Chapter 20

[81:2] Acts xv. 23, 24, 41.

[81:3] Acts xvi. 4.

[81:4] Paul and Barnabas, with the other deputies, were sent "to Jerusalem unto the apostles and elders" (Acts xv. 2); "when they were come to Jerusalem, they were received of the church, and of the apostles and elders" (Acts xv. 4); and the decrees are said to have been ordained "of the apostles and elders which were at Jerusalem" (Acts xvi. 4); but not one of these statements necessarily implies that these rulers were exclusively eldersof the Church of Jerusalem.

[82:1] It has been argued by Burton ("Lectures," vol. i. p. 122), that the first visit of Paul to Jerusalem after his conversion took place about the time of one of the great festivals, as he is said, on the occasion, to have "disputed against the Grecians" (Acts ix. 29), who were likely then to have been very numerous in the city. If he arrived now at the time of the same festival, the interval must have been precisely fourteen years.

[82:2] Gal. ii. 1. Some make these fourteen years to include the three years mentioned Gal. i. 18, but this interpretation does violence to the languages of the apostle. The system of chronology here adopted requires no such forced expositions. Paul came to Jerusalem three years after his conversion, that is, in A.D. 37; and fourteen years after, that is, in A.D. 51, he was at this Synod.

[82:3] Acts ix. 26.

[83:1] Acts xxi. 20.

[83:2] Acts xxi. 21.

[83:3] Acts xv. 5.

[83:4] Gal. ii. 4. It is here taken for granted that the visit to Jerusalem, mentioned in the second chapter of the Epistle to the Galatians, is the same as that described in the fifteenth of Acts. Paul says that he went up "by revelation" (Gal. ii. 2),—a statement from which it appears that he was divinely instructed to adopt this method of settling the question.

[83:5] Gal. ii. 12.

[83:6] Gal. ii. 2.

[83:7] Acts xvi. 4, xxi. 25.

[84:1] Acts xv. 12.

[84:2] Acts xv. 22.

[84:3] Acts xv. 23.

[84:4] The expression here used—"the multitude" ([Greek: to plêthos])—is repeatedly applied in the New Testament to the Sanhedrim, a court consisting of not more than seventy-two members. See Luke xxiii. 1; Acts xxiii. 7. There were probably more individuals present at this meeting.

[84:5] Acts xv. 2.

[84:6] 1 Cor. xii. 28; Eph. iv. 11.

[84:7] In Acts xi. 27, we read of "prophets" who came "from Jerusalem unto Antioch."

[84:8] Acts xv. 23. "The apostles, and elders,andbrethren."

[84:9]The context may appear to be favourable to this interpretation, for the two deputies now chosen—"Judas surnamed Barsabas, and Silas"—who are said to have been "chief men amongthe brethren" (ver. 22), are likewise described as "prophetsalso themselves" (ver. 32). In Acts xviii. 27, "the brethren" appear to be distinguished from "the disciples."

[85:1] This reading, which is adopted by Mill in the Prolegomena to his New Testament, as well as by Lachmann, Neander, Alford, and Tregelles, is supported by the authority of the Codex Vaticanus, the Codex Alexandrinus, the Codex Ephraemi, and the Codex Bezae. It is likewise to be found in by far the most valuable cursive MS. yet known. It is confirmed also by the early testimony of Irenaeus, and by the Latin of the Codex Bezae, a version more ancient than the Vulgate, as well as by the Vulgate itself. The reading in thetextus receptusmay be accounted for by the growth of the doctrine of apostolical succession; as, when the hierarchy was in its glory, transcribers could not understand how the apostles and elders could be fellow presbyters.

[85:2] It is worthy of note that Peter, fourteen or fifteen years afterwards, speaks in the style here indicated. Thus he says—"The elders which are among you, I exhort,who am also an elder" ([Greek: sumpresbuteros]).—(l Pet. v. 1.)

[85:3] Acts xv. 28.

[86:1] Gal. iii. 2.

[86:2] Acts xv. 8-10.

[86:3] Acts xi. 15, 17.

[86:4] This style of speaking was used by councils in after-ages, and often in cases when it was singularly inappropriate.

[87:1] Acts xv. 29.

[87:2] See 1 Cor. x. 23, 31, 32.

[88:1] "Since the eating of such food, as Paul expressly teaches (1 Cor. x. 19, 33), was not sinful in itself, and yet to be avoided out of tenderness to those who thought it so, the abstinence here recommended must be understood in the same manner."—Alexander on the Acts,ii. 84.

[89:1] Gal. ii. 12.

[89:2] Gal. ii. 9.

[89:3] Gal. ii. 13.

[90:1] Acts xvi. 9.

[90:2] Acts xvi. 12.

[91:1] "TheJus Italicumraised provincial land to the same state ofimmunity from taxationwhich belonged to land in Italy."—Conybeare and Howson,i. 302, note.

[91:2] Not the Strymon. See Conybeare and Howson, i. 316.

[91:3] Acts xvi. 14.

[91:4] Acts xvi. 14.

[92:1] Acts xvi. 16-18.

[92:2] They may have perceptive powers of which we can form no conception, and may thus discern the approach of particular events as distinctly an we can now calculate the ebb and flow of the tides, or the eclipses of the sun and moon.

[92:3] Matt. viii. 28, 29; Mark i. 24, 25; Luke iv. 34, 35.

[93:1] Acts xvi. 18.

[93:2] Acts xvi. 19.

[93:3] In some parts of the Empire magistrates and men of rank acted gratuitously, but a large portion of the priests subsisted on the emoluments of office.

[94:1] Acts xvi. 24.

[94:2] Acts xvi. 25.

[95:1] Acts xvi. 26.

[95:2] Acts xvi. 28. "By a singular historical coincidence, this very city of Philippi, or its neighbourhood, had been signalised within a hundred years, not only by the great defeat of Brutus and Cassius, but by the suicide of both, and by a sort of wholesale self-destruction on the part of their adherents."—Alexander on the Acts, ii. 122, 123.

[96:1] Acts xvi. 29, 30.

[97:1] Acts xvi. 31.

[98:1] Acts xvi. 33, 34.

[98:2] Acts xvi. 35.

[98:3] Paul says that he was "free born" (Acts xxii. 28). It was unlawful to scourge a Roman citizen, or even, except in extraordinary cases, to imprison him without trial. He had also the privilege of appeal to the Emperor.

[98:4] Acts xvi. 37.

[99:1] Acts xvi. 39.

[99:2] Acts xvi. 40.

[99:3] Phil. iv. 14-16.

[100:1] Acts xvii. 4.

[100:2] Acts xvii. 7.

