CHAPTER XVI
TheBritish force on our own coast was now, in 1813, much increased. Particular attention was paid to the approaches of New York and to the Chesapeake, which latter region was devastated. Destruction was carried on under the general orders of the British Admiralty to “destroy and lay waste all towns and districts of the United States found accessive to the attacks of the British armaments.” Hampton, in Virginia, was thus sacked with a brutality which even the very prejudiced British historian, James, called “revolting to human nature.”
On February 24th theHornet, which we left taking leave of theMontagu, 74, at Bahia, was on January 24th off Demarara. A brig, theEspiegle, was inside the bar; another, standing in for the port, was thePeacock. She was ready to engage, and at 5:25P.M.action opened; fourteen minutes later thePeacockwas a prize and sinking. The two vessels were equal in size and nearly equal in men, theHornethaving aboard135 to thePeacock’s122. TheHornetwas superior in so far as carrying 32-pound carronades to thePeacock’s24’s; but weight of shot made no difference for thePeacock’sguns did scarcely any damage. Lawrence, overcrowded with prisoners, returned to the United States, anchoring at Holmes Hole on March 19th. Less than three months later he was to die a defeated man, aboard theChesapeake, the victim of rashness and over-confidence.
TheChesapeake, throughout her career an ill-omened ship, had made a cruise under Captain Evans, leaving Boston December 13, 1812, and returning there April 9, 1813, having captured five merchantmen. The term of enlistment of the crew was up, and there being a difficulty over prize money, most of the men refused to enlist. Captain Evans on account of ill-health gave up the command, and Lawrence was appointed in his stead. He joined about the middle of May; he left Boston Harbor to fight theShannona fortnight later. Thus in two weeks he had to get new officers and a new crew together and prepare for sea. As for target practice, or for even the ordinary “shaking down,” there was no opportunity whatever. So new were some of the men to their ship “that the last draft that arrivedstill had their hammocks and bags lying in the boats stowed over the booms when the ship was captured.”[34]Privateering had now risen to such prominence that the same difficulties were experienced as to men as in the times of the Revolution, when it was often impossible to man the ships of the navy on account of the attractions which the other and freer service offered. As a consequence a large number of foreigners had to be taken, including some forty British and a number of Portuguese, these latter in the best circumstances being what one would not select from choice. In this case they were particularly troublesome, a Portuguese boatswain’s mate being the ringleader in what became almost a mutiny on account of a question of prize money. The first lieutenant, Page, was ill ashore; he was replaced by a young lieutenant, Ludlow, who had been third on theChesapeake’slast cruise; the third and fourth were only midshipmen with acting appointments. To go to sea thus and fight a battle with a ship which had been in commission six and a half years, under a particularly able captain, was simple madness. But this, driven by over-confidence and perhaps an over-desire for distinction, is what Lawrence did.
Captain Philip Bowes Vere Broke, to give him his full name, had commissioned theShannon, a new ship, on September 14, 1806. He wassui generisin his own service, for he carried on target practice twice a week, whereas the usual custom in the British navy of the time was once a year; his guns were furnished with sights, which was also unusual, and he was a kindly captain with the good-will of his crew, likewise unusual in those days of free use of the cat.
The two ships, without going into detail, were practically of equal force, each carrying 52 guns. TheChesapeakehad 379 men; theShannon330, 30 of whom were new hands. TheShannonhad been off Boston for some time, when on June 1st Broke sent a letter to Lawrence challenging him to meet theShannonlater at a given point. It is a great pity that this failed to reach Lawrence in time.
On May 31st theChesapeakedropped down to the lower bay; the men were stationed at the guns and were exercised at the battery. On June 1st, a little after midday, she stood to sea under all sails, even to studding sails. TheShannonstood off shore under easy sail until about eighteen miles from Boston Light, whereshe awaited her foe, which had now also reduced her canvas.
