This generous act on the part of his consignee enabled Captain C—— to leave with a full cargo, all paid for, and made a difference in the outturn of his voyage of nearly 30,000 dollars. This information I received some years after at Canton from Captain C—— himself.
An American gentleman, who had resided many years at Canton, and had possessed a considerable fortune, met with serious losses. The hope of regaining it induced him to continue operations, in which he was materially assisted by Houqua. They had been, as was usually said, in the words of the place, 'olo flen.' Time passed, considerable sums were placed at the disposal of Mr. W——, no reference being made to them by the Hong merchant, until, at the end of a second or third year, Houqua's and his accounts were compared, and the balance in favour of Houqua was 72,000 dollars. For this amount he took a promissory note and it was locked up in his strong box. From knowing Chinese, I was often behind the scenes on similar occasions, not thatthe holder had any doubt of irregularity on the part of the signers, but simply to translate them into his language for his own satisfaction. It may be stated here that not a single Chinese then existed at Canton who could read or write English. I found that these notes bore simply the endorsement of sum and date with the names of the drawers. Time still went on; Mr. W—— had frequently expressed a desire to return to the United States, but hoped that a 'good turn' would take place in his affairs and enable him to cancel his note. It was cancelled in a most unexpected manner!
One day, when on a visit to his Chinese friend, the latter said, 'You have been so long away from your own country, why do you not return?' To which Mr. W—— replied that it was impossible—he could not cancel his note, and this alone would prevent him. Houqua enquired if the bond, only, kept him in Canton, and if he had not some means wherewith to provide for a residence at home? The answer was that no other debts existed, and he was not without resources—but the note!! Houqua summoned his purser, and ordered him to bring the envelope containing promissory notes from the treasury. Taking out that of Mr. W——, he said, 'You and I are No. 1, "olo flen;" you belong honest man, only no got chance.'[21]He then tore the note up, and throwing the fragments into the waste-paper basket, added, 'Just now hav settee counter, alla finishee; you go, you please.' That is to say, 'Our accounts are now all settled, you can leave when you like.'
When the English troops, under Sir Hugh Gough, on May 21, 1841, had taken up a position on the heights north of the city walls, and were prepared to attack, they wereprevented doing so by a despatch from Captain Elliot, the British Superintendent of Trade at Canton, then on board the cutter 'Louisa,' lying off the Factories. He informed Sir Hugh Gough that the city had consented to pay a ransom of six millions of dollars, and directed him to return to the ships in the river with the forces. This was a judicious and humane arrangement, brought about by Captain Elliot. Had the city been entered, the loss of life would have been dreadful, to say nothing of the destruction of houses and property. There would, moreover, have been but little glory to gain, as it was in a state of defence utterly inadequate to resist 2,200 English soldiers and sailors. The authorities of the city, having concluded the arrangement for the ransom, began at once to look about for money, and as usualremindedthe Hong merchants that something liberal was expected of them.
They contributed 2,000,000 dollars, of which Pwankeiqua gave 260,000, Houqua 1,100,000, and the others 640,000. A belief exists amongst the Chinese that there is an invisible agency influencing man's career in life, which they call 'Fung Shuy,' literally 'wind and water.' A striking illustration of this belief was brought out on this occasion. Houqua availed himself of theaccidentof contributing, to express his gratitude to 'wind and water' for notable incidents in his own life, and in this way, mentally, he apportioned his donation. For himself, in recognition of his 'prosperity,' 800,000 dollars; for his eldest son, 200,000 dollars for unswerving filial piety; and 100,000 dollars for his youngest son, who happened to be born when he himself had just completed the full term of a 'cycle,' or sixty years. This is considered a very happy coincidence, or No. 1 'FungShuy.' For the total sum, Captain Elliot was handed three promissory notes, drawn by Messrs. Russell & Co. at thirty days' date in favour of Houqua, by whom they were endorsed to his order. Captain Elliot deposited them for collection with Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, & Co. and Dent & Co. These firms had removed their offices to Macao, as well as Messrs. Russell & Co. The notes were for 400,000, 400,000, and 300,000 dollars respectively. At this time the last-named house held about two and a half millions of dollars belonging to their constituent, the endorser. As an instance of the just pride Houqua took in his remarkable position and of his commercial sagacity, a few days before the maturity of the three notes a letter was received from him in Chinese at Macao, which read thus:—
'Benevolent Elder Brother,[22]—The notes endorsed by me to Elut,[23]as you know, will soon be due. Offer to pay them at once. You will see by calculating that if the money is now accepted there will be a gain of over nine hundred dollars by the discount. May all your days be as one.'
Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, & Co. and Dent & Co. were immediately communicated with, the notes came in for payment, and were cashed, less the discount, which amounted to a little short of a thousand dollars! The next time I saw Houqua in Canton he talked merrily over the close of the transaction, and said, 'My all same, "Ba-Blo."'[24]The old gentleman liked to compare himself with that famous house with which, through Messrs. Russell & Co., he had had for years important business.
Demands of money on the Co-Hong never ceased. One instance was a requirement by the Viceroy that they should pay off the indebtedness of three of their own number to 'outside barbarians.' They were Hingtai, Mouqua, and Kingqua. Houqua then paid $1,000,000, Pwankeiqua $130,000, Pwan Hoyqua $70,000, Samqua and Saoqua each $50,000, Footai $90,000. I mention this circumstance as a feature of 'Old Canton;' it being a measure taken to prevent complications with Governments beyond the sea.
In contrast to the style of official language, private letters from the Hong merchants left nothing to be desired in civility. Here is one of many. In the year 1837, a few of us younger members of the community established the 'Canton Regatta Club,' for boat-pulling and sailing on the river, our chief amusements and mode of taking the air. Nothing like a club had yet existed. Presently the Hong merchants, in virtue of their office as 'guardians' of our persons, as well as our 'securities' in the eyes of the local government, on hearing of the club organisation, being apprehensive of accidents, they wrote this letter to one of the members:—
'Ham Tak, venerable old gentleman,—We beg respectfully to inform you that we have heard of the intention of our respected elder brother and other chin-te-le-mun[25]to race boats on the river. We know not if this is true, but heretofore it has not been custom. Should the authorities hear of this, we your younger brothers would be reproved, not mildly, for permitting you to act so indiscreetly. On the river, boats are mysteriously abundant; everywhere they congregate in vast numbers; like a stream they advance and retire unceasingly. Thus the chances of contact are many, soare accidents, even to the breaking of one another's boats, to the injury of men's bodies, while more serious consequences might ensue.'We therefore beseech our worthy senior[26]to make known to the other chin-te-le-mun that they would do well to refrain from contesting the speed of their boats on the river, so that after troubles may not accumulate. Then all will be well. Daily may your prosperity increase, without difference.'(Signed)'Houqua, Mouqua, Pwankeiqua'and others.
'Ham Tak, venerable old gentleman,—We beg respectfully to inform you that we have heard of the intention of our respected elder brother and other chin-te-le-mun[25]to race boats on the river. We know not if this is true, but heretofore it has not been custom. Should the authorities hear of this, we your younger brothers would be reproved, not mildly, for permitting you to act so indiscreetly. On the river, boats are mysteriously abundant; everywhere they congregate in vast numbers; like a stream they advance and retire unceasingly. Thus the chances of contact are many, soare accidents, even to the breaking of one another's boats, to the injury of men's bodies, while more serious consequences might ensue.
'We therefore beseech our worthy senior[26]to make known to the other chin-te-le-mun that they would do well to refrain from contesting the speed of their boats on the river, so that after troubles may not accumulate. Then all will be well. Daily may your prosperity increase, without difference.
'(Signed)'Houqua, Mouqua, Pwankeiqua'and others.