[100:3] Acts xvii. 8. [Greek: etaraxan—tous politarchas]. It has been remarked that the name here given to the magistrates (politarchs), does not occur in ancient literature; but it is a curious and important fact that a Greek inscription, on an arch still to be seen at this place, demonstrates the accuracy of the sacred historian. This arch supplies evidence that it was erected about the time when the Republic was passing into the Empire, and that it was in existence when Paul now preached there. It appears from it that the magistrates of Thessalonica were called politarchs, and that they were seven in number. What is almost equally striking is that three of the names in the inscription are Sopater, Gaius, and Secundus, the same as those of three of Paul's friends in this district. Conybeare and Howson, i. 360.

[101:1] Acts xvii. 11.

[102:1] Acts xvii. 16.

[102:2] Acts xvii. 17.

[102:3] See Conybeare and Howson, i. 241.

[102:4] See Alford on Acts xiii. 9, and xxiii. 1.

[102:5] 2 Cor. x. 10.

[102:6] 2 Cor. x. 10.

[102:7] Acts xvii. 18.

[103:1] [Greek: Adikei Sôkratês—etera de kaina daimonia eispherôn.]—Xen. Mem.i. 1.

[103:2] Acts xvii. 19, 20. It is very evident that he was not arraigned before the court of Areopagus as our English translation seems to indicate.

[104:1] Acts xvii. 22, 23. This translation obviously conveys the meaning of the original more distinctly than our English version. See Alford, ii. 178; and Conybeare and Howson, i. 406.

[104:2] It is a curious fact that the impostor Apollonius of Tyana, who was the contemporary of the apostle, speaks of Athens as a place "where altars are raisedto the unknown Gods." "Life," by Philostratus, book vi. c. 3. See also Pausanias, Attic, i. 4.

[105:1] See Cudworth's "Intellectual System, with Notes by Mosheim," i. 513, 111. Edition, London, 1845.

[105:2] See Mosheim's "Commentaries on the Affairs of the Christians before Constantine," by Vidal, i. 42.

[105:3] Acts xvii. 24.

[105:4] See Alford on Acts xvii. 26.

[105:5] Acts xvii. 26.

[105:6] Acts xvii. 25, 26.

[106:1] Acts xvii. 29.

[106:2] Acts xvii. 31.

[106:3] Cudworth, with Notes by Mosheim, ii. 120, and Mosheim's "Commentaries," by Vidal, i. 42.

[106:4] Acts xvii. 32.

[106:5] Acts xvii. 21.

[107:1] Acts xvii. 34.

[107:2] These writings, which made their appearance not earlier than the fourth or fifth century, were held in great reputation, particularly by the Mystics, in the Middle Ages.

[107:3] Burton's "Lectures," i. 183.

[108:1] 1 Cor. ii. 1, 2, 4, 5.

[109:1] Strabo, lib. viii. vol. i., p. 549; Edit. Oxon. 1807.

[109:2] Acts xviii. 6.

[109:3] Acts xviii. 8.

[109:4] 1 Cor. i. 26.

[109:5] Rom. xvi. 23. This epistle was written from Corinth.

[109:6] Acts xviii. 8.

[109:7] 1 Cor. i. 14; Rom. xvi. 23.

[109:8] Acts xviii. 2, 26; Rom. xvi. 3; 1 Cor. xvi. 19; 2 Tim. iv. 19.

[110:1] Acts xviii. 2.

[110:2] "Rabbi Judah saith, 'He that teacheth not his son a trade, doth the same as if he taught him to be a thief;' and Rabban Gamaliel saith, 'He that hath a trade in his hand, to what is he like? He is like a vineyard that is fenced.'"—SeeAlford on Acts, xviii. 3.

[110:3] Acts xviii. 3.

[111:1] Epiphanius, "Haer.," xxx. 16.

[111:2] Acts xviii. 11.

[112:1] Acts xviii. 9, 10.

[112:2] See 1 Cor. i. 11, and xi. 20, 21; and 2 Cor. xii. 21, and xiii. 2.

[112:3] See 1 Cor. vi. 9-11.

[112:4] Acts xviii. 12.

[112:5] Acts xviii. 13.

[113:1] Acts xviii. 14-16.

[113:2] Acts xviii. 17.

[113:3] 1 Thess. v. 12, 13.

[113:4] 2 Thess. ii. 2.

[113:5] 2 Thess. ii. 3-12.

[113:6] 1 Thess. i. 9.

[114:1] [Greek: Tas paradoseis].

[114:2] 2 Thess. ii. 15. Paul is here speaking, not of what had been handed down from preceding generations, but of what had been established by his own apostolic authority, so that the rendering "traditions" in our English version is a peculiarly unhappy translation.

[115:1] Acts xviii. 18.

[115:2] See Conybeare and Howson, i. 454.

[115:3] Acts xviii. 19.

[116:1] Acts xviii. 24.

[116:2] Acts xviii. 25.

[116:3] Acts xviii. 26.

[116:4] It is worthy of note that she is named before Aquila in Acts xviii. 18; Rom. xvi. 3; and 2 Tim. iv. 19.

[116:5] 1 Cor. xiv. 34, 35; 1 Tim. ii. 12.

[117:1] Acts xviii. 24.

[117:2] Acts xviii. 27.

[117:3] Acts xviii. 27, 28.

[117:4] 1 Cor. iii. 4-6.

[118:1] Acts xviii. 22.

[118:2] Acts xviii. 23.

[118:3] Acts xvi. 6.

[118:4] Acts xix. 8.

[118:5] Acts xix. 9.

[119:1] That this epistle was written after the second visit appears from Gal. iv. 13. Mr Ellicott asserts that "the first time" is here the preferable translation of [Greek: to proteron], and yet, rather inconsistently, adds, that "no historical conclusions can safely be drawn from this expression alone." See his "Critical and Grammatical Commentary on Galatians," iv. 13.

[119:2] Gal. i. 6, iii. 1.

[120:1] Gal. ii. 16, iv. 1-4, v. 1.

[120:2] 1 Cor. xvi. 7; 2 Cor. xii. 14, xiii. 1.

[120:3] The Acts take no notice of various parts of his early career as a preacher. Compare Acts ix. 20-26 with Gal. i. 17.

[120:4] 2 Cor. xi. 25.

[120:5] 2 Cor. xi. 26.

[120:6] Titus i. 5.

[120:7] See Titus i. 6-11, ii. 1, 7, 8, 15, iii. 8-11. The reasons assigned in support of a later date for the writing of this epistle do not appear at all satisfactory. Paul directs the evangelist (Titus iii. 12) to come to him to Nicopolis, for he had "determined there to winter." This Nicopolis was in Greece, in the province of Achaia, and we know that Paul wintered there in A.D. 57-58. Acts xx. 2, 3. See Schaff's "Apostolic Church," i. 390.

[120:8] 2 Cor. ii. 13, vii. 6, 13, viii. 6, 16, 23, xii. 18; Gal. ii. 1, 3.

[121:1] Acts xix. 10.

[121:2] See Col. iv. 13, 15, 16. These churches were not, however, founded by Paul. See Col. ii. 1.

