FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[113]When an Indian dies, all of his property which has not been given away, is either buried with him, or, in extreme cases, burned, not for the purpose of accompanying him to the Spirit Land, but, so the people have told me, to prevent any temptation to indulge in the bad luck of mentioning his name. The only things that are exempted from this practice are the dead man's best canoes, his house-planks, and fishing and hunting implements, which, with any slaves he may possess, go to his eldest son. I have known the deceased's house and all its contents to be burned; but when this is not the case, then the materials are removed elsewhere, and another building is erected. Around his grave—a box raised from the ground on pillars, often quaintly carved, or a canoe, or a box fixed up a tree—are placed various articles belonging to him (or her). At one time they buried his money with him. But for obvious reasons this custom has fallen into abeyance.[114]Wikactually means "Not I." Good isKlooceahatliorKlootakloosch.[115]This, it must be remembered, was in the days before Connolly. Maquina's remark that if an insane man could not be cured but by whipping him, he must remain mad, proves that the savage chief was in advance of his time. Insanity is, however, extremely rare among the Indians.[116]He was, as the Indians say, "making his medicine," a term of very elastic meaning.[117]"Tootoosch" is the Thunder Bird of "Aht" mythology.

[113]When an Indian dies, all of his property which has not been given away, is either buried with him, or, in extreme cases, burned, not for the purpose of accompanying him to the Spirit Land, but, so the people have told me, to prevent any temptation to indulge in the bad luck of mentioning his name. The only things that are exempted from this practice are the dead man's best canoes, his house-planks, and fishing and hunting implements, which, with any slaves he may possess, go to his eldest son. I have known the deceased's house and all its contents to be burned; but when this is not the case, then the materials are removed elsewhere, and another building is erected. Around his grave—a box raised from the ground on pillars, often quaintly carved, or a canoe, or a box fixed up a tree—are placed various articles belonging to him (or her). At one time they buried his money with him. But for obvious reasons this custom has fallen into abeyance.

[114]Wikactually means "Not I." Good isKlooceahatliorKlootakloosch.

[115]This, it must be remembered, was in the days before Connolly. Maquina's remark that if an insane man could not be cured but by whipping him, he must remain mad, proves that the savage chief was in advance of his time. Insanity is, however, extremely rare among the Indians.

[116]He was, as the Indians say, "making his medicine," a term of very elastic meaning.

[117]"Tootoosch" is the Thunder Bird of "Aht" mythology.

WAR WITH THE A-Y-CHARTS—A NIGHT ATTACK—PROPOSALS TO PURCHASE THE AUTHOR

Our situation had now become unpleasant in the extreme. The summer was so far advanced that we nearly despaired of a ship arriving to our relief, and with that expectation almost relinquished the hope of ever having it in our power to quit this savage land. We were treated, too, with less indulgence than before, both Thompson and myself being obliged, in addition to our other employments, to perform the laborious task of cutting and collecting fuel, which we had to bring on our shoulders from nearly three miles' distance, as it consisted wholly of dry leaves, all of which near the village had been consumed.

To add to this, we suffered much abuse from the common people, who, when Maquina or some of the chiefs were not present, would insult us, calling us wretched slaves, asking us where was our Tyee or captain, making gestures signifying that his head had been cut off, and that they would do the like to us; though they generally took good care at such times to keep well out of Thompson's reach, as they had more than once experienced, to their cost, the strength ofhis fist. This conduct was not only provoking and grating to our feelings in the highest degree, but it convinced us of the ill disposition of these savages towards us, and rendered us fearful lest they might at some time or other persuade or force Maquina and the chiefs to put us to death.

We were also often brought to great distress for the want of provisions, so far as to be reduced to collect a scanty supply of mussels and limpets from the rocks, and sometimes even compelled to part with some of our most necessary articles of clothing in order to purchase food for our subsistence.

This was, however, principally owing to the inhabitants themselves experiencing a great scarcity of provisions this season; there having been, in the first place, but very few salmon caught at Friendly Cove, a most unusual circumstance, as they generally abound there in the spring, which was by the natives attributed to their having been driven away by the blood of our men who had been thrown into the sea, which with true savage inconsistency excited their murmurs against Maquina, who had proposed cutting off our ship. Relying on this supply, they had in the most inconsiderate manner squandered away their winter stock of provisions, so that in a few days after their return it was entirely expended.

Nor were the king and chiefs much more fortunate in their whaling, even after I had furnished Maquina with the improved weapon for that purpose; but four whales having been taken during the season, which closes the last of May, including one that had been struck by Maquina and escaped, and was afterwardsdriven on shore about six miles from Nootka in almost a state of putridity.

These afforded but a short supply to a population, including all ages and sexes, of no less than fifteen hundred persons, and of a character so very improvident, that, after feasting most gluttonously whenever a whale was caught, they were several times, for a week together, reduced to the necessity of eating but once a day, and of collecting cockles and mussels from the rocks for their food.

And even after the cod and halibut fishing commenced, in June, in which they met with tolerable success, such was the savage caprice of Maquina, that he would often give us but little to eat, finally ordering us to buy a canoe and fishing implements and go out ourselves and fish, or we should have nothing. To do this we were compelled to part with our greatcoats, which were not only important to us as garments, but of which we made our beds, spreading them under us when we slept. From our want of skill, however, in this new employ, we met with no success; on discovering which, Maquina ordered us to remain at home.

