APPENDIX.

The following information is derived from trustworthy sources, and may be of some interest:—

Table of Heights above mean Sea-level.

Table of Marches from Jumrood to Cabul.

The corrected road distances are:—

Transport for the Indian Army.

The transport arrangements have always been the great stumbling-block when war has been declared in India, and in the hope that something will be done to form a permanent establishment, I republish the following letter, written in Sherpur on June 15th, 1880:—

15th June.

Lieutenant-Colonel Low, of the 13th Bengal Lancers, Chief Director of Transport with the Cabul Force, has suggested a plan for establishing a permanent transport service, the details of which I will try to explain. He advocates a system—the expense of which should be moderate in time of peace, and not extravagant in time of war—which should admit of rapid expansion when war breaks out, and, most important of all, which should allow of the animals being employed for ordinary purposes of commerce in peace time, yet always be ready to fall into their places when the State requires them. Colonel Low takes an army of 36,000 of all arms with fifteen days’ food as the unit to be treated, this being about the strength of a force which is likely to be mobilized in case of war breaking out, and he believes that under his system transport for such an army could be raised, at any time, in a fortnight.

Taking the mule as the only transport animal in the “first line,” he calculates that 70,000 mules (of which number 1,028 would be spare animals) would be required for the 36,000 men, the estimate being as follows:—

This calculation is made on the Cabul scale of baggage, and each animal would have to carry two maunds only; allowance is made for forage and grain also being carried. The 70,000 mules required would be located in the three Presidencies, in the following proportion: Bengal, 35,000; Bombay and Madras, 17,500 each. Regarding Northern India, it is calculated that the N.-W. Provinces would furnish 9,750, Oudh 750 and Rohilkund 2,000. The Punjab would be responsible for 27,500. The system of maintenance would be the division of all the country into a certain number of districts; as, for instance, the N.-W. Provinces into thirteen, and the Punjab into twenty, each of which would have a fixed number of mules ready for the State when occasion might arise. Colonel Low’s explanation of the organization he would create is so clear, that I will give his own words. He says:—“The districts would all have been numbered off in the transport books, and I will suppose I am visiting the Rawalpindi or No. 20 district. The first village I enter, might have, perhaps, fifteen mules, nine of which were over three and under fourteen years old. To the owners of these animals I would say: ‘Government will give you, through me, one rupee per month for each of these animals. Government does not want them now and may never want them at all. Keep them, therefore, and use them as you have been accustomed to. All that Government asks is that you will agree to give the use of the mules in time of war. You must bring them with their saddles, &c., arranging among yourselves that at least one man shall accompany every three mules. On Government calling for the mules, you will receive war rates of pay from that day till the animals are discharged, when they will revert to peace rates of one rupee per month. This present agreement is to last twelve months, after which notice of three months on either side may end the bargain: the one provisobeing that when Government has called for the service of the mules, the notice cannot be given until the mules are discharged. Meanwhile the mules must be branded with the district mark ‘R 20;’ and here is Rs. 36, thefirstfirstquarter’s payment in advance.’” Colonel Low states that from his personal knowledge, and from opinions expressed by native gentlemen, he is convinced the people would eagerly accept such a system, as it is one which they could easily understand, and is quite in keeping with their customs and traditions.

Then comes the all-important question of cost. Regarding the permanent establishment, Colonel Low suggests that a Director, who would have control all over India, should be appointed with staff pay of Rs. 1,000 per month. His subordinates in Bengal would be two superintendents (Rs. 500 each), and four assistants (Rs. 150 to 200); in Bombay and Madras just half this establishment. There would also be a number of native officers, and non-commissioned officers, and five sowars would be told off to each district. The staff in Bengal would cost Rs. 9,210 per month (in peace time), in Bombaya and Madras Rs. 4,030 each, or a total of Rs. 17,270 for establishment. The premium to owners of Re. 1 per animal would be Rs. 70,000, making a grand total of Rs. 87,270. When war broke out, the staff would be available for instant service at their normal pay, while the owner of each animal would receive his Rs. 12 per month, in all Rs. 8,40,000, or a total expenditure on service of Rs. 8,57,270. To put the matter in simpler form, Colonel Low remarks:—“If we suppose a period of four years in which there was war for four months, the cost would be:—