[121:3] "This was the largest of the Greek temples. The area of theParthenon at Athens wasnot one fourthof that of the temple ofEphesus."—Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, Art.EPHESUS.

[121:4] Conybeare and Howson, ii. 72.

[121:5] Acts xix. 35.

[122:1] Conybeare and Howson, ii. 73. Minucius Felix in his Octavius speaks of Diana as represented "at Ephesus with many distended breasts ranged in tiers."

[122:2] Conybeare and Howson, ii. 13.

[122:3] His Life, written by Philostratus about A.D. 210, is full of lying wonders. His biographer mentions his visit to Ephesus, book iv. 1.

[123:1] Acts xix. 11, 12.

[123:2] Acts xix. 16, 17.

[123:3] The piece of silver here mentioned was worth about tenpence, so that the estimated value of the books burned was about £2000.

[123:4] Acts xix. 19, 20.

[123:5] It was written not long before Paul left Ephesus, and probably about the time of the Passover. 1 Cor. v. 7, xvi. 5-8.

[123:6] 1 Cor. i. 11.

[123:7] 1 Cor. v. 1.

[123:8] 1 Cor. xv. 12. This passage supplies evidence that errorists very soon made their appearance in the Christian Church, and furnishes an answer to those chronologists who date all the Pastoral Epistles after Paul's release from his first imprisonment, on the ground that the Gnostics had no existence at an earlier period.

[124:1] Acts xix. 24.

[124:2] Conybeare and Howson, ii. 74.

[124:3] Acts xix. 25.

[125:1] Acts xix. 25-27.

[125:2] Acts xix. 28.

[125:3] See Conybeare and Howson, ii. 79-81.

[125:4] Acts xix. 29.

[125:5] See Hackett's "Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles," p. 273.

[125:6] Acts xix. 31.

[126:1] Acts xx. 34. The Asiarchs "derived their title from the name of the province, as the corresponding officers in Cyprus, Syria, and Lydia, were called Cypriarchs, Syriarchs, Lydiarchs. Those of Asia are said to have been ten in number…. As the games and sacrifices over which these Asiarchs presided, were provided at their own expense, they were always chosen from the richest class, and may be said to represent the highest rank of the community."—Alexander on the Acts, ii. 210.

[126:2] 2 Tim. iv. 14.

[126:3] Acts xix. 34. It has been observed that, according to the ideas of the heathen, this unintermitted cry was, in itself,an act of worship; and hence we may understand why it was so long continued, but it is surely a notable example of "vain repetitions." See Hackett, p. 275.

[127:1] Acts xix. 40.

[127:2] Acts xix. 32.

[127:3] Our English version "robbers ofchurches" is obviously incorrect.

[127:4] Acts xix. 37. It is plain from this passage that the apostle, when referring to the Gentile worship, avoided the use of language calculated to give unnecessary offence.

[128:1] 1 Cor. xvi. 8.

[128:2] Acts xx. 1.

[128:3] Rom. xv. 19.

[128:4] See Acts xix. 22.

[128:5] 1 Tim. i. 3.

[128:6] 1 Tim. i. 2.

[129:1] According to the chronology adopted in our English Bible, all the Pastoral Epistles were written after Paul's release from his first imprisonment, and this theory has recently been strenuously advocated by Conybeare and Howson, Alford, and Ellicott; but their reasonings are exceedingly unsatisfactory. For, I. The statement of Conybeare and Howson that "the three epistles were nearly contemporaneous with each other" is a mere assertion resting on no solid foundation; as resemblance in style, especially when all the letters were dictated by the same individual, can be no evidence as to date. II. There is direct evidence that heresies, such as those described in these epistles, existed in the Church long before Paul's first imprisonment. See 1 Cor. iii. 18, 19, xv. 12; 2 Cor. xi. 4, 13, 14, 15, 22, compared with 1 Tim. i. 3, 7. III. The early Churches were very soon organised, as appears from Acts xiv. 23; 1 Thess. v. 12, 13; so that the state of ecclesiastical organisation described in the First Epistle to Timothy and the Epistle to Titus is no proof of the late date of these letters. IV. But the grand argument in support of the early date, and one with which the advocates of the later chronology have never fairly grappled, is derived from the fact that Paul never was in Ephesus after the time mentioned in Acts xx. When he wrote to Timothy he intended shortly to return thither. See 1 Tim. i. 3, iii. 14, 15. It is evident that when the apostle addressed the elders of Ephesus (Acts xx. 25) and told them they should "see his face no more," he considered himself as speaking prophetically. It is clear, too, that his words were so understood by his auditors (Acts xx. 38), and that the evangelist, who wrote them down several years afterwards, was still under the same impression. I agree, therefore, with Wieseler, and others, in assigning an early date to the First Epistle to Timothy and the Epistle to Titus.

[130:1] 2 Cor. xi. 9, 24-28, 32, 33, xii. 2, 7-9. The Second Epistle to the Corinthians was written late in A.D. 57.

[130:2] 2 Cor. ii. 4.

[130:3] [Greek: eis tên Hellada],i.e., Achaia.

[130:4] Acts xx. 2, 3.

[130:5] Rom. xvi. 1, 2, 23.

[130:6] Rom. i. 8.

[130:7] Rom. xvi. 7, 11.

[130:8] Rom. xvi. 3.

[130:9] Acts xix. 21; Rom. i. 10, 11, xv. 23, 24.

[131:1] Acts xx. 3.

[131:2] Acts xx. 6.

[131:3] Acts xx. 6.

[131:4] Acts xx. 17-35.

[131:5] Acts xx. 36-38.

[131:6] Acts xxi. 8.

[131:7] Acts xx. 23, xxi. 10, 11.

[131:8] [Greek: hepiskeuaramenoi]—the reading adopted by Lachmann and others. The word "carriages" used in the authorised version for baggage, or luggage, is now unintelligible to the English reader. The word "carriage" is also used in our translation in Judges xviii. 21, and 1 Sam. xvii. 22, for something to be carried.

[131:9] Acts xxi. 15.

[132:1] Acts ii. 45.

[132:2] Rom. xv. 26.

[132:3] 1 Cor. xvi. 3; 2 Cor. viii. 19.

[132:4] Acts xx. 4.

[133:1] Prov. xviii. 10.

[133:2] Acts xxi. 17.

[133:3] Acts xxi. 24.

[133:4] "It was customary among the Jews for those who had received deliverance from any great peril, or who from other causes desired publicly to testify their dedication to God, to take upon themselves the vow of a Nazarite…. No rule is laid down (Numb. vi.) as to the time during which this life of ascetic rigour was to continue; but we learn from the Talmud and Josephus that thirty days was at least a customary period. During this time the Nazarite was bound to abstain from wine, and to suffer his hair to grow uncut. At the termination of the period, he was bound to present himself in the temple, with certain offerings, and his hair was then cut off and burnt upon the altar. The offerings required were beyond the means of the very poor, and consequently it was thought an act of piety for a rich man to pay the necessary expenses, and thus enable his poorer countrymen to complete their vow." —Conybeare and Howson, ii. 250, 251.