Another thing, which to me in particular proved an almost constant source of vexation and disgust, and which living among them had not in the least reconciled me to, was their extreme filthiness, not only in eating fish, especially the whale, when in a state of offensive putridity, but while at their meals, of making a practice of taking the vermin from their heads or clothes and eating them, by turns thrusting their fingers into their hair and into the dish, andspreading their garments over the tubs in which the provision was cooking, in order to set in motion their inhabitants.[118]

Fortunately for Thompson, he regarded this much less than myself, and when I used to point out to him any instance of their filthiness in this respect, he would laugh and reply, "Never mind, John, the more good things the better." I must, however, do Maquina the justice to state, that he was much neater both in his person and eating than were the others, as was likewise his queen, owing, no doubt, to his intercourse with foreigners, which had given him ideas of cleanliness, for I never saw either of them eat any of these animals, but, on the contrary, they appeared not much to relish this taste in others. Their garments, also, were much cleaner, Maquina having been accustomed to give his away when they became soiled, till after he discovered that Thompson and myself kept ours clean by washing them, when he used to make Thompson do the same for him.

Yet amidst this state of endurance and disappointment,in hearing repeatedly of the arrival of ships at the north and south, most of which proved to be idle reports, while expectation was almost wearied out in looking for them, we did not wholly despond, relying on the mercy of the Supreme Being, to offer up to whom our devotions on the days appointed for His worship was our chief consolation and support, though we were sometimes obliged, by our taskmasters, to infringe upon the Sabbath, which was to me a source of much regret.

We were, nevertheless, treated at times with much kindness by Maquina, who would give us a plenty of the best that he had to eat, and occasionally, some small present of cloth for a garment, promising me that, if any ship should arrive within a hundred miles of Nootka, he would send a canoe with a letter from me to the captain, so that he might come to our release. These flattering promises and marks of attention were, however, at those times when he thought himself in personal danger from a mutinous spirit, which the scarcity of provisions had excited among the natives, who, like true savages, imputed all their public calamities, of whatever kind, to the misconduct of their chief, or when he was apprehensive of an attack from some of the other tribes, who were irritated with him for cutting off theBoston, as it had prevented ships from coming to trade with them, and were constantly alarming him with idle stories of vessels that were preparing to come against him and exterminate both him and his people.

At such times, he made us keep guard over him both night and day, armed with cutlasses and pistols, beingapparently afraid to trust any of his own men. At one time, it was a general revolt of his people that he apprehended; then three of his principal chiefs, among whom was his elder brother, had conspired to take away his life; and at length he fancied that a small party of Klaooquates, between whom and the Nootkians little friendship subsisted, had come to Nootka, under a pretence of trade, for the sole purpose of murdering him and his family, telling us, probably to sharpen our vigilance, that their intention was to kill us likewise; and so strongly were his fears excited on this occasion, that he not only ordered us to keep near him armed by day, whenever he went out, and to patrol at night before his house while they remained, but to continue the same guard for three days after they were gone, and to fire, at one and at four in the morning, one of the great guns, to let them know, if, as he suspected, they were lurking in the neighbourhood, that he was on his guard.

While he was thus favourably disposed towards us, I took an opportunity to inform him of the ill-treatment that we frequently received from his people, and the insults that were offered us by some of the stranger tribes in calling us white slaves, and loading us with other opprobrious terms. He was much displeased, and said that his subjects should not be allowed to treat us ill, and that if any of the strangers did it, he wished us to punish the offenders with death, at the same time directing us, for our security, to go constantly armed.

This permission was soon improved by Thompson to the best advantage; for a few days after, having gone tothe pond to wash some of our clothes, and a blanket for Maquina, several Wickinninish who were then at Nootka came thither, and, seeing him washing the clothes, and the blanket spread upon the grass to dry, they began, according to custom, to insult him, and one of them, bolder than the others, walked over the blanket. Thompson was highly incensed, and threatened the Indian with death if he repeated the offence, but he, in contempt of the threat, trampled upon the blanket, when, drawing his cutlass, without further ceremony, Thompson cut off his head, on seeing which the others ran off at full speed. Thompson then, gathering up the clothes and blanket, on which were the marks of the Indian's dirty feet, and taking with him the head, returned and informed the king of what had passed, who was much pleased, and highly commended his conduct. This had a favourable effect for us, not only on the stranger tribes but the inhabitants themselves, who treated us afterwards with less disrespect.

In the latter part of July, Maquina informed me that he was going to war with theA-y-charts,[119]a tribe aboutfifty miles to the south, on account of some controversy that had arisen the preceding summer, and that I must make a number of daggers for his men, and cheetolths for his chiefs, which having completed, he wished me to make for his own use a weapon of quite a different form, in order to dispatch his enemy by one blow on the head, it being the calculation of these nations, on going to war, to surprise their adversaries while asleep. This was a steel dagger, or more properly a spike, of about six inches long, made very sharp, set at right angles in an iron handle of fifteen inches long, terminating at the lower end in a crook or turn, so as to prevent its being wrenched from the hand, and at the upper in a round knob or head, from whence the spike protruded. This instrument I polished highly, and, the more to please Maquina, formed on the back of the knob the resemblance of a man's head, with the mouth open, substituting for eyes black beads, which I fastened in with red sealing-wax. This pleased him much, and was greatly admired by his chiefs, who wanted me to make similar ones for them, but Maquina would not suffer it, reserving for himself alone this weapon.

When these people have finally determined on war, they make it an invariable practice, for three or four weeks prior to the expedition, to go into the water five or six times a day, when they wash and scrub themselves from head to foot with bushes intermixed with briers, so that their bodies and faces will often be entirely covered with blood. During this severe exercise, they are continually exclaiming, "Wocash, Quahootze, Teechamme ah welth, wik-etish tau-ilth—Kar sub-matemas—Wik-sishto hauk matemas—I ya-ish kah-shittle—As-smootish warich matemas"; which signifies, "Good or great God, let me live—Not be sick—Find the enemy—Not fear him—Find him asleep, and kill a great many of them."

