INDEX OF PROPER NAMES.

950The Hebrew name for Babylon is Babel,i.e.Bab-Bel,court of Bel: porta vel aula, civitas Beli (Winer). In Jer. xxv. 26; li. 41, it is called Sheshach, which Jewish commentators, followed by Jerome, explain by the Canon Atbash,i.e.after the alphabet put in an inverted order. According to this rule the word Babel, which is the Hebrew name of Babylon, would be written Sheshach. Sir Henry Rawlinson, however, says it was the name of a god after whom the city was named; and the word has been found among the Assyrian inscriptions representing a deity.

950The Hebrew name for Babylon is Babel,i.e.Bab-Bel,court of Bel: porta vel aula, civitas Beli (Winer). In Jer. xxv. 26; li. 41, it is called Sheshach, which Jewish commentators, followed by Jerome, explain by the Canon Atbash,i.e.after the alphabet put in an inverted order. According to this rule the word Babel, which is the Hebrew name of Babylon, would be written Sheshach. Sir Henry Rawlinson, however, says it was the name of a god after whom the city was named; and the word has been found among the Assyrian inscriptions representing a deity.

951The perfect passive δεδόμημαι is equivalent to the Epic and Ionic form δέδμημαι.

951The perfect passive δεδόμημαι is equivalent to the Epic and Ionic form δέδμημαι.

952σχεθῆναι. See p. 268, note629.

952σχεθῆναι. See p. 268, note629.

953τῶν τὶς ναυτῶν. This position of τίς is an imitation of the usage in Ionic prose. Cf.Herod.i. 85; τῶν τὶς Περσέων. SeeLiddell and Scott, sub voce τίς. Cf.Arrian, ii. 26, 4; vi. 9, 3; vii. 3, 4; 22, 5; 24, 2.

953τῶν τὶς ναυτῶν. This position of τίς is an imitation of the usage in Ionic prose. Cf.Herod.i. 85; τῶν τὶς Περσέων. SeeLiddell and Scott, sub voce τίς. Cf.Arrian, ii. 26, 4; vi. 9, 3; vii. 3, 4; 22, 5; 24, 2.

954Cf.Arrianv. 13 supra.

954Cf.Arrianv. 13 supra.

955Cf.Arrian, iii. 6; iv. 18.

955Cf.Arrian, iii. 6; iv. 18.

956The Macedonian stater was worth about £1 3s.6d.

956The Macedonian stater was worth about £1 3s.6d.

957Cf. Arrian (Tactics, 12, 11).

957Cf. Arrian (Tactics, 12, 11).

958Cf.Arrian, p. 379, note853.

958Cf.Arrian, p. 379, note853.

959We read in the speech of Demosthenes against Dionysiodorus (1285), that Cleomenes and his partisans enriched themselves by monopolizing the exportation of corn from Egypt. Cf.Arrian, iii. 5 supra.

959We read in the speech of Demosthenes against Dionysiodorus (1285), that Cleomenes and his partisans enriched themselves by monopolizing the exportation of corn from Egypt. Cf.Arrian, iii. 5 supra.

960This island is mentioned by Homer (Odyssey, iv. 355). Alexander constructed a mole seven stades long from the coast to the island, thus forming the two harbours of Alexandria. SeeStrabo, xvii. 1. The island is chiefly famous for the lofty tower built upon it by Ptolemy Philadelphus, for a lighthouse. Cf. Cæsar (De Bello Civili, iii. 112);Ammianus, xxii. 16.

960This island is mentioned by Homer (Odyssey, iv. 355). Alexander constructed a mole seven stades long from the coast to the island, thus forming the two harbours of Alexandria. SeeStrabo, xvii. 1. The island is chiefly famous for the lofty tower built upon it by Ptolemy Philadelphus, for a lighthouse. Cf. Cæsar (De Bello Civili, iii. 112);Ammianus, xxii. 16.

961Consult Lucian (Calumniae non temere credendum, 17).

961Consult Lucian (Calumniae non temere credendum, 17).

962After Alexander’s death Cleomenes was executed by Ptolemy, who received Egypt as his share of the great king’s dominions.

