THE LONGEST GIRDER BRIDGE IN THE REPUBLIC, NEAR SANTA FÉ.THE LONGEST GIRDER BRIDGE IN THE REPUBLIC, NEAR SANTA FÉ.
All this may seem to suggest that Corrientes is a somewhat forbidding province, especially as much of its territory is marshy. For instance, Lake Ibera and its marshes covers an area of something like 15,000 square miles. The vegetation is dense, the climate is bad, and there is little to attract man unless he be a sportsman. But so vast is the province that there are wide areas which are very productive, because the province is well provided with rivers and streams.
There are in the province about 5,000,000 head of cattle, over 3,000,000 sheep, and about 600,000 horses. Besides cattle, there are the timber trade and the sugar industry, also tobacco growing, to be counted amongst its sources of revenue.
It was only in 1908 that the province of Entre Rios entered the Republic. As will be gathered from its name, the province lies "between rivers," the Parana and Uruguay, both of which are navigable for many hundreds of miles. There are many smaller rivers which, although not much good for traffic, are most useful in watering the country. Entre Rios has as fertile a soil as will be found in any part of the Republic. The country is more picturesque than can be said of Argentina as a whole, and with its many farms it is often reminiscent ofEngland. In the north there are extensive forests; indeed, one-fifth of the province is covered with valuable timber. Agricultural products and live stock are, as elsewhere, the chief source of prosperity.
In the more pleasant undulating parts of the province there are many prosperousestancias, often in the possession of Englishmen. Here, more than in any other place in the Republic, are to be found small freeholds owned by Austrian, Poles, Russians, and Scandinavians. The Spanish and Italian Argentines seem to have left most of this area to north Europeans, who in many cases retain the costumes of the countries from which they emigrated. Formerly Entre Rios had a bad name because of the stories of the way in which the old settlers shot every Indian on sight. That, however, is a page now far back in the history of the land.
Until comparatively recent times the only communication with the outer world was by means of the rivers. Now, as mentioned, Entre Rios has a fine railway system. The capital of the province, Parana, is a happy-looking, clean town, with exquisite gardens and, of course, the usual theatre and band.
Most of the meat extract supplied to the world by the Liebig and Bovril companies comes from Entre Rios. Both these companies own greatestanciasto breed cattle for the purposes of their business. Liebigs, which afterwards changed its name to Lemco, practically built the town of Fray Bentos, where there were schools, public halls, and, altogether, a model settlement. Subsequently, however,the works were removed to Colon. The Lemco company own eighteen great estates, covering 1,750,000 acres with nearly 400,000 head of cattle. The area of their estates is nearly equal to that of Kent and Surrey.
It was as far back as 1850, long before the frozen and chilled meat trade came into existence, that Baron Liebig saw the possibilities, instead of killing cattle merely for hides and tallow, of boiling down the meat for extract. The first exportation of 80 lbs. was in 1865, and it was sent to Germany.
The Bovril company, in Entre Rios and the adjoining province of Santa Fé, have nearly half a million acres of freehold and a quarter of a million acres of leasehold land. On their estates they have about 150,000 cattle. Most of the cattle are of the Durham breed. Between 80,000 and 100,000 animals are slaughtered annually, principally at Santa Elena; and whilst the meat is sent to England to be converted into meat extract, the hides and tallow are dispatched to Buenos Aires, where they are sold.
Altogether there are about a quarter of a million beasts slaughtered in Entre Rios each year. As in other parts of Argentina, all the slaughter-houses are under Government inspection; indeed, every carcase is subjected to examination before it is passed. Entre Rios is still a long way from the end of its journey as a meat producing country.
Argentina is a land without ideals. Religion is at a discount, and as yet nothing worthy of the world's note has been produced in art or literature. There is no national conscience. It is a country for money-making, and, although I may have been unfortunate in the men I met, I encountered few Argentines who had thought beyond money.
The Argentines are a people numbering seven millions—drawn from the sturdier sections of the Latin race, reinforced by adventurous spirits from other races, and backed by the finance of London—and their ambitions are large. Argentina is a country to count in the new regions devoted to providing the food of the world; and the end of its possibilities is many generations away.
The travelled Argentine is conscious of the shortcomings of his countrymen when engaged in the battle of commerce with men of other nations. So he sees the need of a helping and guiding hand from other folk, particularly British. Gradually, however, other countries are getting their fingers into the pie: Germany and France. The United States is making a big endeavour, but, though the North Americanslack nothing in energy, they have completely failed to win the confidence of the Argentines.
Yet the educated Argentine feels, as foreigners are quick to notice, that the amalgam of races, with the Italian leavening the whole, is creating a new people. The Argentine lad is quick-witted and adaptable, and he is alert to learn the ways of the foreigner. So, though it is true enough that you find Englishmen at the head of many of the great concerns, the Argentine is pushing his way in and sometimes beating the foreigner at his own game.