This is, in round numbers, £700,000;” and Colonel Low significantly adds:—“This can no doubt be compared with transport expenses in the last campaign”—an allusion, perhaps, to the enormous compensation we had to pay to camel-owners for animals lost or killed. The second line of transport in a campaign, Colonel Low considers, should be wheeled carriages, a certain number of carts being always kept ready at stations near the bases of supply, such as Multan, Rawalpindi, &c. With this scheme, and no doubt several others before them, it will be strange if the Government does not once for all make up its mind to an expenditure in peace time upon transport service: it may seem, for the time being, money wasted, but any one seeing the accounts of the present war cannot help being convinced that a permanent transport would have saved the country many lakhs of rupees.

THE END.

Woodfall and Kinder, Printers, Milford Lane, Strand, London, W.C.

Footnotes

1. Sirdar Sher Ali Khan Kandahari, Governor of Candahar, assured Sir Donald Stewart that Yakub Khan, from the first, never intended to pardon the chiefs who had aided us. Such a course of policy would have seemed madness in the eyes of every Afghan, said the Sirdar; not a man would have understood it.

2. This telegram is of some importance, as showing the quickness with which the Viceroy and the military authorities recognized the necessity of seizing the Shutargardan before the Cabul troops or the local tribesmen could occupy the Pass in strength.

3. On October 14th, at Cabul, the returns were:—Mules, 1,973; camels, 675; bullocks, 604; and 230 yabus (ponies purchased in Cabul).

4. Breastworks built with stones, greatly in vogue in Afghanistan.

5. Received a commission for this and other acts of bravery.

6. This expectation was a very fair one at the time, but the inevitable transport difficulties occurred and the halt had to be called.

7. A son of Dost Mahomed Khan, and therefore uncle of Yakub Khan.

8. The Shutargardan was held by the 3rd Sikhs and 21st Punjab Infantry with four guns of No. 1 Mountain Battery. Colonel Money of the 3rd Sikhs was in command.

9. This will show the difficulties General Roberts had to contend with, even in the few marches from Kushi to Cabul. The transport train was, as usual, the weakest link in the chain, and everything had to be made subservient to it.

10. Forty daughters.

11. It should be noted that no cavalry accompanied General Baker. A similar mistake was made on several other occasions later on. Our infantry lacked theimmediatesupport of cavalry to make defeats decisive.

12. As I have, perhaps, scarcely done justice to this incident in my letter, I now quote the General’s despatch on the subject:—“One party, bolder than the rest, caused so much annoyance to a picquet of the 92nd Highlanders, that it became necessary to dislodge them, and this difficult service was performed in a most gallant manner by a small party of the 92nd under Lieutenant R. A. Grant. Colour-Sergeant Hector Macdonald, a non-commissioned officer, whose excellent and skilful management of a small detachment when opposed to immensely superior numbers in the Hazara-Darukht defile, was mentioned in my despatch of the 15th instant, here again distinguished himself.” Colour-Serjeant Macdonald afterwards received a commission in the 92nd.

13. Seven of the wounded men afterwards died.

14. General Massy’s withdrawal of his patrols was severely criticized, and capital was afterwards made out of it by the military authorities in India. As showing how utterly helpless the troopers would have been in the darkness to check an enemy, I may quote my own experience. On the morning of the 9th I rode from General Massy’s force to join General Baker, taking an Afghan guide and two sowars as escort. Innumerable watercourses had to be jumped, and both sowars were left behind in the ditches. My horse had nearly to swim one stream, and the strain and toil of climbing up the banks were such that I lost even the feltnumdahfrom under my saddle. The willow-trees lining the stream were also great obstacles to horses and men, even in daylight.

15. It was not made known until afterwards that Yakub Khan had placed his resignation in the hands of Sir F. Roberts.

16. Literally, “Red-heads,” from the colour of their turbans.

17. The casualties were proved to be eventually twelve killed and seven wounded: among the former were the subadar-major and the four pay-havildars.

18. This intention was, unfortunately, never carried out owing to the outbreak in December.

19. The members of the Commission were Brigadier General Massy (President), Major Moriarty, Bengal Staff Corps, and Captain Guinness, 72nd Highlanders.