962After Alexander’s death Cleomenes was executed by Ptolemy, who received Egypt as his share of the great king’s dominions.

963I.e.the Mediterranean.

963I.e.the Mediterranean.

964Diodorus(xvii. 116) and Plutarch (Alex., 73) say that he was a bound prisoner. The latter says his name was Dionysius, and that he was a Messenian.

964Diodorus(xvii. 116) and Plutarch (Alex., 73) say that he was a bound prisoner. The latter says his name was Dionysius, and that he was a Messenian.

965Plutarch (Alex., 75) andJustin(xii. 13) say that he gave a banquet to Nearchus the admiral, and that, as he was leaving it, he was invited to the revel by Medius the Thessalian. Cf.Diodorus, xvii. 117.

965Plutarch (Alex., 75) andJustin(xii. 13) say that he gave a banquet to Nearchus the admiral, and that, as he was leaving it, he was invited to the revel by Medius the Thessalian. Cf.Diodorus, xvii. 117.

966We learn fromAthenæus(x. p. 434 B) that this Court Journal was kept by the royal secretary, Eumenes, afterwards so famous, and by the historian, Diodotus of Erythrae. As to the last days of Alexander, cf. Plutarch (Alex., 76, 77).

966We learn fromAthenæus(x. p. 434 B) that this Court Journal was kept by the royal secretary, Eumenes, afterwards so famous, and by the historian, Diodotus of Erythrae. As to the last days of Alexander, cf. Plutarch (Alex., 76, 77).

967Cf.Curtius, ix. 23: Mos erat principibus amicorum et custodibus corporis excubare ante praetorium, quotiens adversa regi valetudo incidisset.

967Cf.Curtius, ix. 23: Mos erat principibus amicorum et custodibus corporis excubare ante praetorium, quotiens adversa regi valetudo incidisset.

968Serāpis, or more correctly Sarapis, was an Egyptian deity, whose worship was introduced into Greece in the time of the Ptolemies. His worship was introduced into Rome, with that of Isis, in the time of Sulla.Strabo(xvii. 1) gives an account of his cultus in the celebrated temple at Canobus. The Serapeum at Alexandria, which contained the famous library, is described byAmmianus, xxii. 16.

968Serāpis, or more correctly Sarapis, was an Egyptian deity, whose worship was introduced into Greece in the time of the Ptolemies. His worship was introduced into Rome, with that of Isis, in the time of Sulla.Strabo(xvii. 1) gives an account of his cultus in the celebrated temple at Canobus. The Serapeum at Alexandria, which contained the famous library, is described byAmmianus, xxii. 16.

969I.e.the most valiant.

969I.e.the most valiant.

970To decide who was to succeed to his power. Cf.Curtius, x. 14;Diodorus, xvii. 117;Justin, xii. 15.

970To decide who was to succeed to his power. Cf.Curtius, x. 14;Diodorus, xvii. 117;Justin, xii. 15.

971Cf.Curtius, x. 31;Diodorus, xvii. 117, 118;Justin, xii. 13. Plutarch (Alex., 77) asserts that nothing was said about Alexander’s being poisoned, until six years after, when Olympias, the enemy of Antipater, set the charge afloat.

971Cf.Curtius, x. 31;Diodorus, xvii. 117, 118;Justin, xii. 13. Plutarch (Alex., 77) asserts that nothing was said about Alexander’s being poisoned, until six years after, when Olympias, the enemy of Antipater, set the charge afloat.

972SeeArrian, iv. 10 supra.

972SeeArrian, iv. 10 supra.

973Cassander was afterwards king of Macedonia and Greece. He put Olympias, Roxana, and her son Alexander Aegus to death, and bribed Polysperchon to put Barsine and her son Hercules to death. He died of dropsy,B.C.297.

973Cassander was afterwards king of Macedonia and Greece. He put Olympias, Roxana, and her son Alexander Aegus to death, and bribed Polysperchon to put Barsine and her son Hercules to death. He died of dropsy,B.C.297.

