Chapter 2

The Battalion Bandlarger image

The attack was to be carried out at night (1 a.m.) and under cover of an artillery and M.G. Barrage.

For the next few days the one topic of conversation was the raid, and at least two practices a day were carried out over the taped trenches, until we considered ourselves perfect enough to invite the Divisional and Brigade Commanders to attend our final practice before going into the line. This they did and pronounced themselves well satisfied.

During these preparations our Commanding Officer, Col. S. Sharpe, was untiring in his energies towards overcoming the numerous difficulties that so frequently presented themselves, and he personally led a reconnoitring party into Avion in broad daylight, which enabled us to overlook the territory to be raided from the second story of a ruined house.

On the 18th of July we received orders to move into the line and to take over the trenches occupied by the 5th C.M.R. At dusk that evening the Battalion assembled, and after wishing God-speed to Major Cameron, our Second in Command, who was leaving that night for Canada, a most stirring and eloquent address was made by Col. Sharpe; so that when we moved off by Companies in the direction of Vimy Ridge, to the strains of “John Peel,” the regimental march, there wasscarcely a more confident lot of men in the whole Allied Army.

At about 9.30 p.m., on the 22nd July, a start was made to assemble the raiding Companies behind Quebec Road, which was the jumping-off position for the raid. Each man was equipped with an electric torch-light for use in the German lines, and a large white patch was sewn on the front of everybody’s box respirator, which was thought to be a good means of identification in the dark. About midnight, therefore, the platoons were being led quietly and stealthily into position. Suddenly the bells in the German trenches, not a hundred yards from the right flank, began to ring; gas fumes were rapidly making their way over our positions. It was difficult to tell whether the gas was merely lachrymatory or poisonous, and at the first indication every officer and man had slipped on his gas helmet.

It is hard enough to find your way about in the dark under ordinary conditions, but with a gas helmet on it is absolutely impossible, and in less time than it takes to tell, the greatest confusion arose, and the success of the whole operation hung in the balance. A desperate situation confronted the Battalion; in a little while our artillery barrage would open, and its programme would be carried out while our men were stumbling blindly through the gas fumes, and in due course the enemy artillery would open up in retaliation, and our men, helpless with their gas helmets on, would be wiped out without a chance for their lives. For about thirtyminutes the situation was critical and fraught with the greatest difficulties; the darkness, the gas, the fumes, the irregularities of the ground, wire entanglements, ruins, shell holes, all combined to make the assembling of our companies slow and difficult.

Chances had to be taken, and gas helmets were removed, the mouthpiece alone being used, and in this manner, our eyes streaming with tears and nerves strung to the highest pitch, we eventually reached our positions around the Quebec Road about five minutes before zero hour.

Exactly on the stroke of one the barrage opened, falling like a hailstorm on the German front line, which was lit up along its entire length by the bursting shells. It was certainly an unmerciful pounding and seemed to fill us with an ardent desire to get over there, and like Julius Caesar, “negotium finire.”

As the barrage opened “A” Company crept across the Quebec Road through the lanes in the wire which had been previously cut by the scouts, and at zero, plus three minutes, at which moment the barrage lifted off Metal Trench to the Railway embankment, they rushed forward, closely followed by “B” Company on the left and “C” Company on the right. By the time “A” Company reached Metal Trench the Huns had begun to pour out of their dug-outs in which they had taken refuge during the shell storm, and hand-to-hand fighting ensued, in which many of the enemy were either killed or taken prisoners; leaving “A” Company to deal withthe destruction of the dug-outs and the capture of the slag heap, as previously arranged, “B” and “C” Companies proceeded to the final objective.

As already anticipated, our greatest trouble was to be from the flanks, and during the final stages of the attack, in which “B” and “C” Companies rushed the embankment, capturing many prisoners, some enemy machine guns came into action and inflicted heavy casualties on us. In spite of this, everything seemed to be happening just in the way we had practised it at Berthonval Farm, even the special carrying parties that were to bring up trench mats for crossing the wire believed to exist around the embankment, arrived, and were much disappointed when they were told they would not be needed. Also the signallers specially attached to Companies for communication with Battalion Headquarters came through, but were unable to use their lamps on account of the smoke and gas.

Considerable trouble was experienced with refractory prisoners, and the evacuation of our casualties was a matter of the greatest difficulty, since by the time “B” and “C” Companies had reached the embankment all sense of direction was lost on account of the darkness and gas fumes, which were now blowing back over the German lines.

The work of destruction completed, the two Companies, “B” and “C”, withdrew as best they could, covered by sections, one from each platoon, acting as a rear-guard.