20. This expectation proved only too well-founded.

21. An officer wrote at the time:—“In the evening the enemy sent in five confidential men to say that, of course, we must now give in, that two regiments could not hold out an hour, but they were willing to allow us to leave the Shutargardan and to provide us with carriages and hostages; we to be at liberty to retire to Ali Kheyl or to Cabul, and for this consideration we were to pay them two lakhs. Poor Allahaddin Khan was at his wits’ end.”

22. It has since been ruled that the treasure is not to be considered prize-money. Abdur Rahman, upon his accession to the Amirship, was given 19½ lakhs of rupees, ofwhichwhich9½ will appear in the accounts as “refunded to the Afghan Government.” This was the sum found in Cabul as detailed above.

23. The word “Kotal” is applied usually where the road passes over a hill, instead of through it; “Pass” being used in the latter case.

24. One maund = 40 seers = 80 lbs.

25. Afterwards killed on the Asmai Heights on December 14th.

26. Contrary to expectation, no such narrative has ever been published.

27. This is a plain statement of the foray in the Darra Narkh, and our indignation was greatly aroused afterwards by seeing sensational articles in English papers describing how old men, women, and children were turned out to die in the snow. There werenoold men, women, and children seen, andnosnow. There were forty or fifty other villages in which they had taken refuge long before we arrived.

28. I may here state that Yakub Khan made the journey to Peshawur without incident; the rapidity of his movements preventing any tribal combination being formed with the object of attempting his rescue.

29. General Baker nearly fell a victim to Afghan treachery at Beni-Badam. He visited the village with twenty or thirty troopers of the 9th Lancers, leaving his infantry on the Ghazni Road, 2½ miles away. The villagers brought out milk and fruit for the officers, and provided corn and forage for the horses, protesting their friendship loudly. General Baker noticed that only old men seemed in the village, but did not suspect treachery until suddenly two large bodies of armed men, with banners flying, were seen rushing down the hill to cut off his retreat. The troopers had to skirmish on foot with their carbines, and after a sharp fight the General managed to rejoin his infantry. The next day he destroyed the village.

30. These were Sergeant-Instructor of Musketry Salmond, Sergeant Cox, Private McIveen and Private Bonar.

31. The Chaplain of the Force, the Rev. —— Adams, was recommended for the Victoria Cross for extricating one man, under a heavy fire.

32. For this he was strongly recommended for the Victoria Cross.

33. Missing.

34. One missing.

35. This was the view taken by Colonel Macgregor, Chief of the Staff.

36. The plan here suggested was afterwards carried out.

37. I may here state that both these expeditions were afterwards carried out, and their object attained.

38. I have not gone at length into the question of General Massy’s recall, as there were too many points involved for the case to be treated in a work of this kind, which is only a diary of the war. I may state, however, that General Massy was given a brigade command in India, which he still retains.

39. At Abdur Rahman’s request all the forts, &c., were left intact when Sir Donald Stewart left Cabul in August.

40. This was the policy Lord Lytton intended to carry out.

41. The Afghans cannot, of course, be expected to understand the principle of party-government at home; the defeat of the Conservative party and the recall of Lord Lytton put an end to such ideas as the retention of Candahar and the maintenance of the scientific frontier. Our change of policy was misunderstood generally in Afghanistan, where, to this day, it is believed we were too weak to carry out our original plans.

42.1 Co. 2-60th and 1 Co. 25th P.N.I. were on left of G-4, I Co. 19th P.N.I. between G-4 and A. H., R.H.A.

43. The fine was never levied.

44. It will be seen from this that the evacuation of Cabul was decided upon long before the Maiwand disaster was made known.

45. General Gough’s brigade had moved into Koh-Daman in consequence of the turbulence of the Safis.

46. The news of the Maiwand disaster reached Sir Donald Stewart on July 29th, the first telegram speaking of the “annihilation” of General Burrows’ brigade. Later telegrams showed that the defeat, while serious enough, was not so terrible as at first reported. The news was kept as secret as possible, as it was feared that the negotiations with Abdur Rahman might be delayed if the new complications in Southern Afghanistan were made known.