During the whole of this period they have no intercourse with their women, and for a week before setting out, abstain from feasting or any kind of merriment, appearing thoughtful, gloomy, and morose, and for the three last days are almost constantly in the water, both by day and night, scrubbing and lacerating themselves in a terrible manner. Maquina, having informed Thompson and myself that he should take us with him, was very solicitous that we should bathe and scrub ourselves in the same way with them, telling me that it would harden our skins, so that the weapons of the enemy would not pierce them, but as we felt no great inclination to amuse ourselves in this manner, we declined it.

The expedition consisted of forty canoes, carrying from ten to twenty men each. Thompson and myself armed ourselves with cutlasses and pistols, but the natives, although they had a plenty of European arms, took with them only their daggers and cheetolths, with a few bows and arrows, the latter being about a yard in length, and pointed with copper, mussel-shell, or bone; the bows are four feet and a half long, with strings made of whale sinew.

To go to A-y-chart, we ascended, from twenty to thirty miles,[120]a river about the size of that of Tashees, the banks of which are high and covered with wood.At midnight we came in sight of the village, which was situated on the west bank near the shore, on a steep hill difficult of access, and well calculated for defence. It consisted of fifteen or sixteen houses, smaller than those at Nootka, and built in the same style, but compactly placed. By Maquina's directions, the attack was deferred until the first appearance of dawn, as he said that was the time when men slept the soundest.

At length, all being ready for the attack, we landed with the greatest silence, and, going around so as to come upon the foe in the rear, clambered up the hill, and while the natives, as is their custom, entered the several huts creeping on all-fours, my comrade and myself stationed ourselves without to intercept those who should attempt to escape or come to the aid of their friends. I wished, if possible, not to stain my hands in the blood of any fellow-creature; and though Thompson would gladly have put to death all the savages in the country, he was too brave to think of attacking a sleeping enemy.

Having entered the houses, on the war-whoop being given by Maquina as he seized the head of the chief and gave him the fatal blow, all proceeded to the work of death. The A-y-charts, being thus surprised, were unable to make resistance, and, with the exception of a very few who were so fortunate as to make their escape, were all killed, or taken prisoners on condition of becoming slaves to their captors. I had the good fortune to take four captives, whom Maquina, as a favour, permitted me to consider as mine, and occasionally employ them in fishing for me. As for Thompson, who thirsted for revenge, he had no wish to take anyprisoners, but with his cutlass, the only weapon he would employ against them, succeeded in killing seven stout fellows who came to attack him, an act which obtained him great credit with Maquina and the chiefs, who after this held him in much higher estimation, and gave him the appellation of "Chehiel-suma-har," it being the name of a very celebrated warrior of their nation in ancient times, whose exploits were the constant theme of their praise.

After having put to death all the old and infirm of either sex, as is the barbarous practice of these people, and destroyed the buildings, we re-embarked with our booty in our canoes for Nootka, where we were received with great demonstrations of joy by the women and children, accompanying our war-song with a most furious drumming on the houses. The next day a great feast was given by Maquina in celebration of his victory, which was terminated, as usual, with a dance by Sat-sat-sok-sis.[121]

Repeated applications had been made to Maquina by a number of kings or chiefs to purchase me, especially after he had showed them the harpoon I had made for him, which he took much pride in, but he constantly refused to part with me on any terms. Among these, the king of the Wickinninish was particularly solicitous to obtain me, having twice applied to Maquina for that purpose, once in a very formal manner, by sending his messenger with four canoes, who, as he approached the shore, decorated in their highest style, with the white down on his head, etc., declared that he came to buy"Tooteyoohannis," the name by which I was known to them, for his master, and that he had brought for that purpose four young male slaves, two highly ornamented canoes, such a number of the skins of metamelth, and of thequartlack,[122]or sea-otter, and so many fathoms of cloth and of Ife-whaw, while, as he mentioned the different articles, they were pointed out or held up by his attendants; but even this tempting offer had no influence on Maquina, who in the latter part of the summer was again very strongly urged to sell me by Ulatilla, or, as he is generally called, Machee Ulatilla, chief of the Klaizzarts,[123]who had come to Nootka on a visit.

This chief, who could speak tolerable English, had much more the appearance of a civilised man than any of the savages that I saw. He appeared to be about thirty, was rather small in his person, but extremely well formed, with a skin almost as fair as that of an European, good features, and a countenance expressive of candour and amiableness, and which was almost always brightened with a smile. He was much neater both in his dress and person than any of the other chiefs, seldom wearing paint, except upon his eyebrows, which, after the custom of his country, were plucked out, and a few strips of the pelpelth on the lower part of his face. He always treated me with much kindness, was fond of conversing with me in English and in his own language, asking me many questions relative to my country, its manners, customs, etc., and appeared to take a stronginterest in my fate, telling me that if he could persuade Maquina to part with me, he would put me on board the first ship that came to his country, a promise which, from his subsequent conduct, I have good reason to think he would have performed, as my deliverance at length from captivity and suffering was, under the favour of Divine Providence, wholly owing to him, the only letter that ever reached an European or American vessel out of sixteen that I wrote at different times and sent to various parts of the coast, having been delivered by him in person. So much pleased was I with this man's behaviour to me while at Nootka, that I made for him a cheetolth, which I burnished highly, and engraved with figures. With this he was greatly delighted. I also would have made for him a harpoon, would Maquina have consented.

With hearts full of dejection and almost lost to hope, no ship having appeared off Nootka this season, did my companion and myself accompany the tribe on their removal in September to Tashees, relinquishing in consequence for six months even the remotest expectation of relief.