[133:5] Acts xxi. 26.

[134:1] Acts xxi. 29.

[134:2] Acts xxi. 30.

[134:3] Acts xxi. 30.

[134:4] Acts xxiii. 26.

[134:5] Acts xxi. 32.

[134:6] Acts xxi. 33, 34. There were barracks in the tower of Antonia.

[135:1] Acts xxi. 38. "Assassinsis in the original a Greek inflection of the Latin wordSicarii, so called fromSica, a short sword or dagger, and described by Josephus as a kind of robbers who concealed short swords beneath their garments, and infested Judea in the period preceding the destruction of Jerusalem."—Alexander on the Acts, ii. 289.

[135:2] Acts xxii. 2.

[135:3] Acts xxii. 22-24.

[136:1] Acts xxiii. 6.

[136:2] Acts xxiii. 7.

[136:3] Acts xxiii. 10.

[136:4] Acts xxiii. 12, 21.

[136:5] Acts xxiii. 16, 23, 30.

[136:6] "Per omnem saevitiam ac libidinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit."—Hist. v. 9.

[136:7] Josephus' "Antiq." xx. c. 7. § 1,2.

[137:1] Acts xxiv. 25.

[137:2] Acts xxiv. 27.

[137:3] See some account of him in Josephus' "Antiq," xx. c. 8, §. 9, 10.

[138:1] Acts. xxv. 11.

[138:2] Acts xxv. 12.

[138:3] Acts xxv. 13. Festus appears to have been Procurator from the beginning of the autumn of A.D. 60 to the summer of A.D. 62. Felix was recalled A.D. 60. See Conybeare and Howson, Appendix ii. note (C).

[139:1] Josephus' "Wars," ii. c. 12, § 8; "Antiq." xx. c. 5, § 2.

[139:2] Acts xxv. 23.

[139:3] Acts xxvi. 6.

[140:1] Acts xxvi. 22.

[140:2] Acts xxvi. 24.

[140:3] Acts xxvi. 27.

[140:4] Acts xxvi. 28. Some would translate [Greek: en oligô] "in short," instead of "almost."

[140:5] Acts xxvi. 29.

[141:1] Acts xxvi. 30-32.

[141:2] Eph. vi. 22; Phil. ii. 1, 2; Col. i. 24, iv. 8; Philem. 7, compared with 2 Cor i. 3, 4.

[141:3] Acts ix. 15, 16.

[142:1] Acts xxvii. 20. This part of the history of the apostle has been illustrated with singular ability by James Smith, Esq. of Jordanhill in his "Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul."

[142:2] Acts xxvii. 5, 6.

[142:3] Acts xxviii. 1. That Melita is Malta has been conclusively established by Smith in his "Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul." "Dissertation," ii.

[142:4] Acts xxviii. 11. "With regard to the dimensions of the ships of the ancients, some of them must have been quite equal to the largest merchantman of the present day. The ship of St Paul had, in passengers and crew, 276 persons on board, besides her cargo of wheat, and as they were carried on by another ship of the same class, she must also have been of great size. The ship in which Josephus was wrecked contained 600 people."—Smith'sVoyage and Shipwreck of St Paul, p. 147.

[143:1] Acts xxviii. 13.

[143:2] Acts xxvii. 17.

[143:3] Acts xxvii. 29. "The ancient vessels did not carry, in general, so large anchors as those which we employ; and hence they had often a greater number of them. Athenaeus mentions a ship which had eight iron anchors." Hackett, p. 372.

[143:4] Acts xxvii. 27.

[143:5] "When theLively, frigate, unexpectedly fell in with this very point, the quarter-master on the look-out, who first observed it, states, in his evidence at the court-martial, that,at the distance of a quarter of a milethe land could not be seen."—Smith'sVoyage and Shipwreck of St Paul, pp. 89, 90.

[144:1] Hackett, p. 371.

[144:2] Acts xxvii. 28.

[144:3] Conybeare and Howson, ii. 351.

[144:4] Acts xxvii. 39.

[144:5] Acts xxvii 41.

[144:6] Smith's "Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul," p. 102.

[144:7] Smith's "Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul," p. 92.

[144:8] Acts xxvii. 41.

[145:1] Smith's "Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul," p. 104.

[145:2] Conybeare and Howson make the population more than 2,000,000 (ii. 376). Merivale reduces it to something less than 700,000 (iv. 520). In Smith's "Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography" it is stated as upwards of 2,000,000. Greswell makes it about 1,000,000 ("Dissertations," iv. 46). Dean Milman reckons it from 1,000,000 to 1,500,000 ("History of Latin Christianity," i. 23).

[145:3] Merivale, iv. 391.

[145:4] Rev. xvii. 1.

[146:1] Merivale, iv. 412.

[146:2] Merivale, iv. 414-420.

[146:3] Rev. xviii. 11.

[146:4] Acts xxviii. 14.

[147:1] Acts xxviii. 14.

[147:2] Acts xxviii. 15.

[147:3] Acts xxviii. 15.

[147:4] Called in our English version "the captain of the guard." The celebrated Burrus was at this time (A.D. 61) the Praetorian Prefect. Wieseler, p. 393. See also Greswell's "Dissertations," iv. p. 199.

[147:5] Acts xxviii. 16.

[148:1] Acts xxviii. 17.

[148:2] Acts xxviii. 23.

[148:3] Acts xxviii. 24.

[148:4] Acts xxviii. 31.

[148:5] Conybeare and Howson, ii. 296.

[149:1] Philem. 9.

[149:2] 2 Cor. x. 10.

[149:3] See Conybeare and Howson, ii. 428.

[149:4] Phil. ii. 25; Philem. 2.

[149:5] Eph. vi. 13, 14, 16, 17.

[149:6] Phil. iv. 3. When speaking of a "trueyoke-fellow," he may here refer to the way in which he was himself unequally yoked.

[149:7] See Acts xxvi. 1, 29.

[149:8] Eph. iv. 1.

[150:1] [Greek: en olô tô praitôriô]—"We never find the word employed for the Imperial house at Rome; and we believe the truer view to be—that it denotes here, not the palace itself, but the quarters of that part of the Imperial guards which was in immediate attendance on the Emperor."-Conybeare and Howson, ii. 428.

[150:2] Phil. i. 12-14.

[150:3] Philem. 18, 19.

[150:4] Col. iv. 7.

[150:5] Col. ii. 8, 16, 18, 23.

[150:6] Eph. vi. 21, 22.

[151:1] Eph. i. 1.

[151:2] Col. iv. 16.

[151:3] Phil. i. 3-7.

[152:1] Phil. ii. 24; Philem. 22.

[152:2] Phil. i. 23-25.