974Cf.Pausanias, xviii. 4;Curtius, x. 31; Plutarch (Alex., 77). The ancients called the poison, “the water of Styx”; it was obtained from Nonacris in the north of Arcadia, near which the river Styx took its origin.Justin(xii. 14) says: Cujus veneni tanta vis fuit, ut non aere, non ferro, non testa contineretur, nec aliter ferri nisi in ungula equi potuerit. Pliny (Hist. Nat., xxx. 53) says: Ungulas tantum mularum repertas, neque aliam ullam materiam quae non perroderetur a veneno Stygis aquae, cum id dandum Alexandro magno Antipater mitteret, dignum memoria est, magna Aristotelis infamia excogitatum.

974Cf.Pausanias, xviii. 4;Curtius, x. 31; Plutarch (Alex., 77). The ancients called the poison, “the water of Styx”; it was obtained from Nonacris in the north of Arcadia, near which the river Styx took its origin.Justin(xii. 14) says: Cujus veneni tanta vis fuit, ut non aere, non ferro, non testa contineretur, nec aliter ferri nisi in ungula equi potuerit. Pliny (Hist. Nat., xxx. 53) says: Ungulas tantum mularum repertas, neque aliam ullam materiam quae non perroderetur a veneno Stygis aquae, cum id dandum Alexandro magno Antipater mitteret, dignum memoria est, magna Aristotelis infamia excogitatum.

975Diodorus(xvii. 117) states that after drinking freely, Alexander swallowed the contents of a large goblet, called the cup of Heracles, and was immediately seized with violent pain. This statement, however, is contradicted by Plutarch. It seems from the last injunction of Calanus, the Indian philosopher, that it was considered the right thing to drink to intoxication at the funeral of a friend. See Plutarch (Alex., 69).

975Diodorus(xvii. 117) states that after drinking freely, Alexander swallowed the contents of a large goblet, called the cup of Heracles, and was immediately seized with violent pain. This statement, however, is contradicted by Plutarch. It seems from the last injunction of Calanus, the Indian philosopher, that it was considered the right thing to drink to intoxication at the funeral of a friend. See Plutarch (Alex., 69).

976June, 323B.C.

976June, 323B.C.

977Ptolemy took the embalmed body of Alexander to Egypt, and placed it in Memphis, but removed it a few years after to Alexandria. SeeCurtius, x. 31. Cf. Aelian (Varia Historia, xii. 64; xiii. 29).

977Ptolemy took the embalmed body of Alexander to Egypt, and placed it in Memphis, but removed it a few years after to Alexandria. SeeCurtius, x. 31. Cf. Aelian (Varia Historia, xii. 64; xiii. 29).

978Cf.Diodorus, xvii. 4; ἡ ὀξύτης τοῦ νεανίσκου.

978Cf.Diodorus, xvii. 4; ἡ ὀξύτης τοῦ νεανίσκου.

979Cf.Curtius, x. 18: Gloriae laudisque, ut justo major cupido, ita ut juveni et in tantis admittenda rebus.

979Cf.Curtius, x. 18: Gloriae laudisque, ut justo major cupido, ita ut juveni et in tantis admittenda rebus.

980Plutarch (Alex., 28) attributes the same motive to Alexander in representing himself to be the son of Zeus.Livy(ix. 18) says: Referre in tanto rege piget superbam mutationem vestis et desideratas humi jacentium adulationes, etiam victis Macedonibus graves, nedum victoribus; et foeda supplicia, et inter vinum et epula, caedes amicorum et vanitatem ementiendae stirpis. Consult the whole of the interesting passage inLivy, ix. 17-19. See also Aelian (Varia Historia, ii. 19; v. 12; ix. 37).

980Plutarch (Alex., 28) attributes the same motive to Alexander in representing himself to be the son of Zeus.Livy(ix. 18) says: Referre in tanto rege piget superbam mutationem vestis et desideratas humi jacentium adulationes, etiam victis Macedonibus graves, nedum victoribus; et foeda supplicia, et inter vinum et epula, caedes amicorum et vanitatem ementiendae stirpis. Consult the whole of the interesting passage inLivy, ix. 17-19. See also Aelian (Varia Historia, ii. 19; v. 12; ix. 37).