47. The oldmoollahkept his word and took a prominent part in the ceremonies attending Abdur Rahman’s coronation.

48. Major White was recommended for the Victoria Cross for his gallantry on this occasion.

49. Six hundred and forty-nine bodies were afterwards buried on the Candahar side of the Pir Paimal Ridge. The enemy’s total loss must have been about 1,200 killed, and a large number wounded.

50. On August 3rd General Primrose informed Colonel St. John that, acting under the advice of his brigadiers, he assumed chief political authority.

51. The withdrawal of the original supports before General Brooke’s party had left the village was the fatal mistake of the day.

52. This, according to the statement of Ayub’s colonel of artillery (now a prisoner in our hands), was really Ayub’s plan. He meant to reach Sinjuri by forced marches.

53. In justice to Colonel St. John, I must say that I have since learned that he reported later in the day, to General Burrows, that thewholeof Ayub’s army was at Sangbur. This report was disregarded for the following reason: A British officer of the 3rd Scind Horse stated that he had visited Sangbur that day with a cavalry patrol, and that only a few irregulars were found there. Colonel St. John’s information was quite correct, as our prisoners told us after the battle of Candahar. What village did the officer really reconnoitre?

54. Major-General Greaves, Adjutant-General in India, in his remarks upon General Burrows’ despatch, points out how fatal it was to form up with both flanksen l’airbefore an enemy vastly superior in numbers.

55. Brigadier Nuttall commanding the cavalry says in his despatch: “I ordered the cavalry to form line, and by a charge stem the rush of ghazis on the infantry; but I bitterly regret to have to record that although I was most ably seconded by the officers, only portions of the 3rd Light Cavalry and 3rd Scind Horse formed up, and we charged, but the men bearing away to the right and rear, the charge was not delivered home, and was but of little effect. All subsequent attempts made at this time by myself and the officers to induce the men to rally and face the enemy failed. The men seemed totally demoralized by the combined effects of the very heavy artillery fire which had, during the action, killed and wounded 149 of the horses, and about fourteen per cent. of the men engaged in the front. There was now nothing left but to fall back on the rearguard, which had advanced a short way towards us, but it was not till we reached the four guns Royal Horse Artillery, brought out of action by Captain Slade, that the men, through the exertions of the officers, staff and myself, were formed up facing the enemy.”

56. The 3rd Scind Horse only lost fourteen men killed and five wounded out of 260 men: they had forty-nine horses killed and wounded. There were thus always over 200 sabres available for a charge in this regiment alone, but the men were out of hand.

NOTES ON ILLUSTRATION AT p. 5121st Brigade13rd Brigade46 S.R.A.11-9 R.A.92nd Highlanders2-60 Rifles2nd Goorkhas4th Goorkhas23rd Pioneers15th Sikhs24th P.N.I.25th P.N.I.2nd Brigade2Cavalry BrigadeNo. 2 M.B.9th Lancers72nd Highlanders3rd B.C.5th Goorkhas3rd R.C.2nd SikhsC.I.H.3rd Sikhs2nd BiluchiBombay Troop3Afghan Positions6 Co. 7th FusiliersGundimisila4 Co. 66th FootGundigan6 Co. 28th N.I.Walled Gardens between G and G4th N.I.Pir Paimal and Spur of Hill19th N.I.Kharoti and Hill2 Co. 1st N.I.Detachment S. and M.E.B., R.H.A.C-2 R.A.5-11 R.A.3rd I. Cavalry3rd Sinde Horse(Sd.) E.P. Leach, Captain &Poona HorseBrevet-Major.[Back]