Observation posts were left on the Railway Embankment at each flank with supporting posts behind them, “A” Company remaining in Metal Trench until “B” and “C” Companies had completed their withdrawal. The observation posts were chiefly organized by Lt. Lennox of “B” Company and Lt. Neil of “C” Company, who were in command of the flank platoons.

“D” Company had detailed parties under Lt. Weber and Lt. Lick, which were to relieve at daybreak the posts left respectively by “B” and “C” Companies. Lt. Lick was, however, killed by a shell near Metal Trench, and his sergeant and corporal wounded. Lt. Weber went up on the left and reached Metal Trench, but at 4.45 a.m. the Germans had counter-attacked in force and our posts withdrew fighting as ordered. When it was learned that Lt. Neil and Lt. Lick were killed and that Lt. Lennox and Lt. Weber were missing a party was sent up Meander Trench to assist the posts. This party got out between Metal Trench and the Railway Embankment just as the Germans began to swarm over it, and also attack from the flank. Our party was obliged to withdraw, taking the balance of the men on the posts with it. Stiff fighting took place all the way back, and many of the enemy were killed.

In such an operation it would be very difficult and most unfair to mention the work of any one particular platoon, section, or man, since all we had planned to do was done, and this in the face of many serious handicaps. The care of our wounded was now the first consideration,and Capt. Moore, with his staff, who had established an advance Regimental Aid Post (later known as “Moore’s Aid Post”) at the junction of the Lens-Arras Railway and the Avion Road, were busy until daylight, when a German observation balloon caught sight of them, and they were forced by heavy shell fire to retire to a more protected position.

And so it was only through the co-operation and courage of all ranks that we had at last won the right to our place in the 9th Brigade and the Canadian Corps. Let it be said that this was only one of a great many successful raids carried out by Canadian troops, and which made them famous on all the Western front.

In sum we had captured 60 prisoners, including two officers, and killed at least twice that number, our own casualties being five officers—Lts. V. C. Lick, C. S. Lennox, F. S. Neil, T. W. Hutchison, G. R. Weber—and twenty-five other ranks killed, three officers and forty-two other ranks wounded.

It might be of interest to compare the two communiqués published shortly afterwards:

German—Strong enemy thrusts in the neighborhood of Avion easily repulsed with heavy casualties.British—Early this morning our troops carried out a minor enterprise S.E. of Avion. The first objective was easily captured, but heavy fighting ensued at the railway embankment. After a severe struggle the whole of the German garrison was either killed or captured and all their dug-outs were destroyed—about fifty—sixty Germans are reported to have been taken. Our total casualties are believed to be about the same as the number of German prisoners. The enemy’s losses were heavy.

German—Strong enemy thrusts in the neighborhood of Avion easily repulsed with heavy casualties.

British—Early this morning our troops carried out a minor enterprise S.E. of Avion. The first objective was easily captured, but heavy fighting ensued at the railway embankment. After a severe struggle the whole of the German garrison was either killed or captured and all their dug-outs were destroyed—about fifty—sixty Germans are reported to have been taken. Our total casualties are believed to be about the same as the number of German prisoners. The enemy’s losses were heavy.

larger image

CHAPTER V.

Hill Seventy.

Every little while, but generally at intervals of about four months, it fell to the lot of each division to be withdrawn entirely from the line for the purpose of rest and reorganization.

After a long tour of trench duty, during which life at its best is merely an existence, it can be readily appreciated that these periods of rest were greatly looked forward to by all ranks.

Each Corps had a specified rest area, generally from 12 to 14 miles behind the line, and when a division came out, a village in that area was allotted to each battalion or sometimes one village to two battalions. There were, of course, the good villages and the bad villages, and for about a week before going out there was always a good deal of speculation as to which village the battalion would go to. At the beginning of August, the 3rd Canadian Division was withdrawn from the line, and it fell to our lot to get the Village of Auchel, conceded by many to be the Queen of billets in the Corps area; but unfortunately for us we did not arrive there until about the 15th of the month, being held up at Camblain L’Abbée (Corps Headquarters) on account of manoeuvres. Open fighting had suddenly become all the rage, probably in anticipation of the drive the following August, andour whole division took part in extensive practices. At about this time No. 1 Platoon under Lt. Ott, distinguished itself in a Corps rifle competition, held at Ferfay, winning first place in the Division and only losing first place in the Corps through a technicality.