[152:3] Rom. xv. 24, 28.

[153:1] [Greek: epi to terma tês duseôs]—Epist. to the Corinthians v. Clement in the same place mentions that Paul was seven times in bonds. See also Greswell, "Dissertations," vol. iv. p. 225-228.

[153:2] See Cave's "Fathers," i. 147. Oxford, 1840.

[153:3] [Greek: ton phelonên]. Some think that he wished for the cloak to protect him against the cold of winter. See 2 Tim. iv. 21.

[153:4] In the "Life of St Columba" by Adamnan (Dublin, 1857), the learned editor, Dr Reeves, has given an interesting account of an ancient leather book-case in his own possession. See "Life of St Columba," p. 115. If Paul referred to a case, it was probably to one of a larger description.

[153:5] 2 Tim. iv. 13. It is probable that, in the anticipation of his death, he wished to give the documents as a legacy to some of his friends. Among them may have been Scripture autographs.

[153:6] 2 Tim. iv. 20. [Greek: apelipon]. The translation "theyleft," instead of "Ileft," is given up even by Dr Davidson, though he rejects the idea of a second imprisonment. See his "Introduction to the New Testament," iii. 53.

[153:7] Miletum, or Miletus, in Crete, is mentioned by Homer. "Iliad," ii. 647.

[154:1] Acts xii. 6-9.

[154:2] Heb. xiii. 23, 24. In this epistle he apparently refers to his late imprisonment. Heb. x. 34, but the reading of thetextus receptusis here rejected by many of our highest critical authorities, such as Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Scholz. Respecting the second imprisonment, see also Eusebius, ii. c. 22.

[155:1] 2 Tim. iv. 20.

[155:2] Phil. ii. 24.

[155:3] 2 Tim. iv. 13.

[155:4] Philem. 22.

[155:5] Heb. xiii. 23.

[155:6] 2 Tim. iv. 20.

[155:7] 2 Tim. iv. 16, ii. 9.

[155:8] This may refer to some powerful defence of Christianity which he had made before the Gentile tribunal of Nero.

[155:9] 2 Tim. iv. 16, 17.

[156:1] 2 Tim. iv. 6-8.

[156:2] "Euseb. Hist." ii. 25.

[156:3] Euseb. ii. 25. See the Note of Valesius on the words [Greek: katha ton auton kairon]. See also Davidson's "Introduction to the New Testament," iii. 361.

[156:4] 2 Tim. iv. 11.

[156:5] Tertullian "De Praescrip," c. 36. Euseb. ii. 25. See also Lactantius, or the work ascribed to him, "De Mort. Persecutorum," c. 2.

[156:6] According to Gregory Nazianzen, Judea was the sphere of Peter. "Oratio." 25, tom. i. 438. If so, Paul when visiting Jerusalem was likely to meet with him.

[157:1] 1 Pet. v. 13.

[157:2] Rev. xvii. 5, xviii. 2, 10, 21.

[157:3] Euseb. ii. 15.

[157:4] 1 Pet. iv. 12.

[157:5] 2 Tim. iv. 11.

[157:6] 1 Pet. v. 13.

[157:7] 1 Pet. v. 12.

[157:8] Acts xv. 40, xvi. 19, 25, xvii. 4, 10, xviii. 5; 1 Thess. i. 1; 2 Thess. i. 1.

[158:1] 1 Pet. v. 12.

[158:2] The Jews at this time were wont to call Rome by the name of Babylon. It was not, therefore, strange that Peter, being a Jew, used this phraseology. See Wordsworth's "Lectures on the Apocalypse," p. 345, and the authorities there quoted.

[158:3] 2 Pet. i. 12, iii. 1.

[158:4] These words apparently suggest that the preceding letter was written not long before.

[159:1] 2 Pet. i. 13. 14.

[159:2] Gal. iv. 17, 21, vi. 12; Col. ii. 16-18.

[159:3] 1 Pet. i. 1.

[159:4] 2 Pet. iii. 16.

[159:5] As Heb. vi. 4-6, vii. 1-3, ix. 17.

[160:1] 2 Pet. iii. 16.

[160:2] Euseb. iii. 1.

[160:3] Euseb. iii. 1.

[160:4] Prudentius, "Peristeph. in Pass. Petr. et Paul." Hymn xii. Augustine, serm. 28. "De Sanctis." The testimony of earlier witnesses represents them as dying "aboutthe same time." See Euseb. ii. c. 25.

[161:1] Phil. iv. 22.

[161:2] Caius, a Roman presbyter who flourished about the beginning of the third century, refers to the Vatican and the Ostian Way as the places where they suffered. Routh's "Reliquiae," ii. p. 127.

[162:1] Hab. ii. 3.

[163:1] John i. 11.

[163:2] John xix. 15.

[163:3] Acts iv. 3, v. 18.

[164:1] Acts xii. 2, 3.

[164:2] See Acts xvii. 5, xviii. 12.

[165:1] Acts xviii. 2. Suetonius in Claud. (c. 25), says—"Judaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit." The words Christus and Chrestus seem to have been often confounded, and it has been thought that the historian here refers to some riotous proceedings among the Jews in Rome arising out of discussions relative to Christianity. These disturbances took place about A.D. 53. It is remarkable that even in the beginning of the third century the Christians were sometimes calledChrestiani. Hence Tertullian says—"Sed et cum perperam Chrestianus pronunciatur a vobis, nam nec nominis certa est notitia penes vos, de suavitate vel benignitate compositum est." "Apol." c. iii. See also "Ad Nationes," lib. i. c. 3.

[165:2] See Greswell's "Dissertations," iv. p. 233.

[165:3] Eusebius, ii. 23.

[166:1] "Certi enim esse debemus, si quos latet per ignorantiam literature secularis, etiam ostiorum deos apud Romanos, Cardeam a cardinibus appellatam, et Forculum a foribus, et Limentinum a limine, et ipsum Janum a janua." Tertullian, "De Idololatria," c. 15. See also the same writer "Ad Nationes," ii. c. 10, 15; and "De Corona," 13.

[166:2] 2 Tim. iii. 12. Cyprian touches upon the same subject in his Treatise on the "Vanity of Idols," c. 2.

[167:1] The Christians were familiar with the idea of the conflagration of the world, and there is much plausibility in the conjecture that, as they gazed on the burning city, they may have given utterance to expressions which were misunderstood, and which awakened suspicion. "Some," says Dean Milman, "in the first instance, apprehended and examined, may have made acknowledgments before a passionate and astonished tribunal, which would lead to the conclusion that, in the hour of general destruction, they had some trust, some security, denied to the rest of mankind; and this exemption from common misery, if it would not mark them out in some dark manner, as the authors of the conflagration, at all events would convict them of that hatred of the human race so often advanced against the Jews."—Milman's History of Christianity,ii. 37, 38.

[167:2] Tacitus, "Annal." xv. 44.

