Footnotes

Footnotes1.Of the Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres, &c. vol. iii. and iv.—Trans.2.Pietate ac religione, atque hâc unâ sapientiâ quòd deorum immortalium numine omnia regi gubernarique perspeximus, omnes gentes nationesque superavimus.Orat. de Arusp. resp.n. 19.—Trans.3.Ecclus. x. 84.The ancients themselves, according to Pindar, (Olymp. Od.vii.) had retained some idea, that the dispersion of men was not the effect of chance, but that they had been settled in different countries by the appointment of Providence.—Trans.5.Gen. xi. 8, 9.6.“When the Most High divided the nations, and separated the sons of Adam, he set the bounds of the people according to the number of the children of Israel”(whom he had in view.) This is one of the interpretations (which appears very natural) that is given to this passage. Deut. xxxii. 8.—Trans.7.Ecclus. xxxvi. 17, xxxix. 19.8.Acts xv. 18.9.I will bring you out from under the burdens of the Egyptians, and I will rid you out of their bondage. Exod. vi. 6. Out of the iron furnace, even out of Egypt. Deut. iv. 20.—Trans.10.Isaiah v. 26, 30, x. 28, 34, xiii. 4, 5.11.Sennacherib.—Trans.12.Ibid. x. 13, 14.13.Isaiah x. 5.14.Ibid. ver. 7.15.Ibid. ver. 12.16.Because thy rage against me, and thy tumult is come up into mine ears, therefore I will put my hook into thy nose, and my bridle in thy lips, and I will turn thee back by the way by which thou camest. 2 Kings xix. 28.—Trans.17.Ezek. xxi. 19, 23.18.Ibid. xxvi. xxvii. xxviii.19.Ezek. xxviii. 2.20.Ibid. xxix. 18, 20.21.Dan. iv. 1-34.22.This incident is related more at large in the history of the Egyptians, under the reign of Amasis.—Trans.23.Ibid. iv. 30.24.Dan. iv. 31, 32.25.Thus saith the Lord to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before him and I will loose the loins of kings to open before him the two-leaved gates, and the gates shall not be shut.I will go before thee, and make the crooked places straight: will break in pieces the gates of brass, and cut in sunder the bars of iron.And I will give thee the treasures of darkness, and hidden riches of secret places, that thou mayest know, that I the Lord which shall calltheeby thy name,amthe God of Israel. Isa. xlv. 1-3.—Trans.26.Isa. xlv. 13, 14.27.Ibid. 13, 4.28.Ibid. 4, 5.29.Dan. iv. 7, 9.30.Ἐδυνήθη ἐπιθυμίαν ἐμβαλεῖν τοσαύτην τοῦ πάντας αὐτῷ χαριζεσθαι, ὤσι ἀεὶ τ᾽ αὐτοῦ γνώμη ἀξιοῦν κυβερνᾶσθαι.—Trans.31.Dan. vii.32.Ezek. xix. 3, 7.33.Joseph. 1. iii. c. 46.34.Gen. i. 2.35.Ibid. vi. 11.36.Psal. cxliv. 15.37.Laus ipsa, quâ Platonem vel Platonicos seu Academicos philosophos tantùm extuli, quantùm impios homines non oportuit, non immeritò mihi displicuit; præsertim quorum contra errores magnes defendenda est Christiana doctrina.Retract.1. i. c. 1.—Trans.38.Id in quoque corrigendum, quod pravum est; quod autem rectum est, approbandum.De Bapt. cont. Donat.1. vii. c. 16.—Trans.39.Lib. v. c. 19, 21, &c.40.De Civitate Dei, 1. v. c. 19.41.Vol. iv. p. 385.42.This Mr Rollin has done admirably in the several volumes of his Ancient History.—Trans.43.The Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres, &c. The English translation (in four volumes) of this excellent piece of criticism, was first printed for A. Bettesworth and C. Hitch, in Paternoster-Row.—Trans.44.Arborum flos, est pleni veris indicium, et anni renascentis; flos gaudium arborum. Tunc se novas, aliasque quàm sunt, ostendunt, tunc variis colorum picturis in certamen usque luxuriant. Sed hoc negatum plerisque. Non enim omnes florent, et sunt tristes quædam, quæque non sentiant guadia annorum; nec ullo flore exhilarantur, natalesve pomorum recursus annuos versicolori nuntio promittunt. Plin.Hist. Nat.1. xvi. c. 25.—Trans.45.As the fig-trees.—Trans.46.Mons. Bossuet.—Trans.47.Former editions of this Work were printed in ten volumes.—Trans.48.Xenoph.in Cyrop.1. i. p. 25, 27.—Trans.49.Quos ad fastigium nujus majestatis non ambitio popularis, sed spectata inter bonos moderatio provebebat. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.50.Fines imperii tueri magis quàm proferre mos erat. Intra suam cuique patriam regna finiebantur. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.51.Domitis proximis, cum accessione virium fortior ad alios transiret, et proxima quæque victoria instrumentum sequentis esset, totius orientis populos subegit. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.52.Sit hoc jam à principio persuasum civibus: dominos esse omnium rerum ac moderatores deos, eaque quæ geruntur eorum geri judicio ac numine; eosdemque optimè de genere hominum mereri; et, qualis quisque sit, quid agat, quid in se admittat, quâ mente, quâ pietate religiones colat, intueri; piorumque et impiorem habere rationem—Ad divos adeunto castè. Pietatem adhibento, opes amovento. Cic.de leg.l. ii. n. 15, 19.—Trans.53.Manner of Teaching, &c. vol. i.—Trans.54.Ἀθήνη.—Trans.55.Οὐχὶ προειρημένον ἡμερῶν ἀριθμὸν ἁγνεύειν μόνον, ἀλλὰ τὸν βιον ὅλον ἡγνευκέναι. Demost.in extrema Aristocratia.—Trans.56.Vol. ii. c. 3. § 2.—Trans.57.Ληνός.58.Dionysius.59.Goats were sacrificed, because they spoiled the vines.—Trans.60.From this fury of the Bacchanalians these feasts were distinguished by the name of Orgia, Ὀργὴ,ira, furor.—Trans.61.Πάσαν ἐθεασάμην τὴν πόλιν περὶ τὰ Διονύσια μεθύουσαν. Lib. i.de leg.p. 637.—Trans.62.Liv. 1. xxxix. n. 8, 18.63.Nihil in speciem fallacius est quàm prava religio, ubi deorum numen prætenditur sceleribus. Liv. xxxix. n. 16.—Trans.64.Multa eximia divinaque videntur Athenæ tuæ peperisse, atque in vitam hominum attulisse; tum nihil melius illis mysteriis, quibus ex agresti immanique vitâ, exculti ad humanitatem et mitigati sumus, initiaque ut appellautur, ita re vera principia vitæ cognovimus. Cic. 1. ii.de leg.n. 36.Teque Ceres, et Libera, quarum sacra, sicut opiniones hominum ac religiones ferunt, longè maximis atque occultissimis ceremoniis continentur: à quibus initia vitæ atque victùs, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exempla hominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse dicuntur. Cic.in Verr. de supplic.n. 186.—Trans.65.Οἴδεν Ἐλευσὶν ταῦτα, καὶ οἱ τῶν σιωπωένων καὶ σιωπῆς; ὄντων ἀξιον ἐτόπται.Orat de sacr. lumin.—Trans.66.Δαδοῦχος.67.Κῆρυξ.68.Βασιλεὺς69.Ἐπιμελήται70.Ἱεροποιοὶ.71.Diogen. Laërt. l. vi. p. 389.72.Liv. l. xxxi. n. 14.73.Est et fideli tuta silentioMerces. Vetabo, qui Cereris sacrumVulgârit arcana, sub iisdemSit trabibus, fragilemque mecumSolvat phaselum.Hor.Od.2. l. iii.Safe is the silent tongue, which none can blameThe faithful secret merit fame;Beneath one roof ne'er let him rest with me,Who“Ceres' mysteries”reveals;In one frail bark ne'er let us put to sea,Nor tempt the jarring winds with spreading sails.—Trans.74.Lib. i. p. 26, 71.75.Tardaque Eleusinæ matris volventia plaustra.Virg.Georg.l. i. ver. 163.The Eleusinian mother's mystic car Slow rolling———Trans.76.Herod. l. viii. c. 65.77.Lib. ix. p. 305.78.Plut.in vit. Alex.p. 671.79.Zosim.Hist.l. iv.80.Sympos.l. ii. quæst. 3. p. 635.81.Errabat multis in rebus antiquitas: quam vel usu jam, vel doctrinâ, vel vetustate immutatam videmus. Retinetur autem et ad opinionem vulgi, et ad magnas utilitates reip. mos, religio, disciplina, jus augurum, collegii auctoritas. Nec verò non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius, L. Junius consules, qui contra auspicia navigârunt. Parendum enim fuit religioni, nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandusDivin.l. ii. n. 70, 71.—Trans.82.Certain instruments were fastened to the tops of oaks, which, being shaken by the wind, or by some other means, gave a confused sound. Servius observes, that the same word, in the Thessalian language, signifiesdoveandprophetess, which had given room for the fabulous tradition of doves that spoke. It was easy to make those brazen basins sound by some secret means, and to give what signification they pleased to a confused and inarticulate note.—Trans.83.Pausan. l. ix. p. 602, 604.84.Plut.de gen. Socr.p. 590.85.Herod, l. i. c. 157. Strab. l. xiv p. 634.86.Tacit.Annal.l. ii. c. 54.87.Lib. xiv. p. 427, 428.88.Corium.89.Προφήται.90.Ἀνίκητος εἶ, ὦ παῖ.—Trans.91.——Cui talia fantiAnte fores, subitò non vultus, non color unus,Non comptæ mansere comæ: sed pectus anhelum,Et rabie fera corda tument; majorque videri,Nec mortale sonans: afflata est numine quandoJam propiore dei.Virg.Æn.l. vi. v. 46-51.—Trans.92.Among the various marks which God has given us in the Scriptures to distinguish his oracles from those of the devil, the fury or madness, attributed by Virgil to the Pythia,et rabie fera corda tument, is one. It is I, saith God, that show the falsehood of the diviners' predictions, and give to such as divine, the motions of fury and madness; or according to Isa. xliv. 25,“That frustrateth the tokens of the liar, and maketh diviners mad.”Instead of which, the prophets of the true God constantly gave the divine answers in an equal and calm tone of voice, and with a noble tranquillity of behaviour. Another distinguishing mark is, that the dæmons gave their oracles in secret places, by-ways, and in the obscurity of caves; whereas God gave his in open day, and before all the world.“I have not spoken in secret, in a dark place of the earth,”Isa. xlv. 19.“I have not spoken in secret from the beginning,”Isa. xlviii. 16. So that God did not permit the devil to imitate his oracles, without imposing such conditions upon him, as might distinguish between the true and false inspiration.—Trans.93.Lib. v.94.Ἐγγαστρίμυθος.95.Quòd si aliquis dixerit multa ab idolis esse prædicta; hoc sciendum, quòd semper mendacium junxerint veritati, et sic sententias temperârint, ut, seu boni seu mali quid accidisset, utrumque possit intelligi. Hieronym. in cap. xlii. Isaiæ. He cites the two examples of Crœsus and Pyrrhus.—Trans.96.One method of consulting the oracle was by sealed letters, which were laid upon the altar of the god unopened.—Trans.97.Macrob. l. i.Saturnal.c. 23.98.Omnis spiritus ales. Hoc et angeli et dæmones. Igitur momento ubique sunt; totus orbis illis locus unus est: quid ubi geratur tam facilè sciunt, quàm enuntiant. Velocitas divinitas creditur, quia substantia ignoratur.—Cæterùm testudinem decoqui cum carnibus pecudis Pythius eo modo renunciavit, quo suprà diximus. Momento apud Lydiam fuerat. Tertulin Apolog.