There is no need to go into the manœuvres, which can be found in many books. Lawrence brought his ship so close that both vessels suffered severely. He was soon mortally wounded and the sailing master (who looked after the handling of the ship under the captain’s orders) was killed. The two most important officers were thus removed early in the action. A heavy explosion occurred in theChesapeake, probably by the ignition of cartridges lying on the deck. At six o’clock the two ships came together, theShannon’sanchor catching in one of the after ports of theChesapeake. Broke now ordered “away boarders.” TheChesapeake’sfirst lieutenant, Ludlow, received a wound of which later he died. Cox, the third lieutenant, coming up from the main deck, was so unmanned by the conditions of things that he turned and ran below, an act for which he was later court-martialled and dismissed from the service. As Broke came aboard heading some twenty men, the only opposition that could be offered at the moment came from the nine marines, all that were left unhurt of forty-four. Their commander, Broom, and a corporal, were dead,and both sergeants were wounded. The only officer there at the moment was the chaplain, Livermore, who fired his pistol at Broke, and himself was severely wounded, in return, by a sword cut from Broke. The large number of mercenaries aboard had run below. Lieutenant George Budd, stationed on the main deck, now ran up, followed by some dozen men, and attacked the boarders, killing the purser, Aldham, and the captain’s clerk, Drum, but Budd was soon wounded and knocked down the main hatchway. The wounded Ludlow struggled to the spar deck, and received another wound. Broke himself showed brilliant courage in leading his men and was severely wounded. Just fifteen minutes after the action began, theChesapeake’scolors were hauled down. “Of her 379 men, 61 were killed or mortally wounded, including her captain, first and fourth lieutenants, the lieutenant commanding the marines, the master, boatswain, and three midshipmen; 85 were wounded more or less severely, including both her other lieutenants, five midshipmen, and the chaplain; total, 148; the loss falling entirely upon the American portion of the crew. Of theShannon’smen, 33 were killed outright or died of their wounds, including herfirst lieutenant, purser, captain’s clerk, and one midshipman, and 50 were wounded, including the captain and boatswain; total, 83.”[35]
TheChesapeakewas taken to Halifax. Lawrence and Ludlow were buried there with every honor. The remains of the former were later taken to New York, where in the churchyard of old Trinity they now lie. Lawrence’s dying words: “Don’t give up the ship,” were later blazoned on a flag flown by Perry on Lake Erie, where the dead hero was to have his revenge, for hero he was, however mistaken in judgment. His fatal action was the ignoring of the value of preparation in war. Discipline and training are as necessary as valor, an axiom which our people are only too slow to learn.
The result caused immense rejoicing in England. It is the only naval action of the war which to-day receives recognition there, and I doubt if the British people in general, of the present, know of any other. And while treating of it, there is a persistent unfairness in ignoring conditions of theChesapeake; even in articles which were written in 1913, the hundredth year later, by historians from whom fairness might be expected, no mention was made of them. Itis left to another and fairer foreigner, a Frenchman, Admiral Jurien de la Gravière, the most distinguished writer on naval affairs of his nation, to tell the truth, when he said: “Fortune was not fickle, she was merely logical.”
A little later there was an action which was really discreditable to us: that of theArgus, a brig of 298 tons and 10 guns, against the BritishPelican, of 467 tons and 11 guns. TheArgushad been cruising in the English Channel “capturing and burning ship after ship and creating the greatest consternation among the London merchants.” On August 13th she had captured a brig laden with wine from Oporto, a success which was to be apparently her undoing. Next day she met thePelican. TheArgus’scaptain, Allen, was killed early in the action, as were also two midshipmen; her first lieutenant was wounded. The odds were against her, but not to such degree as to account for the too slight resistance later in the action. It is not unlikely, as has been said by competent historians, that the captured port had much to do with this. The results of such actions had previously been so markedly different that there is reason to suspect this. The capture of theArguswassoon offset by that of the British brigBoxer, of 66 men and 14 guns, by theEnterprise, of 104 men and 16 guns. Captain Blyth of theBoxerwas killed early in the action, as was also Lieutenant Burrows of theEnterprise. The few remaining American brigs disappeared by capture by much superior forces, most of them by squadrons from which there was no escape.
There had undoubtedly by this time been a falling off in the character of the American crews. The Atlantic now swarmed with privateers which, as in our Revolution, attracted the best men; the navy thus labored under a severe handicap. The privateers did immense damage to British commerce and caused the British merchant to long for peace, but they damaged our real naval interests. This damage would have been more real had not the British naval power now begun to tell in blockade, which became one of absolute strictness. TheUnited Statesand the capturedMacedonian, which had been repaired and commissioned at New York, got to New London by way of Hell Gate, but were so strictly watched that they remained there for the rest of the war. Naval action was now, perforce, to be confined almostentirely to the lakes, where it was momentous in character. The fights on the ocean were but exhibitions of ability and prowess; those on the lakes were vital to the outcome of the war.