[167:3] Heb. xii. 4.

[167:4] Heb. x. 25.

[168:1] 1 Pet. iv. 12.

[168:2] 1 Pet. iv. 17.

[168:3] Tertullian, "Ad Nationes," i. 7.

[168:4] See "De Mortibus Persecutorum," c. 2, and Sulpitius Severus, lib. ii. p. 139; Edit. Leyden, 1635.

[168:5] Dan. ix. 27.

[169:1] Matt. xxiv. 2, 15, 16, 34; Mark xiii. 2, 14, 30; Luke xxi. 6, 20, 21, 24, 32.

[169:2] See Euseb. iii. 31.

[169:3] Acts xvii. 7.

[169:4] Euseb. iii. 20.

[169:5] Matt. xiii. 55. See Greswell's "Dissertations," ii. 114, 121, 122.

[170:1] Matt, xxvii. 57; Mark xv. 43.

[170:2] Acts xiii. 7.

[170:3] Phil. iv. 22.

[170:4] Dio Cassius, lxvii. 14.

[170:5] Euseb. iii. 18.

[171:1] Rev. i. 9.

[171:2] Tertullian, "De Praescrip. Haeret." c. 36.

[171:3] See Mosheim, Cent. i. part i. ch. 5.

[171:4] According to Baronius ("Annal." ad. an. 92, 98) John was six years in Patmos, or from A.D. 92 to A.D. 98. Other writers think that he was set at liberty some time before the death of Domitian, or about A.D. 95. According to this reckoning, had he been six years in exile, he must have been banished A.D. 89. This conclusion derives some countenance from the "Chronicon" of Eusebius, which represents the tyrant in the eighth and ninth years of his reign, or about A.D. 89, as proscribing and putting to death very many of his subjects. If the visions of the Apocalypse were vouchsafed to John in A.D. 89, the interval between their revelation and the establishment of the Pope as a temporal prince is found to be 755-89, or exactly 666 years. See Rev. xiii. 18. There is another very curious coincidence in this case; for the interval between the fall of the Western Empire, and the establishment of the Bishop of Rome as a temporal prince, is 755-476=279 complete, or 280 current years, that is, 40 prophetic weeks. But it so happens that the period of human gestation is 40 weeks, and this would lead to the inference that the Man of Sin was conceived as soon as the Western Empire fell. See 2 Thess. ii. 7, 8. I am not aware that these remarkable coincidences have yet been noticed, and I therefore submit them to the consideration of the students of prophecy.

[172:1] See Burton's "Lectures," i. 361.

[172:2] 2 John 1; 3 John 1.

[172:3] 1 Pet. v. 1; Philem. 1.

[172:4] Acts xx. 28.

[172:5] Mark iii. 17.

[172:6] Jerome, "Comment. on Galatians," vi. 10.

[172:7] See Vitringa, "Observationes Sacrae," lib. iv. c. 7, 8.

[173:1] Rev. iii. 16.

[173:2] Rev. iii. 2.

[173:3] Rev. ii. 5.

[173:4] Claudia, the wife of Pudens, supposed to be mentioned 2 Tim. iv. 21, is said to have been a Briton by birth. See Fuller's "Church History of Britain," vol. i. p. 11; Edit. London, 1837.

[173:5] Euseb. ii. 16.

[173:6] Acts ii. 10.

[174:1] Acts ii. 9, 11.

[174:2] See in Cave's "Fathers," Bartholomew, Matthew, and Thomas.

[175:1] 1 Cor. vi. 9-11.

[175:2] Prov. xviii. 24.

[177:1] John xiv. 26.

[177:2] John xvi. 13.

[177:3] See Irenaeus, "Adv. Haeres.," iii. 1; and Euseb. vi. 14.

[177:4] It is probable that these three Gospels were written nearly at the same time. When Luke wrote, he does not seem to have been aware of the existence of any other Gospel. See Luke i. 4.

[177:5] Origen, "Dial, de Recta in Deum Fide," sec. i. tom. i. p. 806; Edit. Delarue. Paris, 1733. See Whitby's "Preface to Luke." There is good reason to believe that the "young man" mentioned Mark xiv. 51, 52, was no other than Mark himself (Davidson's "Introduction to the New Testament," i. 139); and if so, we have thus additional evidence that the evangelist had enjoyed the advantages of our Lord's ministry. He has always been reputed the founder of the Church of Alexandria, and the testimony of Origen to the fact that he was one of the Seventy is therefore of special value; as the Alexandrian presbyter was, no doubt, well acquainted with the traditions of the Church of the Egyptian metropolis.

[178:1] Acts i. 21.

[178:2] Luke i. 2.

[178:3] Matt. ix. 9, x. 3.

[178:4] Mark xiv. 71.

[178:5] Luke xxiv. 25.

[178:6] John xxi. 23.

[178:7] Matt. xxviii. 19.

[179:1] Mark ix. 15.

[179:2] Luke x. 1.

[179:3] John xiv., xv., xvi., xvii.

[179:4] See Horne's "Introduction," ii. 173. Sixth Edition.

[180:1] See Baumgarten on Acts, vii., viii., ix., xiii.

[180:2] Period i. sec. i. chap. 7, 8, 9.

[180:3] Horne, iv. 359.

[181:1] See Wordsworth "On the Canon," Lectures viii. ix.

[181:2] Prov. xxx. 5.

[181:3] This designation is not found in the most ancient manuscripts. Thus, in the very ancient "Recension of the Four Gospels in Syriac," recently edited by Dr Cureton, we have simply—"Gospel of Mark"—"Gospel of John," &c. See p. 6, Preface. See also any ordinary edition of the Greek Testament.

[181:4] Horne, ii. 174.

[182:1] Titus iii. 12.

[182:2] Some, however, assign to it a much earlier date. See Davidson's "Introduction to the New Testament," iii. 320.

[182:3] See Period i. sec. i. chap. 10, p. 158.

[182:4] See Wordsworth "On the Canon," p. 273.

[182:5] See Davidson's "Introduction," iii. 464, 491.

[182:6] Irenaeus, v. 30. Euseb. iii. 18.

[182:7] See Wordsworth "On the Canon," p. 157, 160, 249.

[182:8] Justin Martyr, ap. i. 67.

[182:9] 2 Pet. iii. 16

[183:1] Wordsworth "On the Canon," p. 205.

[183:2] "The allusions to the Epistle to the Hebrews are so numerous that it is not too much to say that it was wholly transfused into Clement's mind."—Westcott on the Canon, p. 32. See also Euseb. iii. 38.

[183:3] Wordsworth "On the Canon," p. 249.

[183:4] "The word ([Greek: graphê]) translatedScripture, which properly means simplya writing, occurs fifty times in the New Testament; and in all these fifty places, it is applied to the writings of the Old and New Testament, andto no other."—Wordsworth, p. 185, 186.

[183:5] Wordsworth, p. 249, 250.