—Trans.99.Plut.in Demosth.p. 854.100.Tertull.in Apolog.101.Lib.de verà sapient., c. 27.102.Tam barbaros, tam immanes fuisse homines, ut parricidium suum, id est tetrum atque execrabib humano generi facinus, sacrificium vocarent. Cùm teneras atque innocentes animas, quæ maximè est ætas parentibus dulcior, sine ullo respectu pietatis extinguerunt, immanitatemque omnium bestiarum, quæ tamen fœtus suos amant, seritate superarent. O dementiam insanabilem! Quid illis isti dii ampliùs facere possent si essent iratissimi, quàm faciunt propitii? Cùm suos cultores parricidiis inquinant, orbitatibus mactant, humanis sensibus spoliant. Lactant. l. i. c. 21.—Trans.103.Herod l. ii. c 180; l. v. c. 62.104.About 44,428l.sterling.—Trans.105.Ibid. l. i. c. 50, 51.106.About 33,500l.sterling.—Trans.107.Diod. l. xvi p. 453.108.About 1,300,000l.—Trans.109.Plut.de Pyth. orac.p. 401.110.Vol. iii.111.Several reasons are given for this name.—Trans.112.Pausan. l. ii. p. 88.113.Apium.114.Herod. l. viii. c. 26.115.Παπαὶ, Μαρδόνιε, κόιους ἐπ᾽ ἄνδρας ἤγαγες μαχησομένους ἡμέας, οἵ οὐ περ᾽ χρημάσων τὸν αγῶνα ποιεῦνται, ἀλλά περὶ ἀρετῆς.—Trans.116.Plin. l. xvi. c. 4.117.Pausan. l. v. p. 297.118.Pausan. l. vi. p. 382.119.Olympiorum victoria, Græcis consulatus ille antiquus videbatur.Tuscul. Quæst.l. ii. n. 41.—Trans.120.Olympionicam esse apud Græcos propè majus fuit et gloriosius quàm Romæ triumphâsse.Pro Flacco, n. 31.—Trans.121.——Palmaque nobilisTerrarum dominos evehit ad deos.Od.i. l. i.Sive quos Elea domum reducitPalma cœlestesOd.ii. l. i.—Trans.122.Art. Poet.v. 412.123.Nempe enim et Athletæ segregantur ad strictiorem disciplinam, ut robori ædificando vacent; continentui à luxuriâ, à cibis lætioribus, à potu jucundiore; coguntur, cruciantur, fatigantur. Tertul.ad Martyr.—Trans.124.The persons employed in this office were calledAliptæ.—Trans.125.Dolus an virtus, quis in noste requirat?—Trans.126.Gen. xxxii. 24.127.Captat pedes primùm, luctator dolosus est.—Trans.128.Iliad. l. xxiii v. 708, &c. Ovid.Metam.l. ix. v. 31, &c.Phars.l. iv. v. 612. Stat. l. vi. v. 847.129.Dioscoi.Idyl.xxii.Argonautic, l. ii.Æneid.l. v.Thebaid.l. vii.Argonaut.l. iv.130.Πᾶν κράτος.131.Quid tam distortum et elaboratum, quàm est ille Discobolos Myronis? Quintil. l. ii. c. 13.—Trans.132.The Stadium was a measure of distance among the Greeks, and was, according to Herodotus, l. ii. c. 149, six hundred feet in length. Pliny says, l. ii. c. 23, that it was six hundred and twenty-five. Those two authors may be reconciled by considering the difference between the Greek and Roman foot; besides which, the length of the Stadium varies, according to the difference of times and places.—Trans.133.Hom.lv.in Matth.c. 16.—Trans.134.——Tunc ritè citatosExplorant, acuuntque gradus, variasque per artesInstimulant docto languentia membra tumultu.Poplite nunc flexo sidunt, nunc lubrica fortiPectora collidunt plausu; nunc ignea tolluntCrura, brevemque fugam nec opino fine reponunt.Stat.Theb.l. vi v. 587, &c.They try, they rouse their speed, with various arts;Their languid limbs they prompt to act their parts.Now with bent hams, amidst the practis'd crowd,They sit; now strain their lungs, and shout aloudNow a short flight with fiery steps they trace,And with a sudden stop abridge the mimic race.—Trans.135.Plin. l. vii. c. 20.136.57 leagues.137.60 leagues.138.Herod. l. vi. c. 106.139.30 leagues.140.More than 53 leagues.141.Val. Max. l. v. c. 5.142.67 leagues.143.He had only a guide and one officer with him.—Trans.144.Nec omnes Numidæ in dextro locati cornu, sed quibus desultorum in modum binos trahentibus equos, inter acerrimam sæpe pugnam, in recentem equum ex fesso armatis transultare mos erat; tanta velocitas ipsis, tamque docile equorum genus est. Liv. l. xxiii.—Trans.145.Plut.in Alex.p. 666.146.Metaque fervidis Evitata rotis. Horat.Od.i. 1. i.The goal shunn'd by the burning wheels.—Trans.147.Hom.Il.l. xxiii. v. 334, &c.148.Plut.in Alex.p. 666.149.Ibid.in Themist.p. 124.150.Ibid.in Alcib.p. 196.151.Pausan. l. iii. p. 172.152.Ibid. p. 188.153.Ibid. p. 172.154.Ibid. l. v. p. 309.155.Pausan. l. vi. p. 344.156.Sympos.l. viii.quæst.4.157.Plut.in Alcib.p. 196.158.Lib. i. p. 3.159.Diog. Laërt.in Solon, p. 37.160.About 11l.161.About 2l.162.Cic.de Orat.l. ii. n. 352, 353. Phæd. l. ii.fab.24. Quintil. l. xi. c 2.163.Lib. vi. p. 368.164.Lucian.in vit. Demonact.p. 1014.165.It was Demonax, a celebrated philosopher, whose disciple Lucian had been. He flourished in the reign of Marcus Aurelius.—Trans.166.Plut.in Quæst. Rom.p. 273.167.Ὅτι τοῦ χρόνου τἀ σεμεῖα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους διαφορᾶς ἀμαυροῦντος, αὐτοὺς ἀν λαμβάνειν καὶ καινοποιεῖν ἐπιφθονόν ἐστι καὶ φιλαπεχθῆμον.—Trans.168.Plut.in Lacon. Apophthegm. p. 211.169.Lucian.in Herod.p. 622.170.Plut.de vit Orat.p. 836.171.Diod. l. xiv. p. 318.172.Ibid. l. xv. p. 384.173.Attica anus Theophrastum, hominem alioqui disertissimum, annotatâ unius affectatione verbi, hospitem dixit. Quint. l. viii. c. 1.—Trans.174.Ælian, l ii. c. 8.175.Boileau,Art. Poët.chant. iii.176.Ignotum tragicæ genus invenisse camœnæDicitur, et plaustris vexisse poëmata Thespis,Quæ canerent agerentque peruncti fæcibus ora.Hor.de Art. Poët.When Thespis first expos'd the tragic Muse,Rude were the actors, and a cart the scene,Where ghastly faces, smear'd with lees of wine,Frighted the children, and amus'd the crowd.Roscom.Art of Poet.—Trans.177.Boileau,Art. Poet.chant. iii.178.Plut.in Solonp. 95.179.Post hunc personæ pallæque repertor honestæÆschylus, et modicis instravit pulpita tignis,Et docuit magnumque loqui, nitique cothurno.Hor.de Art. Poët.This, Æschylus (with indignation) saw,And built a stage, found out a decent dress,Brought vizards in (a civiler disguise),And taught men how to speak and how to act.Roscom.Art of Poet.—Trans.180.Boileau,Art. Poet.181.Actoris partes chorus officiumque virileDefendat, neu quid medios intercinat actus,Quod non proposito conducat, et hæreat apté.Ille bonis faveatque, et concilietur amicis,Et regat iratos, et amet peccare timentes.Ille dapes laudet mensæ brevis; ille salubremJustitiam, legesque, et apertis otia portis.Ille tegat commissa, deosque precetur et oret,Ut redeat miseris, abeat fortuna superbis.Hor.de Art. Poët.The chorus should supply what action wants,And hath a generous and manly part; Bridles wild rage, loves rigid honesty,And strict observance of impartial laws,Sobriety, security, and peace,And begs the gods to turn blind Fortune's wheel,To raise the wretched, and pull down the proud;But nothing must be sung between the acts,But what someway conduces to the plot.Roscom.Art of Poet. translat.—Trans.182.Vol. iv.183.Manner of Teaching, &c. vol. iv.184.Quo meliùs nostri illi senes, qui personatum, ne Roscium quidem, magnoperé laudabant. Lib. iii.de Orat.n. 221.—Trans.185.Sententiis densus, et in iis quæ à sapientibus sunt, penè ipsis est par. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.186.Cui (Euripidi) tu quantum credas nescio; ego certè singulos ejus versus singula testimonia puto.Epist.viii. l. 14.ad Famil.—Trans.187.Ipse autem socer (Cæsar) in ore semper Græcos versus Euripidis de Phœnissis habebat, quos dicam ut potero, inconditè fortasse, sed tamen ut res possit intelligi:Nam, si violandum est jus, regnandi gratiàViolandum est; aliis rebus pietatem colas.Capitalis Eteocles, vel potiùs Euripides, qui id unum, quod omnium sceleratissimum fuerat, exceperit.Offic.l. iii. n. 82.—Trans.188.Plut.in vit.x.orat.p. 841.189.I know not whether the idea of“a canal, that flows gently through delicious gardens,”is well adapted to designate the character of Sophocles, which is peculiarly distinguished by nobleness, grandeur, and elevation. That of an impetuous and rapid stream, whose waves, from the violence of their motion, are loud, and to be heard afar off, seems to me a more suitable image of that poet.—Trans.190.Tragædias primus in lucem Æschylus protulit: sublimis et gravis, et grandiloquus sæpe usque ad vitium; sed rudis in plerisque et incompositus. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.191.Corneille and Racine.—Trans.192.Φόβος καὶ ἔλεος.193.Homo sum: humani nihil à me alienum puto. Ter.—Trans.194.Successit vetus his comœdia non sinc multâ Laude. Hor.in Art. Poët.—Trans.195.Plutus.196.The Birds.197.The Knights.198.The Peace.199.Quem illa non attigit, vel potiùs quem non vexavit? Esto, populares homines, improbos, in remp. seditiosos, Cleonem, Cleophontem, Hyperbolum læsit: patiamur—Sed Periclem, cùm jam suæ civitati maximâ auctoritate plurimos annos domi et belli præfuisset, violari versibus, et eos agi in scenâ, non plùs decuit, quam si Plautus noster voluisset, aut Nævius, P. et Cn. Scipioni, aut Cæcilius M. Catoni maledicere. Ex fragm. Cic.de Rep.l. iv.—Trans.200.Aristophan.in Acharn.201.Eupolis, atque Cratinus, Aristophanesque poëtæ,Atque alii, quorum comœdia prisca virorum est,Si quis erat dignus describi, quòd malus, aut fur,Quòd mœchus foret, aut sicarius, aut alioquiFamosus; multâ cum libertate notabant.Hor.Sat.iv. l. i.With Aristophanes' satiric rage,When ancient comedy amus'd the age,Or Eupolis's or Cratinus' wit,And others that all-licens'd poem writ;None, worthy to be shown, escap'd the scene,No public knave, or thief of lofty mien;The loose adult'rer was drawn forth to sight;The secret murd'rer trembling lurk'd the night;Vice play'd itself, and each ambitious spark;All boldly branded with the poet's mark.—Trans.202.Antiqua comœdia sinceram illam sermonis Attici gratiam propè sola retinet. Quintil.—Trans.203.Nimium risûs pretium est, si probitatis impendio constat. Quintil. l. vi. c. 3.—Trans.204.Non pejus duxerim tardi ingenii esse, quàm mali. Quintil. l. i. c. 3.—Trans.205.Boileau,Art. Poet., chant. iii.206.Atque ille quidem omnibus ejusdem operis auctoribus abstulit nomen, et fulgore quodam suæ claritatis tenebras obduxit. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.207.Quidam, sicut Menander, justiora posterorum quàm suæ ætatis, judicia sunt consecuti. Quintil. l. iii. c. 6.—Trans.208.Memoirs of the Acad. of Inscript.&c. vol i. p. 136, &c.209.Strab. l. ix. p. 395. Herod. l. viii. c. 65.210.Ὀρχεῖσθαι.211.It is not certain whether this piece was prior or posterior to the death of Socrates.—Trans.212.Plut.in Aristid.p. 320.213.Plut.in Philipœm.p. 362.214.Cic.in Orat. pro. Sext.n. 120, 123.215.O ingratifici Argivi, inanes Graii, immemores beneficii,Exulare sivistis, sivistis pelli, pulsum patimini.—Trans.216.Cic.ad Attic.l. ii.Epist.19. Val. Max. l. vi. c. 2.217.Justin, l. vi. c. 9.218.Plut.de glor. Athen.p. 349.219.Plut.Sympos.l. vii.quæst.vii. p. 719.220.Ἀμαρτάνουσιν Ἀθηναῖοι μεγάλα. τὴν σπουδὴν εὶς τὴν παιδιὰν καταναλίσκοντες, τουτεστι μεγάλων ἀποστόλων δαπάνας καὶ στρατευμάτων ἐφύδια καταχορηγοῦντες εἰς τὸ θέατρον.