NOTES ON ILLUSTRATION AT p. 512

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NOTES ON ILLUSTRATION AT p. 532DISPOSITION OF GUNSGuns.Position.Officers Comdg. Face.9-Pr. M.L.H. Gun C-2, R.A.N. E. Bastionrbracket3_blueMajor Greig R.A.9-Pr. ditto dittoDurrance Gate9-Pr. ditto dittoCabul Gate40-Pr. B.L.R. GunS. E. Bastionrbracket3_blueCapt. Hornsby Comg. 5-11 R.A.6-Pr. S.B. GunShikapoor Gate40-Pr. B.L.R. Gunrbracket3_blueS. W. Bastion9-Pr. M.L.R. Gun E-B., R.H.A.9-Pr. ditto dittoHerat Gaterbracket3_blueCapt. Slade R.A.9-Pr. ditto C-2 R.A.Topkhana Gate9-40-Pr. B.L.R. Gunrbracket3_blueN.W. Bastion9-Pr. M.L.R. Gun E-B., R.H.A.9-Pr. ditto dittoEedgah Gate40-Pr. B.L.R. GunS. W. Bastion of Citadel.Eedgah Gate Front, 400 men under the command of Brigadier-General Burrows, Lieutenant-Colonel Nimmo, 28th N.I., commanding Eedgah Gate. After 16th August, Colonel Edwardes, 2nd N.I., took command of Front under Brigadier-General Burrows, with Major Singleton, 28th N.I. commanding the Gate.Length of Front 1,178 yards.Cabul Gate Front, 500 men under Brigadier-General Nuttall, with Colonel Bannerman, 4th N.I., commanding the Cabul Gate, and Colonel Mainwaring, 30th N.I., commanding the Durrance Gate.Length of Front 1,700 yards.Herat Gate Front, 500 men under command of Colonel Edwardes, 2nd N.I., with Major Marshall, 4th N.I., commanding the Herat Gate, and Lieutenant-Colonel Griffith, 1st N.I., commanding the Topkhana Gate. After 16th August, Brigadier-General Daubeny commanded this Front and Major Ready, 66th, the Gate.Length of Front 1,987 yards.Shikarpoor Gate Front, 400 men under Brigadier-General Brooke, with Major Trench, 19th N.I., in command of Shikapoor Gate. After 16th August, Colonel Heathcote, 19th N.I. commanded this front, and Major Marshall, 4th N.I., the Gate.Length of Front 1,300 yards.[Back]

NOTES ON ILLUSTRATION AT p. 532

DISPOSITION OF GUNS

Eedgah Gate Front, 400 men under the command of Brigadier-General Burrows, Lieutenant-Colonel Nimmo, 28th N.I., commanding Eedgah Gate. After 16th August, Colonel Edwardes, 2nd N.I., took command of Front under Brigadier-General Burrows, with Major Singleton, 28th N.I. commanding the Gate.Length of Front 1,178 yards.Cabul Gate Front, 500 men under Brigadier-General Nuttall, with Colonel Bannerman, 4th N.I., commanding the Cabul Gate, and Colonel Mainwaring, 30th N.I., commanding the Durrance Gate.Length of Front 1,700 yards.Herat Gate Front, 500 men under command of Colonel Edwardes, 2nd N.I., with Major Marshall, 4th N.I., commanding the Herat Gate, and Lieutenant-Colonel Griffith, 1st N.I., commanding the Topkhana Gate. After 16th August, Brigadier-General Daubeny commanded this Front and Major Ready, 66th, the Gate.Length of Front 1,987 yards.Shikarpoor Gate Front, 400 men under Brigadier-General Brooke, with Major Trench, 19th N.I., in command of Shikapoor Gate. After 16th August, Colonel Heathcote, 19th N.I. commanded this front, and Major Marshall, 4th N.I., the Gate.Length of Front 1,300 yards.

Length of Front 1,178 yards.

Cabul Gate Front, 500 men under Brigadier-General Nuttall, with Colonel Bannerman, 4th N.I., commanding the Cabul Gate, and Colonel Mainwaring, 30th N.I., commanding the Durrance Gate.

Length of Front 1,700 yards.

Herat Gate Front, 500 men under command of Colonel Edwardes, 2nd N.I., with Major Marshall, 4th N.I., commanding the Herat Gate, and Lieutenant-Colonel Griffith, 1st N.I., commanding the Topkhana Gate. After 16th August, Brigadier-General Daubeny commanded this Front and Major Ready, 66th, the Gate.Length of Front 1,987 yards.Shikarpoor Gate Front, 400 men under Brigadier-General Brooke, with Major Trench, 19th N.I., in command of Shikapoor Gate. After 16th August, Colonel Heathcote, 19th N.I. commanded this front, and Major Marshall, 4th N.I., the Gate.Length of Front 1,300 yards.