FOOTNOTES:[118]This habit—unfortunately not peculiar to the Indians—is still occasionally indulged in. The reason they give for it is, that when the great flood covered the earth—a tradition that is found among other North-West American Indians—they escaped in their canoes, and had to eat lice for lack of any other food, and now practise it out of gratitude. The superstitious observances of these tribes are so numerous that the merest account of those known would fill a volume. One or two interesting instances may be mentioned:—Thus, in sneezing, there is good luck if the right nostril is alone affected. But if the left, then evil fortune is at hand. When they pare their nails, which is not often, they burn the parings, and if the smoke from them goes straight up, their latter end will be good; if not, they will go to the place of punishment. They used to regard—and perhaps still regard—the whites not as human beings, but as a sort of demons.[119]The E-cha-chets are not at present recognised as a separate tribe. But there is a large village in Clayoquat Sound on the south end of Wakenninish Island which bears that name. Like many now all but extinct tribes, who have become absorbed into greater ones, the E-cha-chets seem in Jewitt's time to have been more numerous. In Meares's narrative, "Lee-cha-ett" is mentioned as a village of Wakenninish, but this could not have been the same place, for Maquina and Wakenninish were at this period on good terms. The river which the expedition ascended to reach the summer salmon fishing village of the tribe was probably either the Bear or the Onamettis, both of which flow through some swampy ground into the head of Bedwall Arm. But as usual Jewitt exaggerated the distance up which the canoemen paddled. There is no river in Vancouver Island navigable for twenty or thirty miles, and few, even when broken by rapids and falls, quite that length.[120]This is an exaggerated estimate.[121]This is one of the best descriptions of West Coast warfare with which I am acquainted.[122]"Quiaotluk," Jewitt, with innate cockneyism, inserting anrafterawherever this is possible. No Indian can pronouncer, any more than a Chinaman can.[123]Klahosahts.

[118]This habit—unfortunately not peculiar to the Indians—is still occasionally indulged in. The reason they give for it is, that when the great flood covered the earth—a tradition that is found among other North-West American Indians—they escaped in their canoes, and had to eat lice for lack of any other food, and now practise it out of gratitude. The superstitious observances of these tribes are so numerous that the merest account of those known would fill a volume. One or two interesting instances may be mentioned:—Thus, in sneezing, there is good luck if the right nostril is alone affected. But if the left, then evil fortune is at hand. When they pare their nails, which is not often, they burn the parings, and if the smoke from them goes straight up, their latter end will be good; if not, they will go to the place of punishment. They used to regard—and perhaps still regard—the whites not as human beings, but as a sort of demons.

[119]The E-cha-chets are not at present recognised as a separate tribe. But there is a large village in Clayoquat Sound on the south end of Wakenninish Island which bears that name. Like many now all but extinct tribes, who have become absorbed into greater ones, the E-cha-chets seem in Jewitt's time to have been more numerous. In Meares's narrative, "Lee-cha-ett" is mentioned as a village of Wakenninish, but this could not have been the same place, for Maquina and Wakenninish were at this period on good terms. The river which the expedition ascended to reach the summer salmon fishing village of the tribe was probably either the Bear or the Onamettis, both of which flow through some swampy ground into the head of Bedwall Arm. But as usual Jewitt exaggerated the distance up which the canoemen paddled. There is no river in Vancouver Island navigable for twenty or thirty miles, and few, even when broken by rapids and falls, quite that length.

[120]This is an exaggerated estimate.

[121]This is one of the best descriptions of West Coast warfare with which I am acquainted.

[122]"Quiaotluk," Jewitt, with innate cockneyism, inserting anrafterawherever this is possible. No Indian can pronouncer, any more than a Chinaman can.

[123]Klahosahts.

MARRIAGE OF THE AUTHOR—HIS ILLNESS—DISMISSES HIS WIFE—RELIGION OF THE NATIVES—CLIMATE

Soon after our establishment there, Maquina informed me that he and his chiefs had held council both before and after quitting Nootka, in which they had determined that I must marry one of their women, urging as a reason to induce me to consent, that, as there was now no probability of a ship coming to Nootka to release me, that I must consider myself as destined to pass the remainder of my life with them, that the sooner I conformed to their customs the better, and that a wife and family would render me more contented and satisfied with their mode of living. I remonstrated against this decision, but to no purpose, for he told me that, should I refuse, both Thompson and myself would be put to death; telling me, however, that if there were none of the women of his tribe that pleased me, he would go with me to some of the other tribes, where he would purchase for me such a one as I should select. Reduced to this sad extremity, with death on the one side and matrimony on the other, I thought proper to choosewhat appeared to me the least of the two evils, and consent to be married, on condition that, as I did not fancy any of the Nootka women, I should be permitted to make choice of one from some other tribe.

This being settled, the next morning by daylight, Maquina, with about fifty men in two canoes, set out with me for Ai-tiz-zart,[124]taking with him a quantity of cloth, a number of muskets, sea-otter skins, etc., for the purchase of my bride. With the aid of our paddles and sails, being favoured with a fair breeze, we arrived some time before sunset at the village. Our arrival excited a general alarm, and the men hastened to the shore, armed with the weapons of their country, making many warlike demonstrations, and displaying much zeal and activity. We, in the meantime, remained quietly seated in our canoes, where we remained for about half an hour, when the messenger of the chief, dressed in their best manner, came to welcome us and invite us on shore to eat.[125]We followed him in procession to the chief's house, Maquina at our head, taking care to leave a sufficient number in the boats to protect the property. When we came to the house, we were ushered in with much ceremony, and our respective seats pointed out to us, mine being next to Maquina by his request.