—Trans.221.Quibus rebus effectum est, ut inter otia Græecorum, sordidum et obscurum antea Macedonum nomen emergeret; et Philippus, obses triennio Thebis habitus, Epaminondæ et Pelopidæ virtutibus eruditus, regnum Macedoniæ, Græciæ et Asiæ cervicibus, velut jugum servitutis, imponeret. Just. l. vi. c. 9.—Trans.222.Atheniensium res gestæ, sicuti ego existimo, satis amplæ magnificæque fuerunt verùm aliquanto minores tamen, quàm famâ feruntur. Sed quia provenere ibi scriptorum magna ingenia, per terrarum orbem Atheniensiam facta pro maximis celeorantur. Ita eorum, quæ fecere, virtus tanta habetur, quantum eam verbis potuere extollere præclara ingenia. Sallust.in Bell. Catilin.—Trans.223.InCim.p. 479, 480.224.Ἐλλείμματα μᾶλλον ἀρετῆς τινος ἢ κακίας πόνηρεύματα.—Trans.225.Habet in picturâ speciem tota facies. Apelles tamen imaginem Antigoni latere tantùm altero ostendit, ut amissi oculi deformitas lateret. Quintil. l. ii. c. 13.—Trans.226.Exequi sententias haud institui, nisi insignes per honestum, aut notabili dedecore: quod præcipuum munus annalium reor, ne virtutes sileantur, utque pravis dictis factisque ex posteritate et infamiâ motus sit. Tacit.Annal.l. iii. c. 65.—Trans.227.Lib. vi. c. 52.228.Lib. viii. p. 365. Plut.in Lycurg.p. 40.229.Plut.in Lycurg.p. 40.230.Herod. l. i. c. 82.231.Pausan. l. iv. p. 216-242. Justin, l. iii. c. 4.232.Pausan. l. iv. p. 225, 226.233.Ibid. l. iv. 227-234.234.Diod. l. xv. p. 378.235.Et regnata petam Laconi rura Phalanto. Hor.Od.vi. l. 2.—Trans.236.Pausan. l. iv. p. 234, 235. Diod.in Frag.237.Pausan. l. iv. p. 235, 241.238.Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions, vol. ii. p. 84-113.—Trans.239.Clem. Alex.in Protrep.p. 20. Euseb.in Prœp.l. iv. c. 16.240.Pausan. l. iv. p. 241-242.241.Ibid. p. 242, 261. Justin, l. iii. c. 5.242.Cùm per complures annos gravia servitutis verbera, plerumque ac vincula, cæteraque captivitatis mala perpessi essent, post longam pænarum patientiam bellum instaurant. Justin, l. iii. c. 5.—Trans.243.According to several historians, there was another Aristomenes in the first Messenian war. Diod. l. xv. p. 378.—Trans.244.Plat. l. i.de Legib.p. 629. Plut.in Agid. et Cleom.p. 805.245.Tyrtæusque mares animos in martia bellaVersibus exacuit.Hor.in Art. Poët.—Trans.246.Lib. v. p. 310.—Trans.247.Strab. l. xii. p. 534.248.Diod. l. xvi. p. 465. Justin, l. viii. c. 6. Plut.in Pyrrho.249.Quanto doctior majoribus, tanto et gratioi populo fuit. Justin, l. xvii. c. 3.—Trans.250.Justin, l. xvi. c. 3-5. Diod. l. xv. p. 390.251.Heraclienses honestiorem beneficii, quàm ultionis occasionem rati, instructos commeatibus auxiliisque aimittunt; bene agrorum suorum populationem impensam existimantes, si, quos hostes habuerant, amicos reddidissent. Justin.—Trans.252.l. xvi. p. 435.253.Ibid. p. 478.254.Diod. l. xx. p. 833.255.It is related, that under Amasis there were twenty thousand inhabited cities in Egypt. Herod 1. ii c. 177.—Trans.256.A day's journey is twenty-four eastern, or thirty-three English miles and a quarter.—Trans.257.Strabo, 1 xvii. p. 787.258.Hom.Il.i. ver. 381.259.Strab. 1. xvii. p. 816.260.Tacit.Ann.1. ii. c. 60.261.Thevenot'sTravels.262.Lib. xvii. p. 805.263.P. 816.264.Germanicus alus quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum præcipua fuere Memnonis saxea effigies, ubi radiis solis icta est, vocalem sonum reddens, &c. TacitAnnal.1. ii. c. 61.—Trans.265.Thevenot.266.L. xvii. p. 807.267.Diod. lib. i. p. 37.268.It is proper to observe, once for all, that an Egyptian cubit, according to Mr. Greaves, was one foot nine inches, and about 3/4 of our measure.—Trans.269.Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 8, 9.270.Plin. l. xxxvi c. 9.271.Rafts are pieces of flat timber put together to carry goods on rivers.—Trans.272.Herod. l. ii c. 124, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 39-41. Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 12.273.About 200,000l.sterl.—Trans.274.Strabo mentions the sepulchre, lib. xvii. p. 808.—Trans.275.Diod. lib. i. p. 40.276.Lib. xxxvi. c. 12.277.Herod. l. ii. c. 148. Diod. l. i. p. 42. Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 13. Strab. l. xvii. p. 811.278.Æneid, l. v. ver. 588, &c.279.l. vi. ver. 27, &c.280.Herod. l. ii. c. 140. Strab. l. xvii. p. 787. Diod. l. i p. 47. Plin. l. v. c. 9. Pomp.Mela, l. i.281.Vide Herod. et Diod.Pliny agrees almost with them.—Trans.282.Mela, l. i.283.Eighty-fivestadia.—Trans.284.11,250l.sterling.—Trans.285.Seneca (Nat. Quæst.l. iv. c. 2.) ascribes these verses to Ovid, but they are Tibullus's.—Trans.286.Excipiunt eum (Nilum) cataractæ, nobilis insigni spectaculo locus.—Illic excitatis primùm aquis, quas sine tumultu leni alveo duxerat, violentus et toriens per malignos transitus prosilit, dissimilis sibi—tandemque eluctatus obstantia, in vastam altitudinem subito destitutus cadit, cum ingenti circumjacentium regionum strepitu; quem perferre gens ibi à Persis collocata non potuit, obtusis assiduo fragore auribus, et ob hoc sedibus ad quietiora translatis. Inter miracula fluminis incredibilem incolarum audaciam accepi. Bini parvula navigia conscendunt, quorum alter navem regit, alter exhaurit. Deinde multùm inter rapidam insaniam Nili et reciprocos fluctus volutati, tandem tenuissimos canales tenent, per quos angusta rupium effugiunt: et cum toto flumine effusi navigium ruens manu temperant, magnoque spectantium metu in caput nixi, cum jam adploraveris, mersosque atque obrutos tantâ mole credideris, longè ab eo in quem ceciderant loco navigant, tormenti modo missi. Nec mergit cadens unda, sed planis aquis tradit. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.287.Herod. l. ii. c. 19-27. Diod. l. i. p. 35-39. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. iv. 1 & 2.288.Lib. xvii. p. 789.289.Herod. l. ii. c. 19. Diod. l. i. p 32.290.Justum incrementum est cubitorum xvi. Minores aquæ non omnia rigant: ampliores detinent tardiùs recedendo. Hæ serendi tempora absumunt solo madente: illæ non dant sitiente. Utrumque reputat provincia. In duodecim cubitis famem sentit, in tredecim etiamnum esurit: quatuordecim cubita hilaritatem afferunt, quindecim securitatem, sexdecim delicias. Plin. l. v. c. 9.—Trans.291.Jul.Epist.50.292.Diod. l. i. p 33.293.Lib. xvii. p. 817.294.Socrat. l. i. c. 18. Sozom. l. v. c. 3.295.Lib. i. p. 30. & lib. v. p. 313.296.Cùm cæteri amnes abluant terras et eviscerent; Nilus adeò nihil exedit nec abradit, ut contrà adjiciat vires.—Ita juvat agros duabus ex causis, et quòd inundat, et quòd oblimat. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.297.Vol. ii.298.Multiformis sapientia. Eph. iii. 10.299.Deut. xi. 10-13.300.Illa facies pulcherrima est, cùm jam se in agros Nilus ingessit. Latent campi, opertæque sunt valles: oppida insularum modo extant. Nullum in mediterraneis, nisi per navigia, commercium est: majorque est lætitia in gentibus, quo minus terrarum suarum vident. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.301.Herod. l. ii. c. 158. Strab. l. xvii. p. 804. Plin l. vi. c. 29. Diod. l. i p. 29.302.Plutar.de Isid.p. 354.303.Strab. l. xvii. p. 805. Herod l. ii. c. 73. Plin. l. x. c. 2. Tacit.Ann.l. vi. c. 28.304.Sat.vi.305.Vir bonus tam citò nec fieri potest, nec intelligi—tanquam Phœnix, semel anno quingentesimo nascitur.Ep.40.—Trans.306.Od.iii. l. iv.307.Strab. l. xvii. p. 805.308.Or Myos Hormos.—Trans.309.Strab. l. xvi p. 781.310.2 Sam. viii. 14.311.1 Kings ix. 26.312.He got in one voyage 450 talents of gold, 2 Chron. viii. 18, which amounts to three millions two hundred and forty thousand pounds sterling. Prid.Connect., vol. i.ad ann.740,not.—Trans.313.Strab. l. xvi. p. 481.314.Part I. i. p. 9.315.Strab. l. xvii. p. 791. Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 12.316.Eight hundred thousand crowns, or 180,000l. sterling.—Trans.317.Magno animo Ptolemæi regis, quòd in eà permiserit Sostrati Cnidii architecti structuræ nomen inscribi. Plin.—Trans.318.De scribend. Hist.p. 706.319.Ne Alexandrinis quidem permittenda deliciis. Quintil.—Trans.320.A quarter or division of the city of Alexandria.—Trans.321.Plut.in Cæs.p. 731. Seneca,de Tranquill. Amm.c. 9.322.Acts vii. 22.323.Diod. l. i. p. 63, &c.324.De Isid. et Osir.p. 354.325.Plat.in Tim.p. 656.326.Diod. l. i. p. 70.327.Pag. 69.328.Ibid.329.Ibid.330.Ibid.331.Herod. l. ii. c. 136332.This law put the whole sepulchre of the debtor into the power of the creditor, who removed to his own house the body of the father: the debtor refusing to discharge his obligation, was to be deprived of burial, either in his father's sepulchre or any other; and whilst he lived, he was not permitted to bury any person descended from him. Μηδὲ αὐτῷ ἐκείνῳ τελευτήσαντι εἶναι ταφῆς κυρῆσαι—μήτ᾽ ἄλλον μηδένα τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ἀπὸ γενόμενον θάψαι. Herod.—Trans.333.Diod. l. i. p. 71.334.Ibid. p. 72.335.Diod. l. i. p. 22.336.Herod. l. ii. c. 20.337.Gen. xlvii. 26.338.Herod. l. ii. c. 60.339.Ibid. c. 39.340.Diod. l. i. p. 88.341.Plut.de Isid. et Osir.p. 354.342.Plut.Sympos.l. iv. p. 670343.Id.de Isid.p. 355.344.Or Egyptian stork.—Trans.345.De Nat. Deor.l. i. n. 82.Tusc. Quæst.l. v. n. 78.346.Herod. l. ii. c. 65.347.Diod. l. i. p. 74. 75.348.Herod. l. iii. c. 27, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 76. Plin. l. viii. c. 46.349.Pliny affirms, that he was not allowed to exceed a certain term of years; and was drowned in the priests' well. Non est fas eum certos vitæ excedere annos, mersumque in sacerdotum fonte enecant.Nat. Hist.l. viii. c. 46.—Trans.350.Above 11,250l.sterling.—Trans.351.Quis nescit, Volusi Bithynice, qualia demensÆgyptus portenta colat? Crocodilon adoratPars hæc: illa pavet saturam serpentibus Ibin.Effigies sacri nitet aurea Cercopitheci,Dimidio magicæ resonant ubi Memnone chordæ,Atque vetus Thebe centum jacet obruta portis.Illic cœruleos, hic piscem fluminis, illicOppida tota canem venerantur, nemo Dianam.Porrum et cœpe nefas violare, ac frangere morsu.O sanctas gentes, quibus hæc nascuntur in hortisNumina!Juven.Sat.xv.—Trans.352.Diodorus affirms, that in his time, the expense amounted to no less than one hundred thousand crowns, or 22,500l.sterling. Lib. i. p. 76.—Trans.353.Imag.354.Diod. l. i. p. 77, &c.355.Ipsi qui irridentur Ægyptii, nullam belluam nisi ob aliquam utilitatem, quam ex eâ caperent, consecraverunt. Cic. lib. i.De Nat. Deor.n. 101.—Trans.356.Which, according to Herodotus, is more than 17 cubits in length: l. ii. c. 68.—Trans.357.P. 382.358.P. 377 and 378.359.Rom. i. ver. 22, 25.360.Tom. v. pp. 25, 26.361.Herod. l. ii. c. 85, &c.362.About 137l.10s.sterling.—Trans.363.Diod. l. i. p. 81.364.TwelveArouræ. AnEgyptian Arourawas 10,000 square cubits, equal to three roods, two perches, 55-1/4 square feet of our measure.