[184:1] See Davidson's "Introduction," iii. 540-550.

[184:2] See Horne's "Introduction," ii. 168. The author of the present division into chapters is said to have been Hugo de Sancto Caro, a learned writer who flourished about the middle of the thirteenth century. The New Testament was first divided into verses by Robert Stephens in 1551. The Geneva Bible was the first English version of the Scriptures into which these divisions of Stephens were introduced.

[184:3] Horne, ii. 169.

[185:1] John v. 39; 2 Tim. iii. 15.

[185:2] Rev. i. 3. See also 2 Peter i. 19.

[185:3] Paul's epistles were often written with the hand of another. See Rom. xvi. 22; 2 Thess. iii. 17.

[186:1] Ps. xii. 6.

[186:2] The epistle to Diognetus may have been written in the first century, but it is commonly referred to a later date.

[186:3] He speaks of the Church of Corinth at the time as "most ancient" (§ 47), and refers apparently to the Domitian persecution. See Euseb. iii. 15, 16.

[186:4] Tertullian also illustrates the resurrection by the story of the phoenix, "De Resurrec. Carn." c. 13.

[187:1] Clement's "Epistle to the Corinthians," § 25. The fragment of the second epistle is not generally considered genuine.

[189:1] Matt. v. 17.

[189:2] 2 Tim. i. 10.

[189:3] Matt. xvi. 16; John i. 41.

[189:4] Luke xxiv. 19, 21; John i. 49.

[189:5] Matt. xvi. 21, 22; John xii. 34.

[189:6] Mark xv. 43; Luke ii. 38.

[189:7] John iv. 20-25.

[189:8] John xix. 12.

[189:9] Matt. ii. 2, 3, xx. 21; John vi. 15.

[190:1] Acts i. 6.

[190:2] Luke xxiv. 45.

[190:3] Luke xxiv. 44.

[190:4] Acts x. 34, 35.

[190:5] Acts xi. 3, 17.

[190:6] Heb. x. 1, 14, 18.

[190:7] Period i. sec. ii. chap. 1.

[191:1] Mark vii. 7-9.

[191:2] Matt. iv. 1-10, xii. 3, 5, 7; Mark xii. 26.

[191:3] John v. 39.

[191:4] Acts ii. 14-36.

[191:5] 2 Tim. iii. 15.

[191:6] 2 Tim. iii. 16, 17.

[191:7] Matt. xxii. 43, 45; Gal. iii. 16; Heb. ii. 8, 11.

[191:8] John x. 34, 35; Heb. viii. 13.

[191:9] Acts xxviii. 25; Heb. iii. 7.

[191:10] Heb. i. 1, 2; Matt. i. 22, ii. 15.

[192:1] 1 Cor. ii. 13.

[192:2] 2 Tim. iii. 16.

[192:3] Gen. iii. 15; Ps. cxxx. 7, 8; Dan. ix. 24.

[192:4] Ps. xcviii. 1-4; Isa. ix. 6.

[192:5] Rom. iii. 19.

[192:6] Eph. ii. 1.

[192:7] John v. 24.

[192:8] Rev. iii. 20.

[192:9] Heb. xi. 27.

[193:1] Heb. xii. 2.

[193:2] Heb. vi. 18.

[193:3] 1 Pet. ii. 3.

[193:4] Rom. v. 1.

[193:5] Acts xv. 9.

[193:6] 1 John v. 4.

[193:7] Rom. v. 2.

[193:8] Heb. xi. 1.

[193:9] John xx. 31.

[193:10] John i. 29.

[193:11] Rom. x. 4.

[194:1] Eph. v. 23.

[194:2] Rev. xvii. 14.

[194:3] Col. i. 27.

[194:4] Ps. cxlvi. 8, compared with John ix. 32, 33.

[194:5] Job ix. 8, compared with Matt. xiv. 25.

[194:6] Ps. cvii. 29, compared with Luke viii. 24.

[194:7] Amos iv. 13, compared with Matt. xii. 25, and John ii. 24, 25.

[194:8] Tit. ii. 14.

[194:9] Mark ii. 5-10.

[194:10] Eph. v. 26.

[194:11] Acts xvi. 14; Luke xxiv. 45.

[194:12] Rev. ii. 23.

[194:13] Mal. iii. i.

[194:14] Isa. xl. 3, and vi. 1, compared with John xii. 38-41.

[194:15] Isa. xl. 3, 9; Ps. xlv. 6.

[194:16] Ps. ii. 12.

[194:17] Ps. lxxii. 15.

[194:18] Ps. ii. 12, compared with Ps. cxlvi. 3, 5, and Isa. xxvi. 4.

[194:19] John i. 49; Matt. xvi. 16, 17.

[194:20] Such as John xx. 28, xxi. 17.

[195:1] Luke xxiv. 27.

[195:2] 1 Cor. xii. 3.

[195:3] Rom. ix. 5.

[195:4] Eph. i. 12, 13; Matt. xii. 21.

[195:5] Col. iii. 24.

[195:6] Acts ix. 14; 1 Cor. i. 2.

[195:7] Rev. v. 11-13. Though modern criticism has shaken the credit of some passages usually quoted in support of the Deity of Christ, such as 1 Tim. iii. 16, it is remarkable that it has discovered others equally strong not now in the received text. See Lachmann's text of Col. ii. 2, and 1 Pet. iii. 15.

[196:1] Heb. ii. 14.

[196:2] Matt. xvi. 22.

[196:3] Luke xxiv. 46.

[196:4] Rom. iii. 26.

[197:1] Heb. ix. 12.

[197:2] 1 Cor. i. 24.

[197:3] Phil. ii. 13.

[197:4] Eph. i. 4-6.

[197:5] Matt, xxviii. 19; John x. 30, xv. 26.

[198:1] Eph. iv. 5.

[198:2] See Bingham, iii. 323-327.

[198:3] Acts viii. 37; 1 Pet. iii. 21.

[198:4] Matt. i. 21.

[199:1] Prov. viii. 11.

[199:2] Phil. iv. 11-14.

[200:1] "[Greek: Hairesis] autem Graecé, ab electione dicitur: quòd scilicet eam sibi unusquisque eligat disciplinam, quam putat esse meliorem."—Hieronymus in Epist. ad Galat.c. 5. See also Tertullian, "De Praescrip." c. 6.

[200:2] "Life," Section 2; "Antiq." xiii. 5, 9.

[200:3] Acts xxvi. 5.

[200:4] Acts xxiv. 5.

[200:5] Gal. v. 20.

[201:1] Eph. iv. 17, 18; Col. i. 13.

[201:2] John iii. 18, 19.

[201:3] Mosheim has overlooked this fact, and has, in consequence, been betrayed into some false criticism when treating on this subject.

[201:4] Titus iii. 10.

[201:5] 2 Pet. ii. 1.