981Cf.Herodotus, vii. 41;Arrian, iii. 11 supra.

981Cf.Herodotus, vii. 41;Arrian, iii. 11 supra.

982Xenophon (Cyropaedia, vii. 5, 85) says that the Persian Equals-in-Honour, or Peers, spent their time about the Court.

982Xenophon (Cyropaedia, vii. 5, 85) says that the Persian Equals-in-Honour, or Peers, spent their time about the Court.

983Cf.Arrian, iv. 14 supra;Justin, ix. 8;Athenæus, x. p. 434 B; Aelian (Varia Historia, iii. 23; ix. 3; xii. 26).

983Cf.Arrian, iv. 14 supra;Justin, ix. 8;Athenæus, x. p. 434 B; Aelian (Varia Historia, iii. 23; ix. 3; xii. 26).

984Europe and Asia. Arrian reckoned Libya, or Africa, as a part of Asia. See iii. 30; v. 26; vii. 1.

984Europe and Asia. Arrian reckoned Libya, or Africa, as a part of Asia. See iii. 30; v. 26; vii. 1.

985Dr. Leonhard Schmitz says:—“Arrian is in this work one of the most excellent writers of his time, above which he is raised by his simplicity and his unbiassed judgment. Great as his merits thus are as an historian, they are yet surpassed by his excellence as an historical critic. His Anabasis is based upon the most trustworthy historians among the contemporaries of Alexander, such as Ptolemy, Aristobulus, which two he chiefly followed, Diodotus of Erythrae, Eumenes of Cardia, Nearchus of Crete, and Megasthenes; and his sound judgment as to who deserved credit, justly led him to reject such authors as Onesicritus, Callisthenes, and others. No one at all acquainted with this work of Arrian’s can refuse his assent to the opinion of Photius (p. 73; comp. Lucian,Alex., 2), that Arrian was the best among the numerous historians of Alexander. One of the great merits of the work, independent of those already mentioned, is the clearness and distinctness with which he describes all military movements and operations, the drawing up of the armies for battle, and the conduct of battles and sieges. In all these respects the Anabasis is a masterly production, and Arrian shows that he himself possessed a thorough practical knowledge of military affairs. He seldom introduces speeches, but wherever he does he shows a profound knowledge of man; and the speech of Alexander to his rebellious soldiers, and the reply of Coenus, as well as some other speeches, are masterly specimens of oratory. Everything, moreover, which is not necessary to make his narrative clear is carefully avoided.” See Smith’sDictionary of Greek and Roman Biography.

985Dr. Leonhard Schmitz says:—“Arrian is in this work one of the most excellent writers of his time, above which he is raised by his simplicity and his unbiassed judgment. Great as his merits thus are as an historian, they are yet surpassed by his excellence as an historical critic. His Anabasis is based upon the most trustworthy historians among the contemporaries of Alexander, such as Ptolemy, Aristobulus, which two he chiefly followed, Diodotus of Erythrae, Eumenes of Cardia, Nearchus of Crete, and Megasthenes; and his sound judgment as to who deserved credit, justly led him to reject such authors as Onesicritus, Callisthenes, and others. No one at all acquainted with this work of Arrian’s can refuse his assent to the opinion of Photius (p. 73; comp. Lucian,Alex., 2), that Arrian was the best among the numerous historians of Alexander. One of the great merits of the work, independent of those already mentioned, is the clearness and distinctness with which he describes all military movements and operations, the drawing up of the armies for battle, and the conduct of battles and sieges. In all these respects the Anabasis is a masterly production, and Arrian shows that he himself possessed a thorough practical knowledge of military affairs. He seldom introduces speeches, but wherever he does he shows a profound knowledge of man; and the speech of Alexander to his rebellious soldiers, and the reply of Coenus, as well as some other speeches, are masterly specimens of oratory. Everything, moreover, which is not necessary to make his narrative clear is carefully avoided.” See Smith’sDictionary of Greek and Roman Biography.

(The numbers refer to the pages.)


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