—Trans.365.The Greek is, οἴνου τέσσαρες ἀρυστῆρες, which some have made to signify a determinate quantity of wine, or any other liquid: others, regarding the etymology of the word ἀρυστὴρ, have translated it byhaustrum, a bucket, as Lucretius, lib. v. 51, others byhaustus, a draught or sup. Herodotus says, this allowance was given only to the two thousand guards who attended annually on the kings. Lib. ii. c. 168.—Trans.366.Lib. i. p. 67.367.Herod. l. ii. c. 164, 168.368.Cant. i. 8. Isa. xxxvi. 9.369.Diod. p. 76.370.Ψυχῆς ἰατρεῖον.—Trans.371.It will not seem surprising that the Egyptians, who were the most ancient observers of the celestial motions, should have arrived to this knowledge, when it is considered, that the lunar year, made use of by the Greeks and Romans, though it appears so inconvenient and irregular, supposed nevertheless a knowledge of the solar year, such as Diodorus Siculus ascribes to the Egyptians. It will appear at first sight, by calculating their intercalations, that those who first divided the year in this manner, were not ignorant, that, to three hundred sixty-five days, some hours were to be added, to keep pace with the sun. Their only error lay in the supposition, that only six hours were wanting; whereas an addition of almost eleven minutes more was requisite.—Trans.372.Lib. ii. c. 84.373.Diod. l. i. p. 73.374.Τὴν δὲ μουσικὴν νομίζουειν οὐ μόνον ἄχρηστον ὑπάρχειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βλαβερὰν, ὡς ἄι ἐκθηλύνουσαν τὰς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ψυχάς.—Trans.375.Diod. l. i. pp. 67, 68.376.Or Ham.—Trans.377.Diod. l. i. p. 67.378.Tom. ii. p. 64.379.Lib. x. c. 54.380.Swineherds, in particular, had a general ill name throughout Egypt, as they had the care of so impure an animal. Herodotus (l. ii. c. 47.) tells us, that they were not permitted to enter the Egyptian Temples, nor would any man give them his daughter in marriage.—Trans.381.Xiphilin.in Apophthegm.Tib. Cæs.Κείρεσθαί μου τὰ πρόβατα, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀπαξύρεσθαι βούλομκι.382.Plin. l. xiii. c. 11.383.The Papyrus was divided into thin flakes, (into which it naturally parted,) which being laid on a table, and moistened with the glutinous waters of the Nile, were afterwards pressed together, and dried in the sun.—Trans.384.Posteà promiscuè patuit usus rei, quâ cons ... immortalitas hominum.—Chartæ ... maxime humanitas constat in memoriâ.—Trans.385.Plin. l. xix. c. 1.386.Isa. xiv. 9.387.Exod. ix. 31.388.Plin. lib. xix. c. 1.389.Proximus Byssino mulierum maximè deliciis genito: inventum jam est etiam [scilicet Linum] quod ignibus non absumetur, vivum id vocant, ardentesque in focis conviviorum ex eo vidimus mappas, sordibus exustis splendescentes igni magis, quàm possent aquis:i.e.A flax is now found out, which is proof against the violence of fire; it is called living flax; and we have seen table napkins of it glowing in the fires of our dining rooms; and receiving a lustre and a cleanness from flames, which no water could have given it.—Trans.390.Ezek. xxvii. 7.391.Των δ οστις λωτοιο φαγοι μελιηδεα καρπον,Ουκ ετ απαγγειλαι παλιν ηθελεν, ουδε νεεσθαι.Μη πω τις λωτοιο φαγων, νοστοιο λαθηται.Odyss.ix. ver. 94, 95, 102.—Trans.392.Ægyptus frugum quidem fertilissima, sed ut propè sola iis carere possit, tanta est ciborum ex herbis abundantia. Plin. l. xxi. c. 15.—Trans.393.Numb. xi. 4, 5.394.Exod. xvi. 3.395.Inundatione, id est, ubertate regio fraudata, sic opem Cæsaris invocavit, ut solet amnem suum.—Trans.396.Percrebuerat antiquitùs urbem nostram nisi opibus Ægypti ali sustentarique non posse. Superbiebat ventosa et insolens natio, quòd victorem quidem populum pasceret tamen, quòdque in suo flumine, in suis manibus, vel abundantia nostra vel fames esset. Refudimus Nilo suas copias. Recepit frumenta quæ miserat, deportatasque messes revexit.—Trans.397.Nilus Ægypto quidem sæpe. sed gloriæ nostræ nuaquam largior fluxit.—Trans.398.Ezek. xxix. 3, 9.399.Gen. xii. 10-26.400.Diod. l. i. p. 41.401.An historian of Cyrene.—Trans.402.Sir John Marsham'sCanon Chronic. Father Pezron; the Dissertations of F. Tournemine, and Abbé Sevin, &c.—Trans.403.Or Ham.404.Or Cush, Gen. x. 6.405.The footsteps of its old name (Mesraim) remain to this day among the Arabians, who call it Mesre; by the testimony of Plutarch, it was called χημία, Chemia, by an easy corruption of Chamia, and this for Cham or Ham.—Trans.406.Herod. l. ii. p. 99. Diod. l. i. p. 42.407.Diod. l. i. pp. 44, 45.408.Three thousand two hundred myriads of Minæ.—Trans.409.See Sir Isaac Newton'sChronology, p. 30.410.Diod. p. 46.411.Gen. xii. 10-20.412.Lib. xxxvi. c. 2.413.Justin ascribes this gift of heaven to Joseph's skill in magical arts: Cùm magicas ibi artes (Egypto) solerti ingenio percepisset, &c.—Trans.414.Exod. i. 8.415.Heb. urbes thesaurorum. LXX. urbes munitas. These cities were appointed to preserve, as in a storehouse, the corn, oil, and other products of Egypt. Vatab.—Trans.416.Exod. i. 11, 13, 14.417.This name bears a great resemblance to Pharaoh, which was common to the Egyptian kings.—Trans.418.Lib. iii. p. 74.419.Herod. l. ii. c. 102, 110. Diod. l. i. pp. 48, 54.420.Τὰ νοήματα ἐκμενσώθηναι, lib. xii. c. 4.421.2 Chron. viii. 9. But of the children of Israel did Solomon make no servants for his work.—Trans.422.150 stadia, about 18 miles English.—Trans.423.Tacit.Ann.l. ii. c. 60.424.Legebantur indicta gentibus tributa—haud minùs magnifica quàm nunc vi Parthorum aut potentiâ Romanâ jubentur—Inscribed on pillars, were read the tributes imposed on vanquished nations, which were not inferior to those now paid to the Parthian and Roman powers.—Trans.425.The reader may consult, on this subject, two learned dissertations of Abbé Renaudot, inserted in the second volume ofThe History of the Academy of Inscriptions.—Trans.426.The sixteen letters brought by Cadmus into Greece, are α, β, γ, δ, ε, ι, κ, λ, μ, ν, ο, π, ρ, σ, τ, υ. Palamedes, at the siege of Troy,i.e.upwards of two hundred and fifty years lower than Cadmus, added the four following, ξ, θ, φ, χ; and Simonides, a long time after, invented the four others, namely, η, ω, ζ, ψ.—Trans.427.Herod. l. ii. c. 111. Diod. l. i. p. 54.428.I do not think myself obliged to enter here into a discussion, which would be attended with very perplexing difficulties, should I pretend to reconcile the series, or succession of the kings, as given by Herodotus, with the opinion of archbishop Usher. This last supposes, with many other learned men, that Sesostris is the son of that Egyptian king who was drowned in the Red-Sea, whose reign must consequently have begun in the year of the world 2513, and continued till the year 2547, since it lasted thirty-three years. Should we allow fifty years to the reign of Pheron his son, there would still be an interval of above two hundred years between Pheron and Proteus, who, according to Herodotus, was the immediate successor of the former; since Proteus lived at the time of the siege of Troy, which, according to Usher, was taken An. Mun. 2820. I know not whether his almost total silence on the Egyptian kings after Sesostris, was owing to his sense of this difficulty. I suppose a long interval to have occurred between Pheron and Proteus; accordingly, Diodorus (lib. i. p. liv.) fills it up with a great many kings; and the same must be said of some of the following kings.—Trans.429.Herod. l. ii. c. 112, 120.430.Ὡς τῶν μεγαλων ἀδικημάτον μεγάλαι εἰσὶ καὶ αἱ τιμωρὶαι παρὰ τῶν Θεῶν.—Trans.431.L. ii. c. 121, 123.432.Herod. l. ii. c. 124, 128. Diod. l. i. p. 57.433.Herod. l. ii. p. 139. 140. Diod. p. 58.434.Herod. l. ii. c. 136.435.The remainder of the inscription, as we find it in Herodotus, is—for men plunging long poles down to the bottom of the lake, drew bricks (πλίνθος εἴρυσαν) out of the mud which stuck to them, and gave me this form.—Trans.436.1 Kings iii. 1.437.1 Kings xi. 40. and xii.438.2 Chron. xii. 1-9.439.The English version of the Bible says, The Lubims, the Sukkiims, and the Ethiopians.—Trans.440.Or, of the kingdoms of the earth.—Trans.441.2 Chron. xiv. 9-13.442.Herod. l. ii. c. 137. Diod, l. i. p. 59.443.2 Kings xvii. 4.444.Ἐς ἐμέ τις ὁρέων. εὐσεβης ἔστω—Trans.445.Chap. xvii.446.The Vulgate calls that city Alexandria, to which the Hebrew gives the name of No-Amon, because Alexandria was afterwards built in the place where this stood. Dean Prideaux, after Bochart, thinks that it was Thebes, surnamed Diospolis. Indeed, the Egyptian Amon is the same with Jupiter. But Thebes is not the place where Alexandria was since built. Perhaps there was another city there, which also was called No-Amon.—Trans.447.Nahum iii. 8, 10.448.Herod. l. ii. c. 142.449.Afric. apud Syncel. p. 74. Diod l. i. p. 59.450.Herod. l. ii. c. 147, 152.451.He was one of the twelve.—Trans.452.Herod. l. ii. c. 153, 154.453.This revolution happened about seven years after the captivity of Manasseh, king of Judah.—Trans.454.Lib. i. p. 61.455.Herod. l. ii. c. 157.456.Isa. xx. 1.457.Herod. l. i. c. 105.458.Herod. l. ii. c. 2, 3.459.He is called Necho in the English version of the Scriptures.—Trans.460.Herod. l. ii. c. 158.461.Allowing 625 feet (or 125 geometrical paces) to each stadium, the distance will be 118 English miles, and a little above one-third of a mile. Herodotus says, that this design was afterwards put in execution by Darius the Persian, b. ii. c. 158.—Trans.462.Herod. l. iv. c. 42.463.Joseph.Antiq.l. x. c. 6. 2 Kings, xxiii. 29, 30. 2 Chron. xxxv. 20-25.464.2 Kings xxiii. 33, 35. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 1, 4.465.The Hebrew silver talent, according to Dr. Cumberland, is equivalent to 353l.11s.10-1/2d.so that 100 talents, English money, make £35,359 7s.6d.The gold talent, according to the same source, is 5075l.15s.7-1/2d., so the amount of the whole tribute was 40,435l.3s.1-1/2d.—Trans.466.Lib. ii c. 159.467.Megiddo.—Trans.468.From the time that Solomon, by means of his temple, had made Jerusalem the common place of worship to all Israel, it was distinguished from the rest of the cities by the epithetHoly, and in the Old Testament was calledAir Hakkodesh,i.e.the city of holiness, or the holy city. It bore this title upon the coins, and the shekel was inscribedJerusalem Kedusha,i.e.Jerusalem the holy. At length Jerusalem, for brevity's sake, was omitted, and onlyKedushareserved. The Syriac being the prevailing language in Herodotus's time, Kedusha, by a change in that dialect ofshintoth, was made Kedutha; and Herodotus giving it a Greek termination, it was writ Κάδυτις or Cadytis. Prideaux'sConnection of the Old and New Testament, ol. i. part i. p. 80, 81. 