After having been regaled with a feast of herring spawn and oil, Maquina asked me if I saw any among the women who were present that I liked. I immediatelypointed out to a young girl of about seventeen, the daughter of Upquesta, the chief, who was sitting near him by her mother. On this, Maquina, making a sign to his men, arose, and, taking me by the hand, walked into the middle of the room, and sent off two of his men to bring the boxes containing the presents from the canoes. In the meantime, Kinneclimmets, the master of ceremonies, whom I have already spoken of, made himself ready for the part he was to act, by powdering his hair with white down. When the chests were brought in, specimens of the several articles were taken out, and showed by our men, one of whom held up a musket, another a skin, a third a piece of cloth, etc.

On this Kinneclimmets stepped forward, and, addressing the chief, informed him that all these belonged to me, mentioning the number of each kind, and that they were offered to him for the purchase of his daughter Eu-stoch-ee-exqua, as a wife for me. As he said this, the men who held up the various articles walked up to the chief, and with a very stern and morose look, the complimentary one on these occasions, threw them at his feet. Immediately on which, all the tribe, both men and women, who were assembled on this occasion, set up a cry ofKlack-ko-Tyee,[126]that is, "Thank ye, chief."

His men, after this ceremony, having returned to their places, Maquina rose, and, in a speech of more than half an hour, said much in my praise to the Ai-tiz-zart chief, telling him that I was as good a man as themselves, differing from them only in being white,that I was besides acquainted with many things of which they were ignorant; that I knew how to make daggers, cheetolths, and harpoons, and was a very valuable person, whom he was determined to keep always with him; praising me at the same time for the goodness of my temper, and the manner in which I had conducted myself since I had been with them, observing that all the people of Nootka, and even the children, loved me.

While Maquina was speaking, his master of ceremonies was continually skipping about, making the most extravagant gestures, and exclaiming "Wocash!" When he had ceased, the Ai-tiz-zart chief arose, amidst the acclamations of his people, and began with setting forth the many good qualities and accomplishments of his daughter; that he loved her greatly, and as she was his only one, he could not think of parting with her. He spoke in this manner for some time, but finally concluded by consenting to the proposed union, requesting that she might be well used and kindly treated by her husband. At the close of the speech, when the chief began to manifest a disposition to consent to our union, Kinneclimmets again began to call out as loud as he could bawl, "Wocash!" cutting a thousand capers and spinning himself around on his heel like a top.

When Upquesta had finished his speech, he directed his people to carry back the presents which Maquina had given him, to me, together with two young male slaves to assist me in fishing. These, after having been placed before me, were by Maquina's men taken on board the canoes. This ceremony being over, we wereinvited by one of the principal chiefs to a feast at his house, ofKlussamit,[127]or dried herring, where, after the eating was over, Kinneclimmets amused the company very highly with his tricks, and the evening's entertainment was closed by a new war-song from our men, and one in return from the Ai-tiz-zarts, accompanied with expressive gestures, and wielding of their weapons.

After this our company returned to lodge at Upquesta's, except a few who were left on board the canoes to watch the property. In the morning I received from the chief his daughter, with an earnest request that I would use her well, which I promised him; when, taking leave of her parents, she accompanied me with apparent satisfaction on board of the canoe.

The wind being ahead, the natives were obliged to have recourse to their paddles, accompanying them with their songs, interspersed with the witticisms and buffoonery of Kinneclimmets, who, in his capacity of king's steersman, one of his functions which I forgot to enumerate, not only guided the course of the canoe, but regulated the singing of the boatmen. At about five in the morning we reached Tashees, where we found all the inhabitants collected on the shore to receive us.

We were welcomed with loud shouts of joy, and exclamations of "Wocash!" and the women, taking my bride under their charge, conducted her to Maquina's house, to be kept with them for ten days; it beingan universal custom, as Maquina informed me, that no intercourse should take place between the new married pair during that period. At night Maquina gave a great feast, which was succeeded by a dance, in which all the women joined, and thus ended the festivities of my marriage.[128]

The term of my probation being over, Maquina assigned me as an apartment the space in the upper part of his house between him and his elder brother, whose room was opposite. Here I established myself with my family, consisting of myself and wife, Thompson, and the little Sat-sat-sok-sis, who had always been strongly attached to me, and now solicited his father to let him live with me, to which he consented.

This boy was handsome, extremely well formed, amiable, and of a pleasant, sprightly disposition. I used to take a pleasure in decorating him with rings, bracelets, ear-jewels, etc., which I made for him of copper, and ornamented and polished them in my best manner. I was also very careful to keep him free from vermin of every kind, washing him and combing his hair every day. These marks of attention were not only very pleasing to the child, who delighted in being kept neat and clean, as well as in being dressed off in his finery, but was highly gratifying both to Maquina and his queen, who used to express much satisfaction at my care of him.

In making my domestic establishment, I determined,as far as possible, to live in a more comfortable and cleanly manner than the others. For this purpose I erected with planks a partition of about three feet high between mine and the adjoining rooms, and made three bedsteads of the same, which I covered with boards, for my family to sleep on, which I found much more comfortable than sleeping on the floor amidst the dirt.

Fortunately, I found my Indian princess both amiable and intelligent, for one whose limited sphere of observation must necessarily give rise to but a few ideas. She was extremely ready to agree to anything that I proposed relative to our mode of living, was very attentive in keeping her garments and person neat and clean, and appeared in every respect solicitous to please me.