The amount of Houqua's fortune was frequently a subject of debate; but on one occasion, in referring to it in connection with his various investments in rice-fields, dwellings, shops, and the banking establishments known as shroffs, and including his American and English shipments, he estimated it, in 1834, at twenty-six millions of dollars. Assuming the purchasing power of money at that time as being but twice greater than at the present day, it would now represent a sum of $52,000,000. He was a person of remarkably frugal habits (as regards his style of living) from choice and from being of a feeble frame of body. His generosity was boundless, and in accounts he was singularly methodical and precise, never multiplying them beyond what was absolutely necessary. The two or three rooms which he occupied during hours of business in his vast, well-regulated Hong were furnished with simplicity itself.
He withdrew from general business with the foreign community after the Honourable East IndiaCompany left Canton, and confined himself exclusively to the house of Messrs. Russell & Co. Through them his foreign business was entirely managed. His yearly shipments to London of those celebrated Chops of Congo, grown on his family estates in the Woo-E country, were well known and appreciated in the English market. His transactions were on a very important scale, and he entrusted them to his Canton agents, through whom they were carried out, with the well-merited confidence which they inspired. They embraced England, the United States, and India. As another illustration of his generous nature, I may refer to an affair that took place nearly fifty years ago, in which his orders were not complied with. We had shipped a cargo, principally of raw silk belonging to himself, which he had ordered from the silk country. It was sold at a large profit. His instructions were that the proceeds should be returned in East India Co. bills on Calcutta. To our surprise and his disappointment, the result of the sale was invested in a cargo of British goods. It was as injudicious an arrangement (free trade then beginning) to ship largely of English manufactures as his own shipment was sagacious, for but little silk was exported immediately after the opening of the trade. The result showed a difference of many thousand dollars to his detriment. On the deviation of orders becoming known Houqua was at once informed that he should not suffer for this breach of instructions, and for the loss we would credit his account.
The old gentleman replied, 'My consider, my show you to-mollo'—that is to say, he would think it over and let us know his decision 'to-morrow.' The following day he was at the office, and this was his decision,which he emphasised by striking the floor with his cane—Write to Mr. C——[27]and tell him he must be more careful in future, 'must take care.' He accepted the woollens, and refused to accept any indemnity.
This last chief of the world-renowned 'Co-Hong,' which ceased with the treaties after an existence of 130 years, died at Honam on September 4, 1843, aged seventy-four, having been born in the same year with Napoleon and Wellington, 1769.
Next to the Hong merchants, other Chinese were closely allied to the foreign community as 'Linguists'—so called, as it used to be remarked, because they knew nothing of any language but their own. They were appointed by the Hoppo to act as interpreters, and were duly licensed. Besides, this was in accordance with the orders of the Pekin Government. As up to treaty days, neither Consul nor Vice-Consul of a foreign nation was 'officially' acknowledged, whenever either one of these officers made a communication to the Hoppo, it had to be done through the Hong merchants, to whom the despatch was taken by a Linguist. The reply would be addressed to these merchants, who were directed to make known the answer to the 'Chief' of the nation, that 'he might reverently inform himself of it and be duly obedient' (a matter of form).