8vo. Edit.—Trans.469.Jer. xlvi. 2.470.2 Kings, xxiv. 7.471.A rivo Ægypti.472.This little river of Egypt, so often mentioned in Scripture as the boundary of Palestine towards Egypt, was not the Nile, but a small river, which, running through the desert that lay betwixt those two nations, was anciently the common boundary of both. So far the land, which had been promised to the posterity of Abraham, and divided among them by lot, extended. Gen. xv. 18. Josh. xv. 4.—Trans.473.Herod. l. ii. c. 160.474.Herod. c. 160.475.Jer. xliv. 30.476.Herod. l. ii. c. 161. Diod. l. i. p. 62.477.Ezek. xxix. 3.478.Ezek. xvii. 15.479.Isa. xxxi. 1, 3.480.Ezek. xxix. 2, 3, 4.481.Ezek. xxix. 8, 9.482.Chap. xxix. xxx. xxxi. xxxii.483.Jer. xxxvii. 6, 7.484.Herod. l. ii. c. 161, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 62.485.The baldness of the heads of the Babylonians was owing to the pressure of their helmets; and their peeled shoulders to their carrying baskets of earth, and large pieces of timber, to join Tyre to the continent. Baldness was itself a badge of slavery; and joined to the peeled shoulders, shows that the conqueror's army sustained even the most servile labours in this memorable siege.—Trans.486.For the better understanding of this passage, we are to know that Nabuchodonosor sustained incredible hardships at the siege of Tyre; and that when the Tyrians saw themselves closely attacked, the nobles conveyed themselves and their richest effects on shipboard, and retired into other islands. So that when Nabuchodonosor took the city, he found nothing to recompense the toil which he had undergone in this siege. S. Jerom.—Trans.487.Chap. xxix. 18, 19, 20.488.Jerem. xliii. 12.489.Herod. l. ii. c. 163, 169. Diod. l. i. p. 62.490.Ezek. xxx. 22.491.Ezek. xxx. 24.492.Ezek. xxx. 25.493.Ver. 14, 17.494.I have given the names of these towns as they stand in our English version. In the margin are printed against Zoan, Tanis; against Sin, Pelusium; against Aven, Heliopolis; against Phibeseth, Pubastum, (Bubastus;) and by these last names they are mentioned in the original French of M. Rollin.—Trans.495.Jerem. xliv. 30.496.Ezek. xxx. 13497.Jerem ch. xliii. xliv.498.In Tim.499.Herod. l. ii. c. 172.500.Herod. l. ii. c. 73.501.The cubit is one foot and almost ten inches. Vide supra.—Trans.502.Or, 58,125l.sterling.—Trans.503.Ἐπῆρξε δὲ καὶ Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐν τῆ Ἀσίᾳ, καταβὰς δὲ ἐπὶ Θάλατταν, καὶ Κυπρίωι καὶ Αἰγυπτίων, p. 5. edit. Hutchinsoni.—Trans.504.Bochart, part II. l. ii. c. 16.505.The first scene of the fifth act, translated into Latin by Petit, in the second book of hisMiscellanies.—Trans.506.Herod. l. iii. c. 17-19.507.Polyb. 944. Q. Curt. l. iv. c. 2, 3.508.Liv. l. xxi. n. 1. Ibid. n. 21.509.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 1.510.Lib. vii. p. 502.511.Apolog.c. 23.512.In Psalm xcviii.513.Jer. vii. 18. and xliv. 17-25.514.Plut.de Superstit.p. 171.515.Παρειστήκει δὲ ἡ μήτηρ ἄτεγκτος καὶ ἀστένακτος, &c. The cruel and pitiless mother stood by as an unconcerned spectator; a groan or a tear falling from her,“would have been punished by a fine;”and still the child must have been sacrificed. Plut.de Superstitione.—Trans.516.Tertul.in Apolog.517.Minut. Felix.518.Q. Curt. l. iv. c. 5.519.It appears from Tertullian'sApology, that this barbarous custom prevailed in Africa long after the ruin of Carthage. Infantes penès Africam Saturno immolabantur palàm usque ad proconsulatum Tiberii, qui eosdem sacerdotes in eisdem arboribus templi sui obumbratricibus scelerum votivis crucibus exposuit, teste militiâ patriæ nostræ, quæ id ipsum munus illi proconsuli functa est,i.e.Children were publicly sacrificed to Saturn, down to the proconsulship of Tiberius, who hanged the sacrificing priests themselves on the trees which shaded their temple, as on so many crosses, raised to expiate their crimes, of which the militia of our country are witnesses, who were the actors of this execution at the command of this proconsul. Tertul.Apolog.c. 9. Two learned men are at variance about the proconsul, and the time of his government. Salmasius confesses his ignorance of both; but rejects the authority of Scaliger, who, for proconsulatum, reads proconsulem Tiberii, and thinks Tertullian, when he writ hisApology, had forgot his name. However this be, it is certain that the memory of the incident here related by Tertullian was then recent, and probably the witnesses of it had not been long dead.—Trans.520.Plut.de serâ vindic. deorum, p. 552.521.Herod. l. vii. c. 167.522.In ipsos quos adolebat sese præcipitavit ignes, ut eos vel cruore suo extingueret, quos sibi nihil profuisse cognoverat. S. Amb.—Trans.523.Cûm peste laborarent, cruentâ sacrorum religione et scelere pro remedio usi sunt. Quippe homines ut victimas immolabant, et impuberes (quæ ætas etiam hostium misericordiam provocat) aris admovebant, pacem deorum sanguine eorum exposcentes, pro quorum vitâ dii maximè rogari solent. Justin, l. xviii. c. 6. The Gauls as well as Germans used to sacrifice men, if Dionysius and Tacitus may be credited.—Trans.524.Lib. xx. p. 756.525.De Superstitione, p. 169-171.526.Idem.in Camill.p. 132.527.De Superstitione.528.De Rep.l. ii. c. 11.529.It is entitled,Carthago, sive Carthaginensium Respublica, &c. Francofurti ad Oderam, ann. 1664.—Trans.530.Polyb. l. iv. p. 493.531.This name is derived from a word, which, with the Hebrews and Phœnicians, signifies judges.Shophetim.—Trans.532.Ut Romæ consules, sic Carthagine quotannis annui bini reges creabantur. Corn Nep.in vitâ Annibalis, c. 7. The great Hannibal was one of the Suffetes.—Trans.533.Senatum itaque Suffetes, quod velut consulare imperium apud eos erat, voca verunt. Liv. l. xxx. n. 7.—Trans.534.Cum Suffetes ad jus dicendum consedissent. Id. l. xxxiv. n. 62.—Trans.535.Lib. xxxiii. n. 46, 47.536.Arist. loc. cit.537.Lib. xv. p. 706, 707.538.Polyb. l. vi. p. 494539.Lib. ix. c. 2.540.Justin l. xix.541.Lib. x. p. 824 edit Gionov.542.Lib. xxvi. n. 51. Lib xxx. n. 16.543.M. Rollin might have taken notice of some civil officers who were established at Carthage, with a power like that of the censors of Rome, to inspect the manners of the citizens. The chief of these officers took from Hamilcar, the father of Hannibal, a beautiful youth, named Asdrubal, on a report that Hamilcar was more familiar with this youth than was consistent with modesty. Erat prætereà cum eo [Amilcare] adolescens illustiis et formosus Hasdrubal, quem nonnulli diligi turpiùs quàm par erat, ab Amilcare, loquebantur.—Quo factum est ut à præfecto morum Hasdrubal cum eo vetaretur esse. Corn. Nep.in vitâ Amalcaris.—Trans.544.Παρὰ Καρχηδονίοις οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν τῶν ἀνηκόντων πρὸς κέρδας. Polyb. l. vi. p. 497.—Trans.545.Lib. iv. p. 312, &c.546.Diod. l. iv. p. 312, &c.547.Lib. iii. p. 147548.25,000 drachmas.—An Attic drachma, according to Dr. Bernard=8-1/4d.English money, consequently 25,000=859l.7s.6d.—Trans.549.As Syphax and Masinissa.550.King of the Massylians in Africa.—Trans.551.Nepos,in vitâ Annibalis.552.Cic. l. i.De Orat.n. 249. Plin. l. xviii. c. 3.553.These books were written by Mago in the Punic language, and translated into Greek by Cassius Dionysius of Utica, from whose version, we may probably suppose, the Latin was made.—Trans.554.Voss.de Hist. Gr.l. iv.555.Plut.de fort. Alex.p. 328. Diog. Laërt.in Clitom.556.Clitomachus, homo et acutus ut Pœnus et valdè studiosus ac diligens.Academ. Quæst.l. iv. n. 98.—Trans.557.Tusc. Quæst.l. lii. n. 54.558.Suet.in vit. Terent.559.Factum senatûs consultum ne quis postea Carthaginensis aut literis Græcis aut sermoni studeret; ne aut loqui cum hoste, aut scribere sine interprete posset. Justin, l. xx. c. 5. Justin ascribes the reason of this law to a treasonable correspondence between one Suniatus, a powerful Carthaginian, and Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily; the former, by letters written in Greek, (which afterwards fell into the hands of the Carthaginians,) having informed the tyrant of the war designed against him by his country, out of hatred to Hanno the general, to whom he was an enemy.—Trans.560.Quàm volumus licèt ipsi nos amemus, tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec robore Gallos, nec calliditate Pœnes, &c. sed pietate ac religione, &c. omnes gentes nationesque superavimus.De Arusp. Resp.n. 19.—Trans.561.Carthaginenses fraudulenti et mendaces—multis et variis mercatorum advenarumque sermonibus ad studium fallendi quæstûs cupiditate vocabantur. Cic.Orat. ii. in Rull.n. 94.—Trans.562.Magistratus senatum vocare, populus in curiæ vestibulo fremere, ne tanta ex oculis manibusque amitteretur præda. Consensum est ut, &c. Liv. l. xxx. n. 24.—Trans.563.A mountebank had promised the citizens of Carthage to discover to them their most secret thoughts, in case they would come, on a day appointed, to hear him. Being all met, he told them, they were desirous to buy cheap and sell dear. Every man's conscience pleaded guilty to the charge; and the mountebank was dismissed with applause and laughter. Vili vultis emere, et carè vendere; in quo dicto levissimi scenici omnes tamen conscientias invenerunt suas, eique vera et tamen improvisa dicenti admirabili favore plauserunt. S. August. l. xiii.de Trinit.c. 3.—Trans.564.Plut.de gen. Rep.p. 799.565.Lib. xxii. n. 61.566.Utica et Carthago, ambæ inclytæ, ambæ à Phoenicibus conditæ; illa fato Catonis insignis, hæc suo. Pompon. Mel. c. 67. Utica and Carthage, both famous, and both built by Phoenicians; the first renowned by Cato's fate, the last by its own.—Trans.567.Our countryman Howel endeavours to reconcile the three different accounts of the foundation of Carthage, in the following manner. He says, that the town consisted of three parts,viz.Cothon, or the port and buildings adjoining to it, which he supposes to have been first built; Megara, built next, and in respect of Cothon, called the New Town, or Karthada; and Byrsa, or the citadel, built last of all, and probably by Dido.Cothon, to agree with Appian, was built fifty years before the taking of Troy; Megara, to correspond with Eusebius, was built a hundred ninety-four years later; Byrsa, to agree with Menander, (cited by Josephus,) was built a hundred sixty-six years after Megara.—Trans.568.Liv.Epit.l. ii.569.Justin, l. xviii. c. 4-6. App.de bello Pun.p. 1. Strab. l. xvii. p. 832. Paterc. l. i. c. 6.570.120 Stadia. Strab. l. xiv. p. 687.