Group of N.C.O.’s taken at Niagara, 1916

R.S.M. F. H. Hindle(Awarded D.C.M. for braveryin the Field)

“Quarters” McKay(Awarded the Meritorious ServiceMedal for continuous gallantservice with the Battalionthroughout its Campaignin France)

Considering the representative gathering, which included units such as the R.C.R. and P.P.C.L.I., the victory reflects the greatest credit upon the spirit and training of our platoon.

At the completion of the manoeuvres we moved to Auchel and for a week lived like human beings again, almost forgetting that there was a war going on, and we had just begun to settle down to a gay village life when we were rushed unceremoniously to the north of Lens to relieve certain units of the 2nd Canadian Division, who were engaged in a scrap which was afterwards known as the Battle of Hill Seventy. And so, on August 20th, amid the cries of “Bonne chance” from our friends in Auchel, we marched away with considerable reluctance, arriving the same evening at Gouy Servins, which was a reminder of the early days of the Battalion in France. Even then some of us had marched in high spirits from Auchel to Gouy Servins on a first visit to the trenches; and Gouy Servins at that time was everything that the first part of its name would imply. To-day however, in the middle of an almost perfect summer, so far as weather was concerned, the roads were hard and dusty and the enthusiasm to reach the front line perhaps not quite so apparent.

Having rested over-night, the march was continued, until about noon we reached Sains-en-Gohelle, another curiously descriptive name, but more commonly known as Fossé 10, which forms part of a chain of mining villages in the neighborhood of Lens.

Things seemed to be quite lively around these parts and high-velocity shells were dropping almost too close to make a quiet meal possible. Fossé 10 was really a staging camp to the front line, and there was naturally considerable confusion due to the relief that was in progress between the 2nd and 3rd Canadian Divisions.

Before very long orders were received that the 116th Battalion would relieve the 27th Battalion that night. A reconnoitring party consisting of the C.O., the company commanders of “A” and “D” Companies who were to take over the front line, the scout officer and the M.O. set off early in the afternoon, as it was fully realized that a ticklish relief was in store for us.

From information received it was understood that the 2nd Division had attacked at daybreak and had made splendid progress, but that owing to the difficulties of communication, due to intense artillery fire, the situation, and in particular the line established by the 27th Battalion, was decidedly obscure.

It was whilst this party was making its way forward to the village of Cité St. Pierre that Captain James Moore, our gallant and popular M.O., and two of the chief members of his staff were severely wounded.

During the remainder of the day and early part ofthe night the Bosch artillery was more than usually aggressive, in retaliation no doubt for their recent losses, in fact the R.S.M. of the 27th Battalion remarked that the artillery concentration on such a small frontage was heavier than our troops had experienced at any time during the Somme offensive, an interesting comparison although not entirely appreciated by us at that time.

Under such conditions the details of the relief are best left to the imagination. To cut a horrible nightmare short it may be said that towards 3 a.m. the following morning a line was established by our men in badly demolished trenches and shell holes running through a portion of the ruined Cité St. Elizabeth to the outskirts of the City of Lens proper. Our final dispositions were in the front line right sector “D” Company (Captain Pratt), left sector “A” Company (Captain Ritchie). In close support “C” Company (Major Currie), in reserve “B” Company (Captain Every). The support and reserve companies both occupied whatever ruins or cellars they could find.

This was a truly delightful awakening after our recent rest in billets!

The enemy was either very nervous or else he suspected that a relief was in progress, for during the next forty-eight hours, we were treated to every variety of explosive, both large and high.

So intense was the fire from his artillery, that our front line companies experienced considerable difficulty in carrying out the all-important work of consolidation;whilst the support and reserve companies were equally handicapped in their work of establishing ammunition dumps, and providing burial and ration parties.

After twelve days, during which we spent eight in the front line and suffered casualties of no less than twenty O.R’s. killed and two officers and ninety O.R’s. wounded, we were more than glad to be relieved by the 15th Battalion (1st Division).

After spending one night at Marqueffles Farm, in the neighborhood of Boulay Grenay, we marched south to our old familiar front around Vimy Ridge, taking over from the 11th Battalion East Lancashire Regiment, who were in reserve along the Arras-Avion railway embankment. The dug-out accommodation, having been constructed by the Bosch, was excellent, if somewhat dirty, and with the exception of one or two working parties we had nothing very much to worry us. Now and again Fritz would take it into his head to land a few salvos into the artillery positions in Vimy Village, about 300 yards away, and as we had to go there for water it was generally advisable to time our visits so as not to coincide with the arrival of his shells. He used to fool us sometimes though, and then the water party would return rather hurriedly, minus the water and the petrol tins for carrying it.