The principal Linguists were 'Old Tom,' 'Young Tom,'[28]and 'Alantsae.' They were at the head ofnumerous assistants employed in the ordinary business of foreigners, such as attending upon Mandarins from inside the city while examining merchandise being landed or shipped off, and making up reports of the duties for those officers to take to the Hoppo's office for registration and subsequent collecting. Their duties were by no means light. They were liable to be summoned at any moment, night or day, in connection with the multifarious matters in which their services were required. They were always ready and ever willing, and proved a wonderful convenience to the community at large. Through them we applied for permits when going on a trip to Macao, for the shipping off of an entire cargo of teas or for landing one of foreign goods. All details of whatever nature were regulated and attended to by them. By law and 'old regulations,' on an excursion on the river, to the 'flower gardens' a few miles off, or to the Great Buddhist Temple at Honam, opposite the Factories, a Linguistshouldpersonally attend. One was also at our disposal for a visit to any other place to which the 'regulations' or 'old custom' permitted us to go. It may be added at the same time that the 'regulations' which required his personal presence on such occasions were not strictly enforced, but they were never abolished. The object of the Mandarins in enjoining upon the Linguists that one of them should accompany foreigners in their walks or boating excursions was from the best of motives—that these should not lose their way or become involved in collisions with the people arising from ignorance of one another's language. It was the duty of a Linguist to distribute amongst the Factories any Government proclamations having reference totheir affairs, relating to vessels at Whampoa or the 'receiving ships' at Lintin. In regard to these last the Linguist would 'translate it,' and point out that the 'Man-ta-lee' said, 'if they did not immediately get up their anchors and return to their own countries or come to Whampoa, cruisers would be sent down to drive them away, and no more patience manifested.' Then would come the time-honoured question of 'You savee?' or, 'Do you understand?' with the usual addition of, 'This time the Mandarin isreallyin earnest.' The precious document would then be deposited in the leg of his stocking or in his boot (the customary receptacles), and with 'My chin-chin you'[29]he would pass on to our next-door neighbour.
During the shipping season, from October to March, the Linguist of a ship in course of loading would be summoned in the evening to a foreign counting-room (if necessity required), and was frequently detained until long after midnight while lists of teas to be shipped off in the morning were being prepared. With these lists he would then be obliged to go to perhaps several Hongs, to see that the teas were in readiness and 'chop' boats ordered to convey them to Whampoa. These duties often involved a whole night's work, but no sign of impatience or inattention was shown. When a vessel was ready to be measured, the Linguist informed the Hoppo, who then ordered an officer to Whampoa to attend to this duty, and he was always attended by a member of the Linguists' establishment called the 'mandarin' or 'official' Linguist. Should she be under despatch, the Linguist furnished the agent with a memorandum of the 'Measurement and Cumsha' charges,and at her final departure he brought to his office the 'grand chop,' or port clearance, which was only delivered to him when he had furnished the Hoppo with receipts or certificates of the import and export duties having been paid, and satisfied him that all formalities had been fulfilled. When a fire broke out near the Factories they were immediately in attendance.
They were, as a body, 'our all in all.' The senior Linguist, popularly known as 'Old Tom,' was a remarkable man, both physically and mentally, one whose calmness and self-possession never forsook him. Whether threatened by the authorities or scolded by foreigners, he never gave way to ill-humour. He was wonderfully adroit in making everything smooth with the mandarins and pleasant to the 'outside barbarians,' even in questions the most irreconcilable.
Each vessel anchoring at Whampoa incurred a Linguist fee of $250. For every chop-boat landing her inward cargo, $15.22. Her outward cargo was taken to her by the sellers of it, at their own risk and expense.