—Trans.571.Some authors say, that Dido put a trick on the natives, by desiring to purchase of them, for her intended settlement, only so much land as an ox's hide would encompass. The request was thought too moderate to be denied. She then cut the hide into the smallest thongs; and, with them, encompassed a large tract of ground, on which she built a citadel called Byrsa, from the hide. But this tale of the hide is generally exploded by the learned; who observe that the Hebrew wordBosra, which signifies a fortification, gave rise to the Greek wordByrsa, which is the name of the citadel of Carthage.—Trans.572.Kartha Hadath or Hadtha.—Trans.573.Effodêre loco signum, quod regia JunoMonstrârat, caput acris equi; nam sic fore belloEgregiam, et facilem victu per secula gentem.Virg.Æn.l. i. ver. 447.The Tyrians landing near this holy ground,And digging here, a prosp'rous omen found:From under earth a courser's head they drew,Their growth and future fortune to foreshew:This fated sign their foundress Juno gave,Of a soil fruitful, and a people brave.Dryden.—Trans.574.The story, as it is told more at large in Justin, (l. xviii. c. 6.) is this—Iarbas, king of the Mauritanians, sending for ten of the principal Carthaginians, demanded Dido in marriage, threatening to declare war against her in case of a refusal: the ambassadors being afraid to deliver the message of Iarbas, told her, (with Punic honesty,)“that he wanted to have some person sent him, who was capable of civilizing and polishing himself and his Africans; but that there was no possibility of finding any Carthaginian, who would be willing to quit his native place and kindred, for the conversation of Barbarians, who were as savage as the wildest beasts.”Here the queen, with indignation, interrupting them, and asking,“if they were not ashamed to refuse living in any manner which might be beneficial to their country, to which they owed even their lives?”they then delivered the king's message; and bid her“set them a pattern, and sacrifice herself to her country's welfare.”Dido being thus ensnared, called on Sichæus with tears and lamentations, and answered,“that she would go where the fate of her city called her.”At the expiration of three months, she ascended the fatal pile; and with her last breath told the spectators, that she was going to her husband, as they had ordered her.—Trans.575.Justin, l. xix. c. 1.576.Justin, l. xix. c. 2.577.Afri compulsi stipendium urbis conditæ Carthageniensibus remittere. Justin, l. xix. c 2.—Trans.578.Sallust.de bello Jugurth.n. 77. Valer. Max. l. v. c. 6.579.These altars were not standing in Strabo's time. Some geographers think Arcadia to be the city which was anciently called Philænorum Aræ; but others believe it was Naina or Tain, situated a little west of Arcadia, in the gulf of Sidra.—Trans.580.Strab. l. v. p. 224. Diod. l. v. p. 296.581.Liv. l. xxviii. n. 37.582.Diod. l. v. p. 298. and l. xix. p. 742. Liv. loco citato.583.Liquescit excussa glans fundâ, et attritu aeris, velut igne, distillat.i.e.The ball, when thrown from the sling, dissolves; and, by the friction of the air, runs as if it was melted by fire. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. ii. c. 57.—Trans.584.Strab. l. iii. p. 167.585.Bochart derives the name of these islands from two Phoenician words, Baal-jare, or master of the art of slinging. This strengthens the authority of Strabo,viz.that the inhabitants learnt their art from the Phœnicians, who were once their masters. Σφενδονῆται ἄριστοι λέγονται—ἐξότε Φοίνικες κατέσχον τὰς νήσες. And this is still more probable, when we consider that both the Hebrews and Phœnicians excelled in this art. The Balearian slings would annoy an enemy either near at hand, or at a distance. Every slinger carried three of them in war. One hung from the neck, a second from the waist, and a third was carried in the hand. To this, give me leave to add two more observations, (foreign indeed to the present purpose, but relating to these islands,) which I hope will not be unentertaining to the reader. The first is, that these islands were once so infested with rabbits, that the inhabitants of it applied to Rome, either for aid against them, or otherwise desired new habitations, ἐκβάλλεσθαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν ζώων τέτων, those creatures having ejected them out of their old ones. Vide Strab. Plin. l. viii. c. 55. The second observation is, that these islanders were not only expert slingers, but likewise excellent swimmers, which they are to this day, by the testimony of our countryman Biddulph, who, in hisTravels, informs us, that being becalmed near these islands, a woman swam to him out of one of them, with a basket of fruit to sell.—Trans.586.Cluver, l. ii. c. 2.587.Guadalquivir.588.Strab. l. iii. p. 171.589.Strab. l. iii. p. 139-142.590.Seville.591.Duero.592.Guadiana.593.Tarragona.594.Barcelona.595.Ebro.596.Lib. v. p. 312.597.Justin, l. xliv. c. 5. Diod. l. v. p. 300.598.Lib. iii. p. 158.599.Such a division of Britain retarded, and at the same time facilitated, the conquest of it to the Romans. Dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur. Tacit.—Trans.600.Hispania, prima Romanis inita Provinciarum quæ quidem continentis sint, postrema omnium perdomita est. Liv. l. xxviii. p. 12.—Trans.601.Polyb. l. iii. p. 192. l. i. p. 9.602.Passaro.603.Il Faro.604.Cape Boéo.605.Strab. l. vi. p. 267.606.This is Strabo's calculation; but there must be a mistake in the numeral characters, and what he immediately subjoins, is a proof of this mistake. He says, that a man, whose eye-sight was good, might, from the coast of Sicily, count the vessels that came out of the port of Carthage. Is it possible that the eye can carry so far as 60 or 75 leagues? This passage of Strabo, therefore, must be thus corrected. The passage from Lilybæum to Africa, is only 25 leagues.—Trans.607.Polyb. l iii. p. 245, et seq. edit. Gronov.608.The reason of this restraint, according to Polybius, was, the unwillingness of the Carthaginians to let the Romans have any knowledge of the countries which lay more to the south, in order that this enterprising people might not hear of their futility. Polyb. l. iii. p. 247. edit. Gronov.—Trans.609.Idem, p. 246.610.Diod. l. xi. p. 1, 16, & 22.611.This city is called in Latin Panormus.—Trans.612.Besides the 300 Spartans, the Thespians, a people of Bœotia, to the number of 700, fought and died with Leonidas in this memorable battle. Herod. l. vii. c. 202-222.—Trans.613.An Attic silver talent, according to Dr. Bernard, is 206l.5s., consequently 2000 talents is 412,500l.—Trans.614.Diod. l. xiii. p. 169-171. 179-186.615.Diod. l. xiii. p. 201-203. 206-211. 226-231.616.The very sepulchral monuments showed the magnificence and luxury of this city, being adorned with statues of birds and horses. But the wealth and boundless generosity of Gellias, one of its inhabitants, is almost incredible. He entertained the people with spectacles and feasts; and, during a famine, prevented the citizens from dying with hunger: he gave portions to poor maidens, and rescued the unfortunate from want and despair: he had built houses in the city and the country purposely for the accommodation of strangers, whom he usually dismissed with handsome presents. Five hundred shipwrecked citizens of Gela, applying to him, were bountifully relieved; and every man supplied with a cloak and a coat out of his wardrobe. Diod. l. xiii. Valer. Max. l. iv. c. ult. Empedocles the philosopher, born in Agrigentum, has a memorable saying concerning his fellow citizens: That the Agrigentines squandered their money so excessively every day, as if they expected it could never be exhausted; and built with such solidity and magnificence, as if they thought they should live for ever.—Trans.617.This bull, with other spoils here taken, was afterwards restored to the Agrigentines by Scipio, when he took Carthage in the third Punic war. Cic.Orat.iv.in Verrem.c. 33.—Trans.618.The Sicanians and Sicilians were anciently two distinct people.—Trans.619.Diod. l. xiv. p. 268-278.620.Triremes.621.Honos alit artes.622.The curious reader will find a very particular account of it in book xxii. art. ii. sect. ii.—Trans.623.Diod. l. xiv. p. 279-295. Justin, l. xix. c. 2, 3.624.Panormus.—Trans.625.Some authors say but thirty thousand foot, which is the more probable account, as the fleet which blocked up the town by sea was so formidable.—Trans.626.Diodorus.627.About 61,800l.English money.—Trans.628.This Leptines was brother to Dionysius.—Trans.629.About 206,000l.—Trans.630.Justin, l. xx. c. 5.631.Diod. l. xv. p. 344.632.This is the Dionysius who invited Plato to his court; and who, being afterwards offended with his freedom, sold him for a slave. Some philosophers came from Greece to Syracuse in order to redeem their brother, which having done, they sent him home with this useful lesson: That philosophers ought very rarely, or very obligingly, to converse with tyrants. This prince had learning, and affected to pass for a poet: but could not gain that name at the Olympic games, whither he had sent his verses, to be repeated by his brother Thearides. It had been happy for Dionysus, had the Athenians entertained no better an opinion of his poetry; for on their pronouncing him victor, when his poems were repeated in their city, he was raised to such a transport of joy and intemperance, that both together killed him; and thus, perhaps, was verified the prediction of the oracle,viz.that he should die when he had overcome his betters.—Trans.633.Diod. l. xvi. p. 459-472. Polyb. l. iii. p. 178. Plut.in Timol.634.Here he preserved some resemblance of his former tyranny, by turning schoolmaster; and exercising a discipline over boys, when he could no longer tyrannize over men. He had learning, and was once a scholar to Plato, whom he caused to come again into Sicily, notwithstanding the unworthy treatment he had met with from Dionysius's father. Philip, king of Macedon, meeting him in the streets of Corinth, and asking him how he came to lose so considerable a principality as had been left him by his father; he answered, that his father had indeed left him the inheritance, but not the fortune which had preserved both himself and that.—However, fortune did him no great injury in replacing him on the dunghill, from which she had raised his father.—Trans.635.Plut. p. 248-250.636.Plut. p. 248-250.637.This river is not far from Agrigentum. It is called Lycus, by Diodorus and Plutarch; but this is thought a mistake.