The Distinguished Conduct MedalNumber won by Batt. 27

The Distinguished Service OrderNumber won by Batt. 7

The Meritorious Service MedalNumber won by Batt. 7

The Military MedalNumber won by Batt. 102

The Military CrossNumber won by Batt. 26

On the 15th September we relieved the 58th Battalion in the front line (Totnes Trench), situated in front of Méricourt, at an average distance of fifteen hundred yards from the Bosch front line. The 58th informed usthat they had had an ideal tour with scarcely any shelling, but that during their last day in, the Bosch had registered several times with 5.9’s on the right sector, now occupied by our “B” Company. This information was rather disconcerting, especially for the posts in that neighborhood. Anyway, a strict watch was established by the lookouts, and on the evening of the 16th, Company Commanders were called hurriedly to a conference at Battalion Headquarters. Information was that small parties of German officers had been seen that day with maps pointing in the direction of our trenches, and that messages had been intercepted indicating the possibility of a raid on our line that night. In consequence every precaution was taken and the battle patrols, which were in the habit of scouring “No Man’s Land” each evening, were held in the front line.

It was indeed a timely warning, for at 3 a.m., precisely, on the 17th, an almost perfect barrage dropped on our front line and supports. Now a certain Army order stating that no S.O.S. must be sent up until it was absolutely assured that the enemy was attacking had been recently impressed on us, and that is probably the reason why only one Company put one up (Red over Red over Red). Our artillery were sound asleep, for they never responded at all. The barrage lifted off our front line and it was evident that we were “for it.”

Up went another S.O.S., but our artillery still slept on. A few of the enemy crept through the wire and entered “C” Company’s frontage in an empty bay atits junction with 12th Ave. communication trench. They left the trench immediately, having captured Pte. Dewes of “B” Company, who had been wounded by the barrage, and was evidently on his way out to the rear. The smoke and dust were so thick we could see nothing, and a continuous rifle and Lewis gun fire was our only means of retaliation.

About daybreak we captured two of the enemy who had become entangled in our wire; unfortunately one of them refused to surrender and was shot dead by Lewis gunners before we could get him in. Our prisoner informed us that a large raid had been intended, and that the attacking party (seventy-three in number) was composed of “Stürm Truppen” (storm troops) who had been rushed up to the line that night in automobiles especially for this little entertainment. He also presented us with the photo of his company—published in this book. In evidence of what our prisoner told us we later found several mobile charges in front of our wire, intended no doubt for the destruction of the dug-outs, of which we had none, and whole piles of stick and egg bombs, which came in very handy as souvenirs for the troops.

On the evening of the 18th, the battalion was relieved by the Royal Canadian Regiment (Fritz had timed his raid just 24 hours too soon!!) and marched to Thélus Caves, from where we were transported by light railway to Fraser Camp (Mount St. Eloi), arriving there about dawn.

For purposes of comparison later on, let it be said that the total casualties of the battalion up to the present time, or for seven months’ active service, numbered eighteen officers and two hundred and seventy other ranks killed, wounded and missing.

Practically the whole of these memoirs so far has been devoted to the personnel of the battalion actually doing duty in the trenches, and no mention has been made of the work done by the Quartermaster’s department and the transport section.

Whenever the battalion moved into the line the transport and Quartermaster’s stores remained behind together with what was known as Rear Battalion Headquarters, and they were jointly responsible for supplying to the battalion each day, food, clothes, ammunition, rum, etc., in fact all the necessaries of life, and all the necessaries of war so far as the infantry soldier is concerned, including mail and reinforcements.

The men belonging to these sections did not therefore come actually into contact with the enemy, as was the case with the men in the trenches, but their duties were none the less arduous and none the less dangerous. Every night rations must be carried to the battalion in the line, and the roads and pathways along which the transport must travel were nearly always swept by machine gun and artillery fire, and the transport lines themselves came in for quite a little shelling by the German heavies.

Our transport section and Q.M. department hadnever let us down so far, which speaks very highly for their personnel, and that they never came into direct contact with the enemy is not strictly accurate, since a few days after arriving at Fraser Camp our Quartermaster, who was riding towards La Targette Corners, was chased by an enemy plane. His own description of his feelings when he realized the relative speed of his horse on the gallop and the German plane, is beyond words, and after a minute or so of terrible suspense, during which the German plane was putting machine gun groups all round him, he decided that the duel was unfair and promptly rolled off his horse into the ditch. The German airman flew home in triumph.

On the 30th September Divine Service for the whole Brigade was held in the fields around Berthonval Farm, and afterwards an investiture. The Corps, Divisional and Brigade Commanders were present and the Corps Commander personally decorated a number of our N.C.O’s. and men who had distinguished themselves in the raid of July 23rd. The proceedings were slightly marred by the activities of a German aeroplane, which seemed to be drawing the fire of every “Archie” in the neighborhood, with the result that nose caps were flying around and greatly disturbing the steadiness of the troops.