The most important Chinese within the Factory was theCompradore. He was secured by a Hong merchant in all that related to good conduct generally, honesty and capability. All Chinese employed in any factory, whether as his own 'pursers,' or in the capacity of servants, cooks, or coolies, were the Compradore's 'own people;' they rendered to him every 'allegiance,' and he 'secured' them as regards good behaviour and honesty. This was another feature that contributed to the admirable order and safety which characterised life at Canton. The Compradore also exercised a general surveillance over everythingthat related to the internal economy of the 'house,' as well as over outside shopmen, mechanics, or tradespeople employed by it. With the aid of his assistants, the house and private accounts of the members were kept. He was the purveyor for the table, and generally of the personal wants of the 'Tai-pans' and pursers.[30]
The treasury in which all the cash and valuables were kept was under his charge, which was no light matter, as with some houses the amount of cash was extremely large, frequently over a million of dollars and rarely under $150,000 to $200,000. During the dull season, from April to October, the principal books of accounts, all important correspondence and letter books were also deposited in it. For many years after 1824, no such thing as a copying machine was known; all copying was done by hand, and this exacted greater care of business letters and papers, while as no Banks existed in the old days, each house was its own banker. The position of a Compradore was therefore one of great responsibility, and I never knew of but one betraying the trust reposed in him. Although his pay was comparatively small, say $250 or $300 per annum (the pay of our own was raised to $500), his perquisites, from sources which had long been in existence, and had become 'olo custom,' were very important. As thebalance of the American trade was greatly in favour of China, large quantities of Spanish and Mexican dollars were yearly imported to make up the deficiency arising from comparatively little other import cargo. Teas and silks, and many minor articles coming under the general head of 'Chow-chow,' were bought for cash. Thus every ship from the United States brought largely of dollars at times—as in the case of the 'Citizen,' $350,000, while in 1831 three vessels alone brought $1,100,000. Added to these supplies, opium was invariably sold for cash, and so were bills on London when they came into use; consequently all this money passed primarily through the hands of the Compradore. He derived a profit from the process ofshroffingwhich it underwent before being deposited in the treasury; but after the goodness of a parcel and its exact amount were ascertained, he was liable for any bad money that might afterwards be found amongst it. He paid the Shroff one-tenth of a dollar per one thousand for examining it, while the fixed charge by the Compradore was one-fifth. This formed an important sum. Another one of his perquisites was five copper cash (about a halfpenny) per dollar on all payments, no matter to whom or on what account, of odd sums less than one thousand dollars, which charge was borne by the payee. He also derived benefit from loans or advances made to 'Outside' Chinese merchants (and from them) on contracts for silks and other merchandise entered into with his employers, while on all Factory supplies he received also a percentage. In the year 1823 occurred the first and only robbery by a Compradore that came under my knowledge. He was in the service of one of the two most important of the American houses, then occupying No. 3 of the Suy Hong. He had madeuse of a large sum belonging to the firm for his own speculations, and it was accidentally discovered. Mr. A——, the then chief of the house, went directly to Houqua, the Compradore's 'security,' and reported the loss. The man himself was sent for, and, greatly to the indignation of his patron, confessed to having used the money for speculation, intending to replace it, but the unexpected examination by Mr. A—— had not allowed him time to do so. Houqua sent the deficiency to the firm the same evening. It was over $50,000.
We have seen who and what were the Co-Hong, the Outside Chinese merchants, the Linguists and Compradores, and what their respective relations with foreigners were. There now remains theShroff, or money dealer, whose services were indispensable, particularly in receipts. They were manifest daily and hourly in the broad arched passages passing through the Factories, along which, as was constantly said, one could never move without seeing heaps of silver being examined and hearing its metallic ring as successive quantities were poured in and out of copper scales. Scarcely a day or even an hour passed without this glittering accompaniment of old Canton life.
Pieces of silver as well as dollars were shroffed and weighed before being deposited in the treasury. When that was done, dollars had no longer a distinct existence, for in commerce the Chinese treat silver and gold as they do lead, iron, or copper. In this they show a characteristic good sense, and are rewarded by it in the facility with which all money transactions are carried on. As the result of long experience, the imported dollarwas found to be worth 717/1000 taels in weight, and this became the standard in all current book accounts. No coined money exists in the Empire except copper cash, with which every one is familiar. The use of it is confined to the daily wants of the people, and it never enters into transactions of importance, except when money-changers replenish their stocks. The convenience of such a circulating medium gives facility to every one, no matter how humble his requirements, and was a wise piece of legislation. The obverse of the coin bears the name of the Emperor during whose reign it was made, in Chinese characters, with two others which mean 'circulating value.'[31]Commerce, on the other hand, stood in need of a larger representative of value, and this was supplied by gold and silver bars or lumps in portable sizes. Bar gold bears a small proportion to bar silver in quantity, and is in oblong pieces usually of ten taels in weight, and silver[32]in oval lumps called 'shoes' of various sizes and values. There is no Government interference in the manufacture of these bars and shoes for purposes of trade, no more than there is of any other metal, while the guarantee of their purity and value is simply the stamp of the Shroff or money house by which they are issued.