—Trans.638.Justin, l. xvi. c. 4.639.Diod. l. xix. p. 651-656-710-712-737-743-760. Justin, l. ii. c. 1-6.640.He was, according to most historians, the son of a potter; but all allow him to have worked at the trade. From the obscurity of his birth and condition, Polybius raises an argument to prove his capacity and talents, in opposition to the slanders of Timæus. But his greatest eulogium was the praise of Scipio. That illustrious Roman being asked who, in his opinion, were the most prudent in the conduct of their affairs, and most judiciously bold in the execution of their designs; answered, Agathocles and Dionysius. Polyb. l. xv. p. 1003. edit. Gronov. However, let his capacity have been ever so great, it was exceeded by his cruelties.—Trans.641.The battle was fought near the river and city of Himera.—Trans.642.50,000 French crowns, or 11,250l.sterling.—Trans.643.Agathocles wanting arms for many of his soldiers, provided them with such as were counterfeit, which looked well at a distance. And perceiving the discouragement his forces were under on sight of the enemy's horse, he let fly a great many owls, (privately procured for that purpose,) which his soldiers interpreted as an omen and assurance of victory. Diod. l. xx. p. 754.—Trans.644.Liv. l. xxvii. n. 43.645.Diod. l. xvii. p. 519. Quint. Curt. l. iv. c. 3.646.Τῶν τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν μέρος, some of their wives and children. Diod. l. xvii. p. 519.—Trans.647.And the most forward of all the rest was Antander, the brother of Agathocles, left commander in his absence; who was so terrified with the report, that he was eager for having the city surrendered; and expelled out of it eight thousand inhabitants who were of a contrary opinion.—Trans.648.Diod. p. 767-769.649.He was cruelly tortured till he died, and so met with the fate which his fellow-citizens, offended at his conduct in Sicily, had probably allotted for him at home. He was too formidable to be attacked at the head of his army; and therefore the votes of the senate (whatever they were) being, according to custom, cast into a vessel, it was immediately closed, with an order not to uncover it, till he was returned, and had thrown up his commission. Justin, l. xxii. c. 3.—Trans.650.Diod. p. 779-781. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7.651.It would seem incredible that any man could so far triumph over the pains of the cross, as to talk with any coherence in his discourse; had not Seneca assured us, that some have so far despised and insulted its tortures, that they spit contemptuously upon the spectators. Quidam ex patibulo suos spectatores conspuerunt.De vitâ beatâ, c. 19.—Trans.652.Diod. p. 777-779-791-802. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7, 8653.He was poisoned by one Mænon, whom he had unnaturally abused. His teeth were putrified by the violence of the poison, and his body tortured all over with the most racking pains. Mænon was excited to this deed by Archagathus, grandson of Agathocles, whom he designed to defeat of the succession, in favour of his other son Agathocles. Before his death, he restored the democracy to the people. It is observable, that Justin (or rather Trogus) and Diodorus disagree in all the material part of this tyrant's history.—Trans.654.Justin, l. xxi. c. 6.655.Polyb. l. iii. p. 250. edit. Gronov.656.Justin, l. xviii. c. 2.657.Idem.658.Plut.in Pyrrh.p. 398.659.Οἵαν ἀπολείπομεν, ὦ φίλοι, Καρχηδονίοις καὶ Ῥωμαίοις παλαίστραν. The Greek expression is beautiful. Indeed Sicily was a kind of Palæstra, where the Carthaginians and Romans exercised themselves in war, and for many years seemed to play the part of wrestlers with each other. The English language, as well as the French, has no word to express the Greek term.—Trans.660.Polyb. l. i. p. 8. edit Gronov.661.Polyb. l. i. p. 12-15. edit. Gronov.662.Frontin.663.The Chevalier Folard examines this question in his remarks upon Polybius, l. i. p. 16.—Trans.664.Polyb. l. i. p. 15-19.665.Id. p. 20.666.Polyb. l. i. p. 22.667.Polyb. l. i. p. 22.668.A different person from the great Hannibal.—Trans.669.These pillars were calledRostratæ, from the beaks of ships with which they were adorned;Rostra.—Trans.670.Polyb. l. i. p. 24.671.Polyb l. i. p. 25.672.Id. p. 30.673.Val. Max. l. iv. c. 4.674.Polyb. l. i. p. 31-36.675.In the interval betwixt the departure of Manlius and the taking of Tunis, we are to place the memorable combat of Regulus and his whole army, with a serpent of so prodigious a size, that the fabulous one of Cadmus is hardly comparable to it. The story of this serpent was elegantly written by Livy, but it is now lost. Valerius Maximus, however, partly repairs that loss; and in the last chapter of his first book, gives us this account of this monster from Livy himself.—He [Livy] says, that on the banks of Bragada (an African river) lay a serpent of so enormous a size, that it kept the whole Roman army from coming to the river. Several soldiers had been buried in the wide caverns of its belly, and many pressed to death in the spiral volumes of its tail. Its skin was impenetrable to darts: and it was with repeated endeavours that stones, slung from the military engines, at last killed it. The serpent then exhibited a sight that was more terrible to the Roman cohorts and legions than even Carthage itself. The streams of the river were dyed with its blood, and the stench of its putrified carcass infected the adjacent country, so that the Roman army was forced to decamp. Its skin, one hundred and twenty feet long, was sent to Rome: and, if Pliny may be credited, was to be seen (together with the jaw-bone of the same monster, in the temple where they were first deposited,) as late as the Numantine war.—Trans.676.Δεῖ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἤ νικᾷν, ἤ εἴκειν τοῖς ὑπερέχουσιν. Diod.Eclog.l. xxiii. c. 10.—Trans.677.De Bell. Pun.p. 30.678.This perfidious action, as it is related by Appian, may possibly be true, when we consider the character of the Carthaginians, who were certainly a cruel and treacherous people. But if it be fact, one would wonder why Polybius should reserve for another occasion, the relation of an incident which comes in most properly here, as it finishes at once the character and life of Xanthippus. His silence therefore in this place makes me think, that he intended to bring Xanthippus again upon the stage; and to exhibit him to the reader in a different light from that in which he is placed by Appian. To this let me add, that it showed no great depth of policy in the Carthaginians, to take this method of despatching him, when so many others offered which were less liable to censure. In this scheme formed for his destruction, not only himself, but all his followers, were to be murdered, without the pretence of even a storm, or loss of one single Carthaginian, to cover or excuse the perpetration of so horrid a crime.—Trans.679.Lib. i. p. 36, 37.680.Inter pauca felicitatis virtutisque exempla M. Atilius quondam in hâc eâdem terrâ fuisset, si victor pacem petentibus dedisset patribus nostris. Sed non statuendo tandem felicitati modum, nec cohibendo efferentem se fortunam, quanto altiùs elatus erat, eo fœdiùs corruit. Liv. l. xxx. n. 30.—Trans.681.Ὡς ἕν σοφὸν βούλευμα τὰς πολλὰς χεῖρας νικᾶ. It may not be improper to take notice in this place (as it was forgotten before) of a mistake of the learned Casaubon, in his translation of a passage of Polybius concerning Xanthippus. The passage is this, Ἐν οἷς καὶ Ξάνθιππόν τινα Λακεδαιμόνιον ἄνδρα τὴς Λακωνικῆς ἀγωγῆς μετεχηκότα, καὶ τριβὴν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἔχοντα σύμμετρον. Which is thus rendered by Casaubon: In queis [militibus sc. Græciâ allatis] Xanthippus quidam fuit Lacedæmonius, vir disciplinà Laconicâ imbutus, et qui rei militaris usum mediocrem habebat. Whereas, agreeably with the whole character and conduct of Xanthippus, I take the sense of this passage to be,“a man formed by the Spartan discipline, and proportionably [not moderately] skilful in military affairs.”—Trans.682.This silence of Polybius has prejudiced a great many learned men against many of the stories told of Regulus's barbarous treatment, after he was taken by the Carthaginians. M. Rollin speaks no further of this matter; and therefore I shall give my reader the substance of what is brought against the general belief of the Roman writers, (as well historians as poets,) and of Appian on this subject. First, it is urged, that Polybius was very sensible that the story of these cruelties was false; and therefore, that he might not disoblige the Romans, by contradicting so general a belief, he chose rather to be silent concerning Regulus after he was taken prisoner, than to violate the truth of history, of which he was so strict an observer. This opinion is further strengthened (say the adversaries of this belief) by a fragment of Diodorus, which says, that the wife of Regulus, exasperated at the death of her husband in Carthage, occasioned, as she imagined, by barbarous usage, persuaded her sons to revenge the fate of their father, by the cruel treatment of two Carthaginian captives (thought to be Bostar and Hamilcar) taken in the sea-fight against Sicily, after the misfortune of Regulus, and put into her hands for the redemption of her husband. One of these died by the severity of his imprisonment; and the other, by the care of the senate, who detested the cruelty, survived, and was recovered to health. This treatment of the captives, and the resentment of the senate on that account, form a third argument or presumption against the truth of this story of Regulus, which is thus argued. Regulus dying in his captivity by the usual course of nature, his wife, thus frustrated of her hopes of redeeming him by the exchange of her captives, treated them with the utmost barbarity in consequence of her belief of the ill usage which Regulus had received. The senate being angry with her for it, to give some colour to her cruelties, she gave out among her acquaintance and kindred, that her husband died in the way generally related. This, like all other reports, increased gradually; and, from the national hatred betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans, was easily and generally believed by the latter. How far this is conclusive against the testimonies of two such weighty authors as Cicero and Seneca (to say nothing of the poets) is left to the judgment of the reader.—Trans.683.Appian,de Bella Pun.p. 2, 3. Cic.de Off.l. iii. n. 99, 100. Aul. Gel. l. vi. c. 4. Senec.Ep.99.684.Horat. l. iii.Od.3.685.Polyb. l. i. p. 37.686.Or Clypea.