Raiding Party of “Stürm Trüppen”Photo taken from prisoner.larger image

CHAPTER VI.

Passchendaele.

We had not been in Fraser Camp for more than two days when we were invited to pay a visit to some taped trenches close to Villers au Bois, and maps of the area which they represented were freely distributed.

The successful capture of Vimy Ridge had certainly improved our position considerably, but there was still a decided salient round the city of Lens, which seemed to create a certain amount of uneasiness among the H.Q. staff. To straighten out this salient was therefore the object now in view, and to this end the entire Canadian Corps was to be engaged. An assault through Avion and Méricourt, which were situated to the south of Lens, combined with a strong demonstration north of that city, was the plan of campaign to be adopted, the result of which, if successful, would not only straighten the existing salient, but would force the Germans to evacuate Lens itself.

Tanks were to be used in conjunction with the infantry, and in order to become acquainted with their peculiarities we attended a demonstration by the Tank Corps at Mailly, which was most instructive. For two solid weeks we worked hard on this scheme, practising over the taped trenches every day, and then suddenlythe practices ceased, and strawberry jam was substituted for the everlasting plum and apple. This generally meant that the time for the attack was drawing near, but in this case it did not materialize, for on the 14th of October we received orders to move on the next day to Ourton and to entrain for Godewaersvelde, in Belgium. This change of tactics, quite unforeseen, was not unpopular with us, as we had not yet seen Belgium, and never having been there, we thought we might like it, and this in spite of many prophecies to the contrary.

After a very long and tedious train journey we arrived at our destination and marched to billets in Caestre. After resting here for two days and surprising the natives with our fondness for corn on the cob, which until now they had used entirely as cattle fodder, we were informed of the reason for our enforced presence in this district.

Operations in front of Ypres had reached a deadlock. The troops engaged, consisting chiefly of Australians and New Zealanders, had advanced nearly three miles under conditions that must have been almost heartbreaking. It had poured with rain every day; the mud was well over their knees, and they were enfiladed from both sides by the German artillery, until finally, they were brought to a halt on the top of Abraham Heights through sheer exhaustion and heavy casualties.

The German defences on this front consisted chiefly of “Pill Boxes”—oblong, concrete constructions, made out of Portland cement (?) and divided into several compartments with small, narrow entrances either at the side or back.

The average head protection in one of these was from four to five feet of solid concrete, and our field artillery shells would bounce off them like tennis balls off the sidewalk.

As soon as the shelling ceased, out would come “Mr. Bosch” with his machine guns, and from selected positions play havoc amongst our troops, floundering around in the mud. Once in a while a twelve-inch “how.” would make a direct hit on one of these hornets’ nests and then, of course, Fritz would stay in there never to come out again. But a twenty-five-foot target at a range of ten miles is a difficult one to hit, and the majority of the “pill boxes” were captured by hand-to-hand fighting.

The ground seemed to be composed of an endless series of ridges, and you no sooner reached the top of one ridge than another more formidable loomed up in front.

From Abraham Heights the Bellevue Spur (another name for a ridge) dotted here and there with “pill boxes,” stood out like a sentinel keeping watch over the village of Passchendaele in the distance, and it was plain to all around that fresh and experienced troops would be needed at this point to effect its capture. There was perhaps no Corps on the Western front at that time more capable of undertaking this difficult task, or as numerically strong, as the Canadian Corps, and that is the reason we ate corn at Caestre instead of hunting the Hun around Lens.

Two more days’ rest were given us to digest this news, and to enable parties to visit the area of desolation and gloom which was to be the scene of our future endeavours. Orders were then received to entrain for Ypres, and our arrival at that historic ruin was greeted by many cheers from the outgoing Australian units. From all they told us or rather shouted at us as they crowded into the train we had just left, we began to realize that we were not going to enjoy ourselves quite so much as we thought. “Go to it, yer blighters,” they yelled, and away we went. Having occupied several “Camps” in the neighborhood of Wieltje, the 9th Brigade, with the 116th Battalion in support, attacked the Bellevue Spur on the morning of October 26th, and by the morning of the 27th, after one of the fiercest and most bloody onslaughts in its history, succeeded in destroying the entire German garrison.

On the evening of the 27th the 116th Battalion took over the front line from the remnants of the Brigade, remaining there until relieved by the 49th Battalion (7th Brigade)—during the early hours of the 29th October.