The new spirit is revealed in the way the young Argentine is taking to sport besides horse-racing: rowing, tennis, and particularly football. As every child born in the Republic is by law an Argentine, it is subject for notice that many young English fellows native born are more Argentine than those of Spanish and Italian parentage. It is inevitable that, proportionately, the strictly Spanish population will decrease. But the Spanish language remains. It has a hold in the Western continent from Mexico to Patagonia.
Notwithstanding all that has been accomplished, one has only to look at a map to realise this region is to be the home for the overflow of Latin Europe, and that the scope of commerce at present is slight compared with its probable dimensions within a few years. Having some acquaintance with the great business countries of the world, I say unreservedly that if I had a son, and intended to put him into commerce in the hope of his making a fortune quickly,I would have him taught Spanish and send him to South America.
However, there is a slowly accumulating public opinion that Argentina can do without the foreigner, that the hour is coming when she should no longer be exploited in order that large dividends be paid to investors who live on the other side of the Atlantic. There is a sort of sub-conscious feeling that it is the genius of the Argentines themselves which accounts for the sunshine, the rich soils, the general productivity. Evidence of that state of mind can be found in other countries besides Argentina. Yet, though it is apparent to the most casual observer of the world's conditions that Argentina must wax in strength and become increasingly independent, it is clear that were she to attempt to stand, far less run, alone she would come a tremendous cropper.
The pride of the Argentine has to be reckoned upon. The nation recalls its decrepit past; it sees the abundant blossom of the present; it eyes are large when viewing the future. It declines to confound its destiny with any other South American Republic. For its northern neighbour Brazil, Portuguese and negro in population, it has a scorn which raises a smile on the lips of the outsider.
It resents the patronage of the United States. When the States preaches the Monroe Doctrine, and announces it will not allow any European Power to acquire fresh territory on the American continent, Argentina says: "It is very kind of you, but we donot require your help; we are quite capable of looking after ourselves."
Behind this is the belief that the Monroe Doctrine is but a design to permit the United States to become the ruling factor in American higher politics, if not to extend her sphere of authority the entire length of the continent. The manner in which the United States got possession of territory in Central America in order to construct the Panama Canal rankles in the minds of Argentines, as it does in the minds of most other South Americans. Bitter though the feeling is between rival South American States, they are at one in their resentment of United States patronage.
Occasionally, United States Ministers of high position travel south, and beat the pan-American drum. They are received politely, but there is chilliness in the courtesy. In blunt truth these Republics—be they right or be they wrong in surmise—do not trust the United States. I think I am well within the facts when I state that there is an agreement between Argentina, Brazil, and Chili—known as the A.B.C. combination—to take common action if there is any step south of the Panama isthmus savouring of aggression on the part of the United States.
Both in Argentina and Brazil, when I conversed with public men, I was given clearly to understand how deep-seated is this dislike of the United States. There is annoyance at the manner in which President Woodrow Wilson has lectured the Latin Republics of America for granting concessions to Europeansyndicates for the development of their countries. President Wilson laid it down that the growth of foreign interests in these Republics was unwholesome, because they were sure to influence the political life; therefore, he said, it was the duty of the United States to assist in emancipating them from such subordination. This was a considerable extension of the Monroe Doctrine. The much-preached creed that the United States will not tolerate any other Power acquiring territory in the Western hemisphere had been expanded to mean that the United States is going to use its influence to free the Latin Republics from being under obligation to European countries which have given their millions of gold towards making those Republics commercially prosperous which, so far as financial assistance from the United States counts, would have remained practically undeveloped. At the latter end of 1913 Mr. Page, United States Ambassador to Great Britain, stated at a public dinner that President Wilson was determined to assert the principle that no sort of European financial or industrial control could, with the consent of the United States, be got over the weak nations of America so far as this control affected political influence.
What European countries think about this attitude of the United States in practically warning off European financiers if the investments or concessions have an influence over politics—which, of course, they must have in all trading countries—it is not for me to discuss here. But this over-lordship, thisplacing of the Latin Republics in a position of tutelage to the great Republic of the north, is denounced and repudiated by every Latin American public man.
I quite agree that it would be better for countries like Argentina and Brazil if they were not so dependent on the foreign capitalist. That is a view held by probably the majority of South Americans themselves. But they are not going to accept dictation from the United States, especially as they know that United States financiers and syndicates are not only endeavouring to control the meat trade of Argentina, but within the last year or so have been engaged in gigantic negotiations to secure ultimately a controlling voice in many of the most important railway concerns.
In the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies in December of 1913, Señor Pedro Moacyr questioned whether, even should the United States spare Brazil the fate meted out to Colombia, in regard to setting up the baby Republic of Panama so that the North Americans could construct the Panama Canal, Brazil would accept the tutelage over Latin America which President Wilson, improving on the imperialism of Mr. Roosevelt himself, and yet further accentuating the disquieting deviations of the Monroe Doctrine, had proclaimed? What it came to was, said Señor Moacyr, "that the Latin Republics are no longer to have the right to grant to foreigners such concessions and privileges as it may suit them to grant, and, under pretext of preserving them from a problematical European imperialism, the United States willsubject them to its own domination and control. What, in this case, becomes of the integrity and sovereignty of Latin America for which the great Republic displays so much solicitude? More and more the Monroe Doctrine, new style, displays this manifest tendency: America for the United States.... Will the great Latin Republics be willing to submit to this American control, and subordinate their foreign policy and their economic orientation to the views and interests of Washington? We do not believe it."