She was, as I have said, about seventeen; her person was small but well formed, as were her features; her complexion was, without exception, fairer than any of the women, with considerable colour in her cheeks, her hair long, black, and much softer than is usual with them, and her teeth small, even, and of a dazzling whiteness; while the expression of her countenance indicated sweetness of temper and modesty. She would indeed have been considered as very pretty in any country, and, excepting Maquina's queen, was by far the handsomest of any of their women.

With a partner possessing so many attractions, many may be apt to conclude that I must have found myself happy,—at least, comparatively so; but far otherwise was it with me. A compulsory marriage withthe most beautiful and accomplished person in the world can never prove a source of real happiness; and, in my situation, I could not but view this connection as a chain that was to bind me down to this savage land, and prevent my ever again seeing a civilised country; especially when, in a few days after, Maquina informed me that there had been a meeting of his chiefs, in which it had been determined that, as I had married one of their women, I must be considered as one of them, and conform to their customs, and that in future neither myself nor Thompson should wear our European clothes, but dress in kutsaks[129]like themselves. This order was to me most painful, but I persuaded Maquina at length so far to relax in it as to permit me to wear those I had at present, which were almost worn out, and not to compel Thompson to change his dress, observing that, as he was an old man, such a change would cause his death.

Their religious celebration, which the last year took place in December, was in this commenced on the 15th of November, and continued for fourteen days. As I was now considered as one of them, instead of being ordered to the woods, Maquina directed Thompson and myself to remain and pray with them to Quahootze to be good to them, and thank him for what he had done.

It was opened in much the same manner as the former. After which, all the men and women in thevillage assembled at Maquina's house, in their plainest dresses, and without any kind of ornaments about them, having their heads bound around with the red fillet, a token of dejection and humiliation, and their countenances expressive of seriousness and melancholy. The performances during the continuance of this celebration consisted almost wholly in singing a number of songs to mournful airs, the king regulating the time by beating on his hollow plank or drum, accompanied by one of his chiefs seated near him with the great rattle. In the meantime they ate but seldom, and then very little, retiring to sleep late, and rising at the first appearance of dawn, and even interrupting this short period of repose by getting up at midnight and singing.

The ceremony was terminated by an exhibition of a similar character to the one of the last year, but still more cruel. A boy of twelve years old, with six bayonets run into his flesh, one through each arm and thigh, and through each side close to the ribs, was carried around the room suspended upon them, without manifesting any symptoms of pain. Maquina, on my inquiring the reason of this display, informed me that it was an ancient custom of his nation to sacrifice a man at the close of this solemnity, in honour of their God, but that his father had abolished it, and substituted this in its place.[130]The whole closed on the evening ofthe 29th, with a great feast of salmon spawn and oil, at which the natives, as usual, made up for their late abstinence.

A few days after, a circumstance occurred, which, from its singularity, I cannot forbear mentioning. I was sent for by my neighbour Yealthlower, the king's elder brother, to file his teeth, which operation having been performed, he informed me that a new wife, whom he had a little time before purchased, having refused to sleep with him, it was his intention, provided she persisted in her refusal, to bite off her nose. I endeavoured to dissuade him from it, but he was determined, and, in fact, performed his savage threat that very night, saying that since she would not be his wife, she should not be that of any other, and in the morning sent her back to her father.

The inhuman act did not, however, proceed from any innate cruelty of disposition or malice, as he was far from being of a barbarous temper; but such is the despotism exercised by these savages over their women, that he no doubt considered it as a just punishment forher offence, in being so obstinate and perverse; as he afterwards told me, that in similar cases the husband had a right with them to disfigure his wife in this way or some other, to prevent her ever marrying again.

About the middle of December, we left Tashees for Cooptee. As usual at this season, we found the herrings in great plenty, and here the same scene of riotous feasting that I witnessed last year was renewed by our improvident natives, who, in addition to their usual fare, had a plentiful supply of wild geese, which were brought us in great quantities by the Eshquates. These, as Maquina informed me, were caught with nets made from bark in the fresh waters of that country. Those who take them make choice for that purpose of a dark and rainy night, and, with their canoes stuck with lighted torches, proceed with as little noise as possible to the place where the geese are collected, who, dazzled by the light, suffer themselves to be approached very near, when the net is thrown over them, and in this manner from fifty to sixty, or even more, will sometimes be taken at one cast.

On the 15th of January 1805, about midnight, I was thrown into considerable alarm, in consequence of an eclipse of the moon, being awakened from my sleep by a great outcry of the inhabitants. On going to discover the cause of this tumult, I found them all out of their houses, bearing lighted torches, singing and beating upon pieces of plank; and when I asked them the reason of this proceeding, they pointed to the moon, and said that a great cod-fish was endeavouring to swallow her, and that they were driving him away. The origin of this superstition I could not discover.

INDIAN CHIEF'S GRAVE (TEMP. 1863).INDIAN CHIEF'S GRAVE (TEMP. 1863).

Though,in some respects, my situation was rendered more comfortable since my marriage, as I lived in a more cleanly manner, and had my food better and more neatly cooked, of which, besides, I had always a plenty, my slaves generally furnishing me, and Upquesta never failing to send me an ample supply by the canoes that came from Ai-tiz-zart; still, from my being obliged at this season of the year to change my accustomed clothing, and to dress like the natives, with only a piece of cloth of about two yards long thrown loosely around me, my European clothes having been for some time entirely worn out, I suffered more than I can express from the cold, especially as I was compelled to perform the laborious task of cutting and bringing the firewood, which was rendered still more oppressive to me, from my comrade, for a considerable part of the winter, not having it in his power to lend me his aid, in consequence of an attack of the rheumatism in one of his knees, with which he suffered for more than four months, two or three weeks of which he was so ill as to be under the necessity to leave the house.