We were not sorry to move away from our present gruesome surroundings; but it was not until the 7th November that we actually said “good-bye” to them, as we thought, and moved by bus to Vlamertinghe, and from there to the Watou area, east of Poperinghe, having lost forty-two other ranks killed, three officers and one hundred and one other ranks wounded, and twelve other ranks gassed.

The “Rough Road” to Passchendaele, 1917.(Canadian Official Copyright)larger image

CHAPTER VII.

Rest Billets.

The general feeling amongst the troops was that they had seen enough of the Ypres salient, or what remained of it, to last them until the end of the war, and as a few “leaves” to Blighty were filtering through there were some lucky ones who had their wish fulfilled. The remainder, however, were sadly deluded, and after billeting in tents for five days found themselves on the way back to that same quagmire they had so earnestly desired never to set eyes on again. This tour of duty, however, proved to be light in comparison with past experiences, and after six days spent in working parties we were finally relieved in Brigade reserve by the Royal Irish Rifles, and on the 19th of November moved by bus to Haverskerque, where we spent the night.

From Haverskerque we marched by easy stages to Bailleul-les-Pernes, probably the poorest village for billets in the neighborhood, but thankful to be alive, and pleased at the prospect of spending the next three weeks anywhere except around Ypres, we settled down to what we considered a much needed rest.

We had great difficulty in securing a parade ground within easy marching distance of, and large enough toaccommodate all four Companies, much to the disgust of the C. O., who was never happier than when he could get the Battalion together again after the disintegration entailed by a tour in the line.

The billets were certainly poor, and after parade hours, those who were energetic enough would either wander off to Auchel to renew old acquaintances or else go to Ferfay to see the latest Dumbell Concert Party. There was also a small village called Pernes, about three kilometres away, which most of the boys will remember. “D” Company Officers’ mess gave a party there during which a young calf was driven into the dining room of the Café. Somebody at once conceived the idea that calf-riding would be good for the digestion, and there was lots of fun trying to ride the calf, who resented this treatment by throwing each of his would-be riders to the floor. Eventually a long-legged officer from “B” Company succeeded in riding once round the Café, which broke the calf’s spirit completely, and he rolled over breathless on his back. The orchestra immediately struck up the “Toreador Song” from Carmen, and the party broke up amidst scenes of the greatest excitement.

During our rest in this village we were given the opportunity to cast our votes for or against Conscription in Canada. The polling was organized by Companies, each Company Orderly Room being temporarily converted into a polling booth. A muster parade was then called, and the whole affair completed in a few hours. It would be quite safe to estimate the result at 99.9%in favor of conscription, and it seems a pity that all elections and things of the kind, including referendums, cannot be organized in a similar manner.

On November 24th, Major A. W. McConnell, who succeeded Major Cameron as 2nd in command of the battalion, was recalled to Canada, and the vacancy thus caused was filled by Major G. R. Pearkes, M.C., of the 5th C.M.R., who received his appointment through special recommendation of the Divisional Commander.

After spending a quiet and peaceful month at Bailleul-les-Pernes we finally relieved the 9th Sherwood Foresters and the 8th Northumberland Fusiliers in the front line just north of Lens, on the 22nd December, with the pleasant prospect of being there for Christmas Day.

About this time Col. S. Sharpe proceeded to England for the Senior Officers’ Staff Course, and during his absence Major G. R. Pearkes assumed command of the battalion. Although Christmas Day was spent in feasting chiefly on “Bully,” on the night of the 26th December warning was received of an intended raid by the Germans, and a raid was actually made on Sap 6 at 6.30 a.m. the following morning, but the enemy was successfully driven off.

The condition of the trenches in this sector was the worst imaginable. The mud was not only knee deep but like glue, and it was not at all an unusual occurrence for a man to lose his boots and socks in his endeavours to extricate himself. One of the smallest of our officers, Capt. Hughes, was heard to remark that it was a goodthing for him that his colors were painted on his helmet. On one memorable occasion we were relieving the 58th Battalion—the bad conditions had been rendered even worse by a heavy fall of snow. Our relieving companies became so exhausted, which is not to be wondered at when one remembers the unmercifully heavy equipment usually carried into the line, that the relief which should have been completed about 10 p.m. was not actually reported until 3 a.m. the following morning. Even when the 58th had been relieved they found it impossible to get out until daylight.

The chief work of the period was the reorganization of the front line and the building of strong points. On the 22nd January, 1918, at 5.40 p.m., the enemy raided No. 4 post, but his party was caught in a barrage and obliged to retire. The conduct of Corporal Allen in the handling of his section was most exemplary. Several important patrols were made during which Lieutenant F. A. McGrotty received wounds from which he afterwards died.