As a natural consequence of the non-existence of gold or silver coin, imported dollars, from being continually weighed and stamped when passing from hand to hand, became 'chopped dollars' or 'cut money' in Canton phraseology, the first from being stamped by the Shroff on examining them, with any character whichhe may select, and which is his guarantee of goodness. In the shapeless form which they thus acquire, payments are made by weight in taels, and its component parts of mace, candareens, and cash.[33]This custom of weighing metals has existed in China since 903 A.D. If any money stamped by a Shroff on examination proved bad, it was exchanged by him, but such cases were extremely rare. A small pair of scales for money transactions is generally carried by Chinese attached to a waistbelt.
Shroffs examined all amounts brought to them by any one, but went to the foreign Factories, to the Hong merchants or other customers, when required. The charge was small, and the amount of silver passing yearly through their hands was enormous, as amongst the Chinese all transactions were for money or its representative.[34]Shroffs were also 'changers'—providing when required either Sycee, chopped dollars, or gold—as well as bankers, making loans or receiving deposits. The floors of their shops are covered with brown tiles, and at the end of the year they can sell the privilege of removing the floor for the chance of finding scraps of silver which may have escaped through the interstices of the tiles, the buyer of the privilege replacing the floor at his own cost. I have heard of as much as fifty taels (about $70) being paid to an important Shroff-shop for such a transaction.
Several descriptions of dollars were imported from 1825, previous to which time the most numerous were those of Carolus IV. of Spain. These kept the preference above all others, and were currently known as 'OldHeads.' So accustomed were the Chinese to this dollar, that when Carolus III. or Ferdinand VII. were offered, they were taken with reluctance, while the 'Old Head' commanded a premium, and it thus became an exception to the general rule of 'breaking up.' For a long time they had been taken by dealers in raw silk from the middle provinces, in whole dollars, and finally so much prejudice existed in their favour that they would take no others except as cut money. This caused them to advance in value to 10 and even 15 per cent.; finally, during one season, we sold to the senior Hong merchant $60,000 at a premium of 30 per cent.,½ receiving in exchange $78,000 in cut money. Ferdinand VII.'s dollars became 'New Heads,' and next came into favour, there being a diminishing supply of the 'Old,' but they were never at more than 1 to 2 per cent. premium. Of other kinds there were Chilian, Peruvian, Mexican, and United States, which were submitted to the process of breaking up, and were never in greater favour with the Chinese than cut money. They were not 'old custom,' and they could not reconcile themselves to the new effigies or legends which they bore. Now and then, if wanted for a special occasion, Mexican dollars could be passed at a small premium, say 1 or 1½ per cent. It is very probable, as often supposed, that the Shroffs had much to do with these varied transactions; they were behind the scene and perhaps they had, as many of the establishments belonged to wealthy proprietors, who used them for purposes of speculation in money.
Book accounts, as has been said, were kept in dollars and cents by foreign houses, at the conventional rate of 717/1000 of a tael per dollar. There was but one exception,that of the English East India Company, which adopted the more rational system of Chinese currency. Payments for raw silk were made at 750/1000, for teas 720/1000, musk 750/1000, as well as for some kinds of opium. As all Chinese produce went by weight, even raw and manufactured silk, and as all computations were in decimals, this system contributed to the ease with which business was carried on.