This state of suffering, with the little hope I now had of ever escaping from the savages, began to render my life irksome to me; still, however, I lost not my confidence in the aid of the Supreme Being, to whom, whenever the weather and a suspension from the tasks imposed on me would permit, I never failed regularly on Sundays to retire to the wood toworship, taking Thompson with me when he was able to go.

On the 20th of February, we returned to our summer quarters at Nootka, but on my part, with far different sensations than the last spring, being now almost in despair of any vessel arriving to release us, or our being permitted to depart if there should.

Soon after our return, as preparatory to the whaling season, Maquina ordered me to make a good number of harpoons for himself and his chiefs, several of which I had completed, with some lances, when, on the 16th of March, I was taken very ill with a violent colic, caused, I presume, from having suffered so much from the cold, in going without proper clothing. For a number of hours I was in great pain, and expected to die, and on its leaving me, I was so weak as scarcely to be able to stand, while I had nothing comforting to take, nor anything to drink but cold water.

On the day following, a slave belonging to Maquina died, and was immediately, as is their custom in such cases, tossed unceremoniously out of doors, from whence he was taken by some others and thrown into the water. The treatment of this poor creature made a melancholy impression upon my mind, as I could not but think that such probably would be my fate should I die among these heathens, and so far from receiving a decent burial, that I should not even be allowed the common privilege of having a little earth thrown over my remains.

The feebleness in which the violent attack of my disorder had left me, the dejection I felt at the almosthopelessness of my situation and the want of warm clothing and proper nursing, though my Indian wife, as far as she knew how, was always ready, even solicitous, to do everything for me she could, still kept me very much indisposed, which Maquina perceiving, he finally told me that if I did not like living with my wife, and that was the cause of my being so sad, I might part with her. This proposal I readily accepted, and the next day Maquina sent her back to her father.

On parting with me she discovered much emotion, begging me that I would suffer her to remain till I had recovered, as there was no one who would take so good care of me as herself. But when I told her she must go, for that I did not think I should ever get well, which in truth I but little expected, and that her father would take good care of her and treat her much more kindly than Maquina, she took an affectionate leave, telling me that she hoped I should soon get better, and left her two slaves to take care of me.

Though I rejoiced at her departure, I was greatly affected with the simple expressions of her regard for me, and could not but feel strongly interested for this poor girl, who in all her conduct towards me had discovered so much mildness and attention to my wishes; and had it not been that I considered her as an almost insuperable obstacle to my being permitted to leave the country, I should no doubt have felt the deprivation of her society a real loss. After her departure, I requested Maquina that, as I had parted with my wife, he would permit me to resume myEuropean dress, as, otherwise, from not having been accustomed to dress like them, I should certainly die. To this he consented, and I once more became comfortably clad.

Change of clothing, but, more than all, the hopes which I now began to indulge that in the course of the summer I should be able to escape, in a short time restored me to health, so far that I could again go to work in making harpoons for Maquina, who probably, fearing that he should have to part with me, determined to provide himself with a good stock.

I shall not, however, long detain the reader with a detail of occurrences that intervened between this period and that of my escape, which, from that dull uniformity that marks the savage life, would be in a measure but a repetition, nor dwell upon that mental torture I endured from a constant conflict of hope and fear, when the former, almost wearied out with repeated disappointment, offered to our sinking hearts no prospect of release but death, to which we were constantly exposed from the brutal ignorance and savage disposition of the common people, who, in the various councils that were held this season to determine what to do with us in case of the arrival of a ship, were almost always for putting us to death, expecting by that means to conceal the murder of our crew and to throw the blame of it on some other tribe. These barbarous sentiments were, however, universally opposed by Maquina and his chiefs, who would not consent to our being injured. But, as some of their customs and traits of national characterwhich I think deserving of notice have not been mentioned, I shall proceed to give an account of them.

The office of king or chief is, with those people, hereditary, and descends to the eldest son, or, in failure of male issue, to the elder brother, who in the regal line is considered as the second person in the kingdom. At feasts, as I have observed, the king is always placed in the highest or seat of honour, and the chiefs according to their respective ranks, which appear in general to be determined by their affinity to the royal family; they are also designated by the embellishments of their mantles or kutsaks. The king, or headTyeeis their leader in war, in the management of which he is perfectly absolute. He is also president of their councils, which are almost always regulated by his opinion. But he has no kind of power over the property of his subjects, nor can he require them to contribute to his wants, being in this respect no more privileged than any other person. He has, in common with his chiefs, the right of holding slaves, which is not enjoyed by private individuals, a regulation probably arising from their having been originally captives taken in battle, the spoils of war being understood as appertaining to the king, who receives and apportions them among his several chiefs and warriors according to their rank and deserts.

In conformity with this idea, the plunder of theBostonwas all deposited in Maquina's house, who distributed part of it among his chiefs, according to their respective ranks or degree of favour with him, giving to one three hundred muskets, to another one hundred and fifty, withother things in like proportion. The king is, however, obliged to support his dignity by making frequent entertainments, and whenever he receives a large supply of provision, he must invite all the men of his tribe to his house to eat it up, otherwise, as Maquina told me, he would not be considered as conducting himself like aTyee, and would be no more thought of than a common man.

With regard to their religion.—They believe in the existence of a Supreme Being, whom they callQuahootze, and who, to use Maquina's expression, was one greatTyeein the sky, who gave them their fish, and could take them from them, and was the greatest of all kings. Their usual place of worship appeared to be the water, for whenever they bathed, they addressed some words in form of prayer to the God above, entreating that he would preserve them in health, give them good success in fishing, etc. These prayers were repeated with much more energy on preparing for whaling or for war, as I have already mentioned.