It is only right that United States financiers should receive privileges the same as are accorded to the financiers of other countries; but such a pronouncement as that of President Wilson only intensifies the distrust of South Americans, so that when looking beyond their own frontiers for money they are more disposed to direct their gaze across the Atlantic than to the people of the United States. What may be taken as quite certain is that the big Latin Republics have sufficient confidence in themselves to refuse to accept any lectures from North Americans.
Coming late into the field the United States is now making strenuous endeavours to increase its trade with Argentina. Operations in regard to railways, and creating a meat monopoly in the hands of Chicago firms, provide the most striking proof. In regard to the creation of a meat trust, there is now a Bill before the Argentine Parliament providing that any contract relating to commerce or transportaffecting the price to the consumer of articles of prime necessity is illegal. Those who form the trust can, under this measure, be punished for misdemeanour, and directors of companies or associations will be held personally responsible, and on repetition of the offence their companies or associations dissolved and effects confiscated.
At the present time there is a great American railway scheme to link up the railway lines in Argentina and Brazil with a line running through the Republics right up to New York, making a track over 10,000 miles in length and involving the building of nearly 3,700 more miles of line. The British Consul-General at Buenos Aires, Mr. Mackie, one of the most distinguished men in the British Consular service, says, in regard to this pan-American railway enterprise: "It would seem that out of the 3,648 miles of railway over which it was sought to acquire control, only 1,906 miles needed for carrying out the scheme in Argentina have been acquired up to the present. This untoward circumstance must of necessity substantially increase the original estimates of the mileage needed for linking up the railway systems of the Republics lying between Buenos Aires and New York. The dominion of the American controlled enterprise is not apparently to be confined to the narrow limits of railway undertakings, but it would seem that a lengthy list of subsidiary companies has been grouped with the syndicate, in whose London offices appear to be centred a South American lumber company, three development andcolonisation companies, a Para rubber company, a port company, two navigation companies, a tramway company, light and power company, and an hotel company."
With such endeavours on the part of the United States to extend its power in the south, it is the obvious commercial duty of Great Britain not only to take stock of what is happening, but to take steps to meet it. When I was in Buenos Aires I was glad to hear of the formation of a British Chamber of Commerce. Hitherto English people with interests in Argentina have worked independently and sometimes in rivalry. Of course, wholesome rivalry should continue; but there are occasions when the British commercial community should act in concert, and the creation of the British Chamber of Commerce, with Sir Reginald Tower, the British Minister, giving it his active patronage, should be of immense advantage.
But all foreigners, be they British, German, French, or belonging to the United States, must recognise the ambition of the Argentines ultimately to do without them and to "run the show" for themselves.
The nationality of Argentina is not founded on tradition; it comes from the fervour of self-appreciation. Despite the growth of Socialism in the ports the country gives unprecedented scope for individual daring—gambling on the future if you like. The doors are open to all the races of Europe to become Argentines. The terror of Asiatic labour, which troubles some other new countries, will be slainby the readiness with which all Europeans are received, be they Russians or Turks. By marriage the race is a jumble of Spanish, natives, Italians, and northern Europeans. In North America a man or a woman with a drop of black blood is called "a nigger." Unlike Brazil, there are few negroes in Argentina; but many of the best families have native Indian blood in their veins. In South America a half-caste, amestizo, is always counted as a white. Thus there are no race prejudices such as are to be found in so democratic a country as the United States.
Yet there is no new country where there is such a gap between one section of the population and the other. I ascribe the scanty intellectual life of the Argentine to the big break between the plutocracy and the labouring classes. The poor immigrant has an enormous struggle to raise himself above the condition of a serf. There are plenty of exceptions, but notwithstanding this the statement holds good. To those who have wealth, money to play with, increase in possession comes rapidly. There is little scope for the salary-earning middle class—a most valuable class in all communities—and, though wages are high according to European standards, the advance is not so great when the heavy cost of living is borne in mind.
So far I have endeavoured fairly to picture Argentina as it is. It would be idle not to count the disadvantages along with the merits of the land. I did not go to South America with any preconceived ideas, but to see what I could and write about what I sawand learnt. It has not benefits for poor agriculturists such as Canada offers, though the life is more pleasant. Out on the plains the climate is splendid. It is not a country for the clerk whose knowledge of Spanish is nil.
But it is an amazing country nevertheless. For ages it has been lying in the womb of Time. It has just been born, and its growth is one of the wonders of the world. Its inhabitants are quickly adapting themselves to modern needs. The revolutionary days are of the past. It has millions of acres under the power of man; it has many millions more awaiting population. It is crying out for population. And great steamers from Spain and from Italy are driving southwards over the line of the Equator carrying what Argentina needs. She receives nearly three hundred thousand new arrivals annually. And within a couple of years most of them become Argentine citizens.