Pigeon-Englishis the well-known name given to that unique language through the medium of which business was transacted and all intercourse exclusively carried on between the 'Western Ocean' foreigners and Canton Chinese. For years after my arrival but three foreign residents were Chinese scholars—namely, Doctor Morrison; the present Sir John Francis Davis, the last Chief of the English East India Company's establishment; and one American, myself—while 'Pigeon-English' had grown up with the early days of foreign intercourse with the port of Canton. It is not difficult to arrive at the creation of this particular and strange language. Foreigners came to Canton for a limited period, and would not or could not apply themselves to the study of so difficult a language as the Chinese, of which even a sufficiency for commonplace purposes was not easy to acquire, and if acquired would be useless anywhere else. The local government also placed serious obstacles in the way of learning it, to the length of beheading a Chinese teacher for giving lessons. This is on the authority of Dr. Morrison, who related to me an instance that took place before I arrived, and he further informed me that for years after his own arrival in 1807 he wasobliged, as a protection to his own teacher, to study at night in a room with lights carefully screened.
On the other hand, the shrewd Chinaman succeeded in supplying this absence of the knowledge of his own language by cleverly making himself familiar withsoundsof foreign words, and conforming them to his own monosyllabic mode of expression, at the same time using simple Chinese words to express their meaning. He thus created a language, as it may be called, deprived of syntax, without the logic of speech, and reduced to its most simple elements. It took firm root, became the conventional medium of intercourse in respect to transactions of enormous value and magnitude, and exists in all its vigour and quaintness to this day.
It was undoubtedly an invention of the Chinese, and long anterior to the appearance of the English at Canton in its origin, as may be proved by the admixture of Portuguese and Indian words still to be found in it, the latter having probably been originally made known by those primary visitors from the western worldviâIndia. The English came more than a hundred years after; words from their language were then gradually incorporated, and increased with the disappearance of the Portuguese, who confined themselves to their own growing colony of Macao, until, finally, the former became the principal traders, and thus this language became known as Pigeon-English.
The word 'pigeon' is simply a corruption of 'business' and with its companion meansbusiness-English. Of Portuguese origin we have the most undoubted proof in such words asmandarin, from mandar, to order;compradore, from compra, to buy;joss, from Deös;pa-te-le, from padre;maskei, from masqué, never mind;la-le-loon, from ladraŏ, a thief;grand, from grande, the chief, as, for instance, 'grand chop;'junk, from the Portuguese sound of Chuĕng in the dialect of the East Coast, where they first traded. Of Indian words we havebazaar, a market;Shroff, money-dealer;chunam, lime;tiffin, luncheon;go-down, from kā-dang;lac, one hundred thousand;cooly, a labourer;chit, a note or letter;bungalow, a cottage;kāārle, curry, and others.
Some peculiarities of expression and application of two words constantly used in Pigeon-English may be mentioned. The language was by no means confined to those of foreign, but it contained quite a vocabulary of words of Chinese origin; it was, in fact, a very mixed tongue. 'Chop,' for instance, is of perpetual occurrence. It is the same as 'chŏ,' which signifies literally any 'document.' A shopkeeper's bill is a 'chop,' so is an Imperial edict or a Mandarin's proclamation; a cargo-boat is a chop-boat; it does duty also for a promissory note, a receipt, a stamp or seal, a license for shipping off or to land cargo, a mark for goods, or a permit. 'First quality' is expressed by 'first chop,' and an inferior according to quality is No. 6, 8, or 10 'chop,' the worst of all. When a cooly is sent on an errand requiring haste, he is told to go 'chop-chop.' A 'first chop' man speaks for itself, so does 'bad chop man.'
The variety of uses to which the compound word 'chow-chow' is put is almost endless, and in some cases have a directly opposite meaning. For instance, a 'No. 1 chow-chow' thing signifies 'utterly worthless' but when applied to a breakfast or dinner it means 'unexceptionally good.' A 'chow-chow' cargo is an assorted cargo; a general shop is a 'chow-chow' shop; provisions of allkinds are classed under the general head of 'chow-chow;' and, as may have been remarked in the list of the Factories, one was called the 'Chow-chow' from its being inhabited by divers Parsees, Moormen, or other natives of India.