Some of them would sometimes go several miles to bathe, in order to do it in secret; the reason for this I could never learn, though I am induced to think it was in consequence of some family or private quarrel, and that they did not wish what they said to be heard; while at other times they would repair in the same secret manner to the woods to pray. This was more particularly the case with the women, who might also have been prompted by a sentiment of decency to retire for the purpose of bathing, as they are remarkably modest.

I once found one of our women more than two miles from the village on her knees in the woods, with her eyes shut and her face turned towards heaven, uttering words in a lamentable tone, amongst which I distinctly heard,Wocash Ah-welth, meaning "good Lord," and which has nearly the same signification with Quahootze.

Though I came very near her, she appeared not to notice me, but continued her devotions. And I have frequently seen the women go alone into the woods, evidently for the purpose of addressing themselves to a superior Being, and it was always very perceptible on their return when they had been thus employed, from their silence and melancholy looks.

They have no belief, however, in a state of future existence, as I discovered in conversation with Maquina at Tootoosch's death, on my attempting to convince him that he still existed, and that he would again see him after his death; but he could comprehend nothing of it, and, pointing to the ground, said that there was the end of him, and that he was like that.[131]Nor do they believe in ghosts, notwithstanding the case of Tootoosch would appear to contradict this assertion,but that was a remarkable instance, and such a one as had never been known to occur before; yet from the mummeries performed over the sick, it is very apparent that they believe in the agency of spirits, as they attribute diseases to some evil one that has entered the body of the patient. Neither have they any priests, unless a kind of conjurer[132]may be so considered who sings and prays over the sick to drive away the evil spirit.

On the birth of twins, they have a most singular custom, which, I presume, has its origin in some religious opinion, but what it is, I could never satisfactorily learn. The father is prohibited for the space of two years from eating any kind of meat, or fresh fish, during which time he does no kind of labour whatever, being supplied with what he has occasion for from the tribe. In the meantime, he and his wife, who is also obliged to conform to the same abstinence, with their children, live entirely separate from the others, a small hut being built for their accommodation, and he is never invited to any of the feasts, except such as consist wholly of dried provision, where he is treated with great respect, and seated among the chiefs, though no more himself than a private individual.

Such births are very rare among them; an instance of the kind, however, occurred while I was at Tashees the last time, but it was the only one known since the reign of the former king. The father always appearedvery thoughtful and gloomy, never associated with the other inhabitants, and was at none of the feasts, but such as were entirely of dried provision, and of this he ate not to excess, and constantly retired before the amusements commenced. His dress was very plain, and he wore around his head the red fillet of bark, the symbol of mourning and devotion. It was his daily practice to repair to the mountain, with a chief's rattle in his hand, to sing and pray, as Maquina informed me, for the fish to come into their waters. When not thus employed, he kept continually at home, except when sent for to sing and perform his ceremonies over the sick, being considered as a sacred character, and one much in favour with their gods.[133]

These people are remarkably healthful, and live to a very advanced age, having quite a youthful appearance for their years.[134]They have scarcely any disease but the colic, their remedy for which is friction, a person rubbing the bowels of the sick violently, until the pain has subsided, while the conjurer, or holy man, is employed, in the meantime, in making his gestures, singing, and repeating certain words, and blowing off the evil spirit, when the patientis wrapped up in a bearskin, in order to produce perspiration.

Their cure for the rheumatism, or similar pains, which I saw applied by Maquina in the case of Thompson, to whom it gave relief, is by cutting or scarifying the part affected. In dressing wounds, they simply wash them with salt water, and bind them up with a strip of cloth, or the bark of a tree. They are, however, very expert and successful in the cure of fractured or dislocated limbs, reducing them very dexterously, and, after binding them up with bark, supporting them with blocks of wood, so as to preserve their position.[135]

During the whole time I was among them, but five natural deaths occurred, Tootoosch and his two infant children, an infant son of Maquina, and the slave whom I have mentioned, a circumstance not a little remarkable in a population of about fifteen hundred; and as respects child-birth, so light do they make of it, that I have seen their women, the day after, employed as usual, as if little or nothing had happened.

The Nootkians in their conduct towards each other are in general pacific and inoffensive, and appear by no means an ill-tempered race, for I do not recollect any instance of a violent quarrel between any of the men, or the men and their wives, while I was with them, that of Yealthlower excepted. But when they are in the leastoffended, they appear to be in the most violent rage, acting like so many maniacs, foaming at the mouth, kicking and spitting most furiously; but this is rather a fashion with them than a demonstration of malignity, as in their public speeches they use the same violence, and he is esteemed the greatest orator who bawls the loudest, stamps, tosses himself about, foams, and spits the most.[136]

In speaking of their regulations, I have omitted mentioning that, on attaining the age of seventeen, the eldest son of a chief is considered as a chief himself, and that whenever the father makes a present, it is always done in the name of his eldest son, or, if he has none, in that of his daughter. The chiefs frequently purchase their wives at the age of eight or ten, to prevent their being engaged by others, though they do not take them from their parents until they are sixteen.

With regard to climate, the greater part of the spring, summer, and autumn is very pleasant, the weather being at no time oppressively hot, and the winters uncommonly mild for so high a latitude, at least, as far as my experience went. At Tashees and Cooptee, where we passed the coldest part of the season, the winter did not set in till late in December, nor have I ever yet known the ice, even on the freshwater ponds, more than two or threeinches in thickness, or a snow exceeding four inches in depth; but what is wanting in snow, is amply made up in rain, as I have frequently known it, during the winter months, rain almost incessantly for five or six days in succession.

Back to Index Next