Towards the end of February the battalion moved back to its old familiar hunting ground around Avion, where, although the trenches and general conditions were excellent, we sustained a series of misfortunes. Patrols went out every night through the ruins of Avion to try and locate enemy posts and whilst engaged in this work we lost two of our officers, Lieutenant C. R. Hillis and Lieutenant R. W. Biggar, within a few days of each other. From this front we moved south and onthe 1st of April we were situated in the New Brunswick trench, in front of Méricourt.

Lt.-Col. G. R. Pearkes, V.C., D.S.O., M.C.

During the last three months two important changes in our organization took place which it may be wise to record.

Major G. R. Pearkes, recently awarded the Victoria Cross for gallant work at Passchendaele with the 5th C.M.R., was appointed Officer Commanding 116th Battalion, to replace Colonel Sharpe, whose illness in England seemed likely to keep him away from France for an indefinite period.

Major J. Sutherland, at one time a Company Commander in the 52nd Battalion, but recently an instructor at Ferfay, was appointed second in command to Lt.-Colonel Pearkes.

The German grand offensive, which was to land him at the gates of Paris, had commenced, and in consequence the “staff” were showing very distinct signs of nervousness—commonly called “wind up.”

The First, Second and Fourth Canadian Divisions had been, or were being withdrawn from the line to be in readiness for action wherever they might most be needed, and the Third Division was left to defend Vimy Ridge as best it could, with nothing behind it except its own artillery and a couple of labour battalions employed in agricultural work, which had lately become a feature of modern warfare. During the day the Brigadier paid a visit to Battalion Headquarters, and, amongst other things, suggested that we might carry out somekind of raid in order to get identification, and by this means discover the enemy plans.

At 6 p.m. a meeting of the Company Commanders was called, and within the hour it was arranged to send out a battle patrol of one officer and twenty-five O.R’s. from each Company, to work independently on given frontages. It was also arranged that whichever patrol was successful in capturing a prisoner, would send up a red flare immediately. The operation was scheduled to commence at 11 p.m., without artillery or machine gun support.

At 9 p.m. a message was received from the Divisional Commander stating that identification on our front might be necessary, and at 10 p.m. the Corps Commander wired in saying that itwasnecessary, so that, all things considered, our preparations were probably well timed.

“D” Company patrol, under Captain Baird, was the first to start the quarry, for shortly after setting out it ran into a strong German patrol on its way over to our lines. With the battle cry “Come on Toronto,” Captain Baird, followed by his patrol, rushed on the Germans before they had time to move and a regular scrimmage took place, during which Captain Baird lost the use of his right arm, due to the displacement of one of the muscles. He was in the act of capturing the German patrol leader when his right arm collapsed and his revolver dropped from his hand. The German officer immediately seized him round the neckand was giving him a rough time when one of our party shot the German dead. In the meantime the remainder of our patrol had succeeded in capturing two prisoners and put the rest to flight.

Red flares were immediately sent up and all parties returned to our lines in high spirits, having obtained the “necessary identification” asked for by the Corps only two hours previously, although this achievement was greatly dimmed by the loss of two officers killed (Lt. J. A. Gibson and Lt. R. W. Soper).

It was during this tour that we received the following special order of the day from Field-Marshal Sir Douglas Haig:

To All Ranks of the British Army in France and Flanders:“We are again at a crisis in the War. The enemy has collected on this front every available Division and is aiming at the destruction of the British Army. We have already inflicted on the enemy in the course of the last two days, very heavy loss, and the French are sending troops as quickly as possible to our support. I feel that everyone in the Army, fully realizing how much depends on the exertion and steadfastness of each one of us, will do his utmost to prevent the enemy from attaining his object.”

To All Ranks of the British Army in France and Flanders:

“We are again at a crisis in the War. The enemy has collected on this front every available Division and is aiming at the destruction of the British Army. We have already inflicted on the enemy in the course of the last two days, very heavy loss, and the French are sending troops as quickly as possible to our support. I feel that everyone in the Army, fully realizing how much depends on the exertion and steadfastness of each one of us, will do his utmost to prevent the enemy from attaining his object.”

And this did not add any particular comfort to our feelings.

The Germans, however, were not thinking just thenof retaking Vimy Ridge, but of pushing through to Paris along the line of least resistance, which, judging by the progress they were making, was around the front of the Fifth Army, the “Fighting Fifth,” as they were afterwards called.