Although by the Chinese all foreigners were called 'Fan Kwaes,' or 'Foreign Devils,' still a distinction of the drollest and most characteristic kind was made between them. The English became 'Red-haired devils;' the Parsees, from the custom of shaving their heads, were 'White-head devils;' Moormen were simply 'molo devils.' The Dutch became 'Ho-lan,' the French 'Fat-lan-sy,' and the Americans 'Flowery-flag devils.' The Swedes were 'Suy' and the Danes 'Yellow-flag devils.' The Portuguese have never ceased to be 'Se-yang kwae,' thus retaining the name first applied to them on their arrival from the 'Western Ocean' (which the words signify), while their descendants, natives of Macao, are 'Omun kwae,' or 'Macao devils' from the Chinese name of the town.
In the Canton book-shops near the Factories was sold a small pamphlet, called 'Devils' Talk.' On the cover was a drawing of a foreigner in the dress of the middle of the last century—three-cornered hat, coat with wide skirts, breeches, and long stockings, shoes with buckles, lace sleeves, and in his hand a cane. I have now one of these pamphlets before me. It commences thus, 'Yun,' and under it is its 'barbarian' definition, expressed in another Chinese word whosesoundis 'man.' After many examples of this kind come words of two syllables—thus, 'kum-yat' with their foreign meaning expressed by two other Chinese characters pronounced 'to-teay' to-day—and so on tosentences, for which the construction of the language is peculiarly adapted. This pamphlet, costing a penny or two, was continually in the hands of servants, coolies, and shopkeepers. The author was a Chinaman, whose ingenuity should immortalise him. I have often wondered who the man was who first reduced the 'outlandish tongue' to a current language. Red candles should be burnt on altars erected to his memory, and oblations of tea poured out before his image, placed among the wooden gods which in temples surround the shrine of a deified man of letters.
Although during the south-west monsoon little general business went on, transactions in Opium were very active. It was the period when the new drug arrived. Sales were made to brokers for cash (only) against orders on the receiving ships. The orders would be sent down by 'smug boats,'[35]which carried the Opium to its several destinations. These boats, of a peculiar build, were of great length and beam, the latter increasing rather disproportionately abaft to give quarters to brokers' agents who always went with them. The crews numbered from sixty to seventy men, who, like all Chinese boatmen, were singularly good sailors, intelligent and very active. They plied the oars sitting on low benches ranged on both sides of the deck, while additional propelling power was provided in an enormous mainsail and a foresail made of mats, bamboos, and rattans. The armament was one large gun in the bows, swivels, spears, and flint-lock muskets purchased from foreign vessels. The 'smug boats' differed from Governmentcruisers in a less powerful armament, smaller crew, and in the hull being bright varnished instead of painted 'black and red,' which are the colours of the latter.
On delivery of the opium, the receiving ships were paid five dollars per chest,[36]which was called 'cumsha' (literally 'gold sand'), and two dollars for 'demurrage' if the order was not presented within seven days. It was always repacked, before being taken from the ship, in mat bags, then marked with the owner's private sign and the weight. At times as many as one hundred chests, in bulk, would form a single cargo, whose market value was from $150,000 to $200,000. The Canton agent received five, afterwards reduced to three, per cent. commission on sales. The time occupied in unpacking, weighing, and repacking would occupy but a few hours. The crews of the receiving ships were mostly Manila men and some Lascars, while the shroffs, carpenters, and boats' crews, cooks and servants were Chinese.
It is needless to say the opium trade was prohibited by Imperial edicts as well as by proclamations of the Canton authorities. The Chinese who dealt in 'foreign mud'[37]were threatened even with capital punishment, but so perfect a system of bribery existed (with which foreigners had nothing whatever to do) that the business was carried on with ease and regularity. Temporary interruptions occurred, as, for instance, on the installation of newly-arrived magistrates. Then the question of fees arose, but was soon settled unless the new-comer was exorbitant in his demands, or, as a broker would express it, 'too muchee foolo'—i.e. 'the man is crazy.' In good time, however, all would be arranged satisfactorily,the brokers reappeared with beaming faces, and 'peace' and immunity reigned in the land.