[202:1] Every one acquainted with the works of Philo Judaeus must be aware that Jewish literature was now largely impregnated with pagan philosophy.

[202:2] Col. ii. 8.

[202:3] 1 Tim. vi. 20.

[202:4] See Burton's "Inquiry into the Heresies of the Apostolic Age," pp. 314, 315. Also Mosheim's "Dissertation" appended to Cudworth, iii. 171.

[203:1] Col. i. 16, 17.

[204:1] From [Greek: dokeô], I appear.

[204:2] John i. 14.

[204:3] 1 John iv. 3.

[204:4] 1 John i. 1-3.

[204:5] 2 John 7.

[204:6] 1 Cor. xv. 12.

[204:7] 2 Tim. ii. 16-18.

[205:1] Acts viii. 9.

[205:2] Irenaeus, i. 23; Eusebius, ii. 13.

[205:3] Acts viii. 20-23.

[205:4] Acts viii. 9.

[205:5] Justin Martyr, "Apol." ii. 69. Edit. Paris, 1615.

[205:6] 1 Tim. i. 20; 2 Tim. i. 15, ii. 17, iv. 14.

[206:1] Irenaeus, i. 25, 26; Tertullian, "De Praescrip. Haeret." 33; Epiphanius, "Haer." xxx. 2, lxix. 23.

[206:2] Irenaeus, iii. 3, 4.

[206:3] Irenaeus, iii. 11.

[206:4] Rev. ii. 6, 15.

[206:5] Acts vi. 5. Others conceive, however, that the name Nicolaitanes is merely equivalent to Balaamites (as Balaam in Hebrew is nearly equivalent to Nicolas in Greek, each word signifyingRuler, or Conqueror of the people), and that the apostle does not here refer to any party already known by this designation, but to all who, like Balaam, were seducers of God's people. See Neander, "General History," ii. 159. Edinburgh edition, 1847.

[207:1] Rev. ii. 6, 15.

[207:2] Acts xxiii. 1, 6.

[207:3] 1 John ii. 19.

[207:4] Compare Jude 19, and Heb. x. 25.

[208:1] 1 Tim. i. 20.

[208:2] Rev. ii. 15.

[208:3] Hegesippus in Euseb., iv. 22.

[208:4] Eusebius, iv. 22.

[208:5] 1 Cor. xi. 19.

[209:1] James iii. 17.

[210:1] Luke xxiv. 21.

[210:2] Luke xxiv. 17, 22, 23.

[211:1] Acts xx. 7.

[211:2] Rev. i. 10, [Greek: hê kurtakê hêmera]. The day was ever afterwards distinguished by this designation. See a letter from Dionysius of Corinth in Eusebius, iv. 23. See also Kaye's "Clement of Alexandria," p. 418. The first day of the week is called "the Christian Sabbath" in the Ethiopic version of the "Apostolical Constitutions." See Platt's "Didascalia," p. 99. But these Constitutions are of comparatively late origin.

[211:3] Matt. v. 17-19.

[211:4] Matt. iii. 15.

[211:5] Matt. xii. 3-5; Mark ii. 25, 26.

[211:6] Matt. xii. 7.

[211:7] Gen. ii. 3.

[212:1] Exod. xx. 1-17.

[212:2] Mark ii. 27.

[212:3] Matt. xxiv. 20.

[212:4] See Heb. xiii. 10, 15, 16; Ps. li. 17.

[212:5] Isa. lvi. 6, 7. Compare with Isa. ii. 2.

[212:6] Mark ii. 28.

[212:7] John xx. 19, 26. According to the current style of speaking," after eight days" meansthe eighth day after. See Matt, xxvii. 63.

[213:1] Acts ii. 1. That the day of Pentecost was the first day of the week appears from Lev. xxiii. 11, 15. The same inference may be drawn from John xviii. 28, and xix. 31, compared with Lev. xxiii. 5, 6. See also Schaff's "History of the Apostolic Church," i. p. 230, note, and the authorities there quoted.

[213:2] In the same way the Eucharist is called the Lord's Supper: [Greek: Kuriakon deipnon] (1 Cor. xi. 20). Thus also we speak of the Lord's house, and the Lord's people.

[213:3] Heb. x. 25.

[213:4] 1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2.

[213:5] Isa. lxv. 17, 18.

[213:6] [Greek: Sabbatiamos]. See Owen "On the Hebrews," iv. 9.

[213:7] Heb. iv. 9, 10.

[213:8] Rom. xiv. 5.

[214:1] Col. ii. 16, 17.

[214:2] The ordinary temple service could scarcely be called congregational. It was almost exclusively ceremonial and typical, consisting of sacrificing, burning incense, and offering various oblations. The worshippers generally prayed apart. See Luke i. 10, xviii. 10, 11.

[215:1] See these eighteen prayers in Prideaux's "Connexions," i. 375, and note. Bingham admits (Orig. iv. 194), that these are their"most ancient"forms of devotion; and, of course, if they were written after the fall of Jerusalem, it follows that the Jews had no liturgy in the days of our Lord. Had they then been limited to fixed forms, He would scarcely have upbraided the Scribes and Pharisees for hypocritically"making long prayer"Matt, xxiii. 14.

[215:2] See Palmer's "Origines Liturgicae," i. pp. 44-92; and Clarkson's "Discourse concerning Liturgies;" "Select Works," p. 342.

[215:3] Matt. vi. 9-13.

[215:4] 1 Thess. v. 18.

[215:5] Eph. vi. 18.

[215:6] Eph. vi. 18.

[215:7] Acts i. 24, 25, iv. 24-30.

[216:1] See Lightfoot's "Temple Service," ch. vii. sec. 2; "Works," ix. 56.

[216:2] Lightfoot's "Prospect of the Temple," ch. xxxiii.; "Works," ix. 384.

[216:3] The multitudes who assembled at the great festivals in the temple could not well unite in one service. The wall of the building was more than half a mile in circumference. See Lightfoot, ix. 217. There were various courts and divisions in the building.

[216:4] Heb. ix. 9-12, x. 1; John ii. 19-21; 1 Pet. ii. 5.

[216:5] Vitringa, "De Synagoga," p. 203.

[216:6] Eph. v. 19. According to some, the Psalms were divided into these three classes.

[216:7] Heb. xiii. 15.

[217:1] Bingham, ii. 482-484.

[217:2] Luke iv. 16, 17.

[217:3] Col. iv. 16; 1 Thess. v. 27.

[217:4] 1 Cor. xiv. 29. It would appear from this that onlytwoorthreepersons were permitted to speak at a meeting. By him that "sitteth by" (verse 30), a doctor or teacher is meant. See Vitringa, "De Synagoga," p. 600, and Matt. v. 1.

[217:5] 1 Cor. xiv. 27. The gift of "interpretation of tongues" (1 Cor. xii. 10) was quite as wonderful as the gift of "divers kinds of tongues" (1 Cor. xii. 10).


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