Length of Front 1,987 yards.

Shikarpoor Gate Front, 400 men under Brigadier-General Brooke, with Major Trench, 19th N.I., in command of Shikapoor Gate. After 16th August, Colonel Heathcote, 19th N.I. commanded this front, and Major Marshall, 4th N.I., the Gate.

Length of Front 1,300 yards.

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Transcriber’s NoteThe cover image has been prepared specifically for this project, and is hereby placed in the public domain.Compound words (e.g., ‘loophole’) may be hyphenated inconsistently. When the hyphen appears on a line or page break, the hyphen is retained or removed based on the preponderance of other instances.Variant spellings of place names or tribal names are retained if there are more than one instance of each.The abbreviation ‘lbs.’ appears multiple times with and without a preceding space, as ‘300 lbs.’ or ‘300lbs’, and is given here as printed.Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original. The following issues should be noted, along with the resolutions.29.32the village of Charasia about eleven o[’]clockInserted.46.32General Massy ordered his v[e/i]dettesReplaced.59.36against the wooden framewor[d/k] of the pavilionReplaced.77.35the large earthe[r]n jars and dubbersRemoved.79.8It was by [no ]mean safe walkingAdded.90.8to submit to ou[t]side interferenceInserted.112.10a guide to some troops marching up the Bala Hissar [B/R]idgeReplaced.112.26has sunk very low of [l]ateAdded.113.28of w[h]ich 9½ will appear in the accountsInserted.114.4Arrival of Stores from the Shutargard[e/a]nReplaced.125.7upon the safety of the Shutargard[e/a]nReplaced.152.18and v[a/o]lleys> from the Martinis and SnidersReplaced.156.14and his inter[w/v]iew with CavagnariReplaced.171.2can scar[c]ely admit of a doubtInserted.186.35on the Ghazni [B/R]oad.Replaced.257.32To[-]night we are resting on our armsRestored.268.26We had not suffic[i]ent ammunitionInserted.288.16to live on [peacable] terms with the peoplesic291.13Ataullah Khan, Anitoollah Khan[,] Habibulla Khan (the Mustaufi)Added.324.14the gro[o]ves were filled with leadInserted.337.7and the tough shaft [as it] had been of tinderas if? as though?354.9Daoud Shah accompa[in/ni]ed Yakub Khan to CabulInverted.362.20an important mission to fu[l]fil in Central Asian politicsInserted.363.25vi[a/â]Maizena and PeshbolakReplaced.379.30with the advanced party [a/o]f the Candahar columnReplaced.400.9without fear of an[e/é]meuteReplaced.424.19has been gained in a short intercou[r]seInserted.427.11The Battle[ ]field of Ahmed KhelRemoved.441.2Sirdars and servants mingled in famil[i]ar groupsInserted.454.5It now rema[i]ns for Abdur Rahman to showInserted.471.3That would indeed be a disappointme[u/n]t too grievous to be borne.Inverted.499.7When, howev[ev]er, we reached Khel-i-AkhundRemoved.503.20Sir Frederick Robert[s]’s Plan of AttackInserted.521.25and to examine th[o/e] contents of Ayub’s tentsReplaced.538.36The contin[u]ous firing showed the villageInserted.545.7Reti[o/r]ement of the Brigade upon Khusk[l]-i-NakhudReplacedRemoved.551.11to clear G[e/a]rmao of the Naib and his advanced cavalryReplaced.561.18in their slack disc[lip/ipl]ineTransposed.567.3the [fi]rst> quarter’s paymentRestored.

Transcriber’s Note

The cover image has been prepared specifically for this project, and is hereby placed in the public domain.

Compound words (e.g., ‘loophole’) may be hyphenated inconsistently. When the hyphen appears on a line or page break, the hyphen is retained or removed based on the preponderance of other instances.

Variant spellings of place names or tribal names are retained if there are more than one instance of each.

The abbreviation ‘lbs.’ appears multiple times with and without a preceding space, as ‘300 lbs.’ or ‘300lbs’, and is given here as printed.

Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original. The following issues should be noted, along with the resolutions.

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