From the Méricourt front we were moved up north of Lens, and having put up with a lot of shelling and other annoyances from the Bosch, it was decided to take revenge by means of a stealth raid. “B” and “C” Companies each sent out a party consisting of one officer and twenty O.R’s. “B” Company’s party, under Lt. Dunlop, encountered the enemy in Nun’s Alley Sap, where a tough fight took place before the Germans were finally overcome. Several of them threw up their hands as if to surrender and Lance-Corporal Hayward ran forward to secure these prisoners; instead of surrendering they seized Hayward, who had the greatest difficulty in extricating himself from their grip.

On the 30th of April the battalion moved away from the line, and with the other units of the Canadian Corps, became part of Foch’s famous reserve, which was later to play such a prominent part in the final overthrow of the entire German Army. And so, during many days of glorious summer weather, and under the careful and expert guidance of Lt.-Col. G. R. Pearkes, V.C., the little old “Umpty Umps” made preparations for the future. It was during this period that we received the sad news of the death of Colonel Sam Sharpe in Montreal, on the 25th May.

One of the Original Orders received by the Battalion, during a Tour in the Trenches opposite Mericourt

There is, perhaps, no more glorious monument to the memory of this gallant soldier than his letter written “in the Field” on October 21st, 1917, just before the battle of Passchendaele, in which he said: “If it should be my fate to be among those who fall, I wish to say I have no regrets to offer. I have done my duty as I saw it, and have fought in defence of those principles upon which our great Empire is founded, and I die without any fears as to the ultimate destiny of all that is immortal within me.”

CHAPTER VIII.

August 8th.

On the 6th July, after an unusually long rest from the line, the 116th Battalion relieved the P.P.C.L.I. in the Neuville Vitasse sector, situated about three miles south of Arras. The accommodation here was very poor, and considerable time was spent in building shelters.

Several important reconnaissances were made on this front, during which we lost Lt. S. D. Woodruff, killed; and 10 other ranks, wounded.

After spending 17 days in this area we were finally relieved by the 1st Canadian Infantry Battalion and moved back in reserve once more.

On the evening of August 5th, at Boves Wood, the battalion was resting in bivouacs, after a series of long night marches from rear areas, which were conducted with so much secrecy as to almost warrant the suggestion that we were being transferred to the Italian, or some other far distant front. Only recently a printed order entitled “Keep Your Mouth Shut,” which dealt with the advisability of strict silence concerning all movements of troops or operations of a military nature, had been pasted in the pay book of every man in the Corps; so that whenever anyone on the line of march was overcurious about our destination there was always the simple answer, “Remember your pay book.”

That we were still in France was evident, and that we were likely to remain there, if not permanently, at least for the next few weeks, was made known that evening at a Company Commanders’ meeting, during which the C.O. announced the joyful news that the battalion would shortly be engaged in operations of a more comprehensive nature than night marching. There was evidently some method in our madness, and everyone was all attention, particularly since Company Commanders’ meetings had lately been showing signs of monotony.

Very little was known, except that a battle of great importance was imminent, that Australian, British and French troops would likely be engaged, and that there would be scarcely any time for final preparations, which we had always been accustomed to in the past. The German grand offensive, which began in March, had only partially succeeded, although the battles of the Somme, Messines and Passchendaele had been neutralized by their recent gains.

The importance of carrying out, to the fullest extent, the training in open warfare which we had experienced during the summer, was particularly impressed.

The attack by our battalion was to be carried out on a frontage of one thousand yards, starting from the village of Hourges, and although a definite final objective was suggested, entailing an advance of some five thousandyards, there was nothing to prevent us from following through to twice or three times that distance, providing the circumstances proved favorable.

The general scheme for the battalion was as follows:—“A” Company (Capt. Ritchie) would attack on the right, going through to what was known as the Bade trench system, which they were to capture and consolidate. “C” Company (Capt. Sutton) would follow “A” Company, and working round the high ground on the left flank, would drive for the enemy defences north of Hammon Wood, thence push from the north edge of the Wood to the left of our final objective, and deal with certain enemy batteries presumed to be there. “D” Company (Capt. Baird) would follow “C” Company and, passing through “A” Company, would work around the northern slope of high ground and push for the eastern side of Hammon Wood. “B” Company (Capt. Preston) was to follow in reserve until the Bade system had been captured, when it would follow “D” Company and mop up Hammon Wood, “A” Company then coming into battalion reserve.

From a study of the map and intelligence provided it seemed that even with little opposition the turning movement to be made would be extremely difficult, and that the leaders of all units would be called upon to exercise their best judgment and skill in order to ensure success, especially in view of the fact that very little opportunity was to be given them for making a personal reconnaissance.

Back to Index Next