—Trans.687.Polyb. l. i. p. 38-40.688.P. 41, 42.689.Ibid. l. i. p. 44-50.690.Polyb. p. 50.691.Ibid. p. 51.692.Ibid. p. 54-59.693.A city and mountain of Sicily.—Trans.694.Polyb. l. i. p. 59-62.695.These islands are also called Ægates.—Trans.696.This sum amounts to near six millions one hundred and eighty thousand French livres, or 515,000l.English money.697.Polyb. l. iii. p. 182.698.Polyb. l. i. p. 65-89.699.The same year that the first Punic war ended.—Trans.700.And sometimes ξενικὸν, or the war with the mercenaries.—Trans.701.Ibid. p. 66.702.Matho was an African, and free born; but as he had been active in raising the rebellion, an accommodation would have ruined him. He, therefore, despairing of a pardon, embraced the interests of Spendius with more zeal than any of the rebels; and first insinuated to the Africans the danger of concluding a peace, as this would leave them alone, and exposed to the rage of their old masters. Polyb. p. 98. edit. Gronov.—Trans.703.Bellis Punicis omnibus, cum sæpe Carthaginenses et in pace et per inducias multa nefanda facinora fecissent, nunquam ipsi per occasionem talia fecere: magis quod se dignum foret, quàm quod in illos jure fieri posset, quærebant. Sallust.in Bell. Gatilin.—Trans.704.Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.705.Lib. iii. p. 162-168.706.Angebant ingentis spiritûs virum Sicilia Sardiniaque amissæ: Nam et Siciliam nimis celeri desperatione rerum concessam; et Sardiniam inter motum Africæ fraude Romanorum, stipendio etiam superimposito, interceptam. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.—Trans.707.Polyb. l. ii. p. 90.708.Polyb. l. iii. p. 167. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.709.Polyb. l. ii. p. 101.710.Polyb. l. ii. p. 123. Liv. l. xxi. n. 2.711.The murder was an effect of the extraordinary fidelity of this Gaul, whose master had fallen by the hand of Asdrubal. It was perpetrated in public; and the murderer being seized by the guards, and put to the torture, expressed so strong a satisfaction in the thoughts of his having executed his revenge so successfully, that he seemed to ridicule all the terror of his torments. Eo fuit habitu oris, ut superante lætitià dolores, ridentis etiam speciem præbuerit. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.—Trans.712.Liv. l. xxi. n. 3, 4.713.Polyb. l. iii. p. 168, 169. Liv. l. xxi. n. 3-5.714.In vit. Annib.c. 7.715.Hic, ut rediit, Prætor factus est, postquam rex fuerat anno secundo et vigesimo.—Trans.716.This city lay on the Carthaginian side of the Iberus, very near the mouth of that river, and in a country where the Carthaginians were allowed to make war, but Saguntum, as an ally of the Romans, was excepted from all hostilities, by virtue of the late treaty.—Trans.717.Ibi largè partiendo prædam, stipendia præterita cum fide exsolvendo, cunctos civium sociorumque animos in se firmavit. Liv. l xxi. n. 5.—Trans.718.Polyb. l. iii. p. 170-173. Liv. l. xxi. n. 6-15.719.Polyb. p. 174, 175. Liv. l. xxi. n. 16, 17.720.Sanctitate disciplinæ, quâ fidem socialem usque ad perniciem suam coluerunt. Liv. l. xxi. n. 7.—Trans.721.Polyb. p. 187. Liv. l. xxi. n. 18, 19.722.Polyb. l. iii. p. 184, 185.723.Polyb. l. iii. p. 187. Liv. l. xxi. n. 21, 22.724.Lib. iii. p. 192, 193.725.275 miles.726.Polybius makes the distance from New Carthage to be 2600 furlongs; consequently, the whole number of furlongs will be 8400, or (allowing 625 feet to the furlong) 944 English miles, and almost one-third. See Polybius, edit. Gronov. p. 267.—Trans.727.Lib. iii. p. 199.728.200 miles.729.200 miles.730.175 miles.731.150 miles.732.1000 miles.733.Polyb. l. iii. p. 188, 189.734.Audierunt præoccupatos jam ab Annibale Gallorum animos esse: sed ne illi quidem ipsi satis mitem gentem fore, ni subinde anro, cujus avidissima gens est, principum animi concilientur. Liv. l. xxi. n. 20.—Trans.735.Polyb. p. 189, 190. Liv. l. xxi. n. 22-24.736.A little above Avignon.—Trans.737.Polyb. l. iii. p. 270-274. edit. Gronov. Liv. l. xxi. ii. 26-28.738.It is thought this was betwixt Roquemaure and Pont St. Esprit.—Trans.739.Polyb. l. iii. p. 200-202, &c. Liv. l. xxi. n. 31, 32.740.Hoc principium simulque omen belli, ut summâ rerum prosperum eventum, ita haud sanè incruentam ancipitisque certaminis victoriam Romanis portendit. Liv. l. xxi. n. 29.—Trans.741.The text of Polybius, as it has been transmitted to us, and that of Livy, place this island at the meeting of the Saone and the Rhone, that is, in that part where the city of Lyons stands. But this is a manifest error. It was Σκώρας in the Greek, instead of which ὁ Ἄραρος has been substituted. J. Gronovius says, that he had read, in a manuscript of Livy,Bisarar, which shows, that we are to readIsara Rhodanusque amnes, instead ofArar Rhodanusque; and, that the island in question is formed by the conflux of the Isere and the Rhone. The situation of the Allobroges, here spoken of, proves this evidently.—Trans.742.In Dauphiné.—Trans.743.Polyb. l. iii. p. 203-208. Liv. l. xxi. n. 32-37.744.Of Piedmont.—Trans.745.Many reject this incident as fictitious. Pliny takes notice of a remarkable quality in vinegar;viz.its being able to break rocks and stones. Saxa rumpit infusum, quæ non ruperit ignis antecedens, l. xxiii. c. 1. He therefore calls it, Succus rerum domitor, l. xxxiii. c 2. Dion, speaking of the siege of Eleutheræ, says, that the walls of it were made to fall by the force of vinegar, l. xxxvi. p. 8. Probably, the circumstance that seems improbable on this occasion, is, the difficulty of Hannibal's procuring, in those mountains, a quantity of vinegar sufficient for this purpose.—Trans.746.Polyb. l. iii. p. 209 & 212-214. Liv. l. xxi. c. 39.747.Taurini.—Trans.748.A small river (now called Tesino) in Lombardy.—Trans.749.Polyb. l. iii. p. 214-218. Liv. l. xxi. n. 39-47.750.These two ill omens were, first, a wolf had stolen into the camp of the Romans, and cruelly mangled some of the soldiers, without receiving the least harm from those who endeavoured to kill it: and secondly, a swarm of bees had pitched upon a tree near the Prætorium or general's tent. Liv. l. xxi. c. 46.—Trans.751.The Numidians used to ride without saddle or bridle.—Trans.752.Polyb. l. iii. p. 220-227. Liv. l. xxi. n. 51-56.753.Polyb. l. iii. pp. 228, 229. Liv. l. xxi. n. 60, 61.754.Or Ebro.—Trans.755.Polyb. p. 229.756.Liv. l. xxi. n. 58.757.Polyb. l. iii. p. 229. Liv. l. xxii. n. 1. Appian.in Bell. Annib.p. 316.758.Polyb. pp. 230, 231. Liv. l. xxii. n. 2.759.Polyb. l. iii. p. 231-238. Liv. l. xxii. n. 3-8.760.Apparebat ferociter omnia ac præpioperè acturum. Quóque pronior esset in sua vitia, agitare eum atque irritare Pœnus parat. Liv. l. xxii. n. 3.—Trans.761.Polyb. l. iii. p. 239-255. Liv. l. xxii. n. 9-30.762.A small town, which gave its name to the Adriatic sea.—Trans.763.Nec Annibalem lefellit suis se artibus peti. Liv.—Trans.764.Satis fidens haudquaquam cum imperii jure artem imperandi æquatam. Liv. l. xxii. n. 26.—Trans.765.Polyb. l. iii. p. 245-250. Liv. l. xxii. n. 19-22.766.Polyb. l. iii. p. 255-268. Liv. l. xxii. n. 34-54.767.Polybius supposes only two hundred horse in each legion: but J. Lipsius thinks that this is a mistake either of the author or transcriber.—Trans.768.A violent burning wind, blowing south-south-east, which, in this flat and sandy country, raised clouds of hot dust, and blinded and choked the Romans.—Trans.769.Livy lessens very much the number of the slain, making them amount but to about forty-three thousand. But Polybius ought rather to be believed.—Trans.770.Duo maximi exercitus cæsi ad hostium satietatem, donec Annibal diceret militi suo: Parce ferro. Flor. l. 1. c. 6.—Trans.771.Tum Maharbal: Non omnia nimirum eidem Dii dedêre. Vincere scis, Annibal, victoriâ uti nescis. Liv. l. xxii. n. 51.—Trans.772.Liv. l. xxii. n. 9. Ibid. l. xxiii. n. 18.773.Casilinum.—Trans.774.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 11-14.775.Pliny, l. xxxiii. c. 1, says, that there were three bushels sent to Carthage. Livy observes, that some authors make them amount to three bushels and a half; but he thinks it most probable that there was but one, l. xxxiii. n. 12. Florus, l. ii. c. 16, makes it two bushels.—Trans.776.De St. Evremond.777.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 4-18.778.Cæterùm quum Græci omnem ferè oram maritimam Coloniis suis, è Græciâ deductis, obsiderent, &c. But after the Greeks had, by their colonies, possessed themselves of almost all the maritime coast, this very country (together with Sicily) was called Græcia Magna, &c. Cluver.Geograph.l. iii. c. 30.—Trans.779.Ibi partem majorem hiemis exercitum in tectis habuit; adversùs omnia humana mala sæpe ac diu durantem, bonis inexpertum atque insuetum. Itaque quos nulla mali vicerat vis, perdidere nimia bona ac voluptates immodicæ, et eo impensiùs quo avidiùs ex insolentiâ ineas se merserant. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 18.—Trans.780.Illa enim cunctatio distulisse modò victoriam videri potuit, hic error vires ademisse ad vincendum. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 18.—Trans.781.Capuam Annibali Cannas fuisse: ibi virtutem bellicam, ibi militarem disciplinam, ibi præteriti temporis famam, ibi spem futuri extinctam. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 45.—Trans.782.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 13.783.Ibid. n. 32.784.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 26-30. and n. 32, 40, 41.785.Not Hannibal's brother.—Trans.786.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 41-46. l. xxv. n. 22. l. xxvi. n. 5-16.787.Flagitiosum esse terreri ac circumagi ad omnes Annibalis comminationes. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 8.—Trans.788.Audita vox Annibalis fertur, Potiundæ sibi urbis Romæ, modò mentem non dari, modò fortunam. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 11.—Trans.789.Feronia was the goddess of groves, and there was one, with a temple in it, dedicated to her, at the foot of the mountain Soracte. Strabo, speaking of the grove where the goddess was worshipped, says, that a sacrifice was offered annually to her in it; and that her votaries, inspired by this goddess, walked unhurt over burning coals. There are still extant some medals of Augustus, in which this goddess is represented with a crown on her head.—Trans.790.Vilius Virius, the chief of this conspiracy, after having represented to the Capuan senate, the severe treatment which his country might expect from the Romans, prevailed with twenty-seven senators to go with him to his own house, where, after eating a plentiful dinner, and heating themselves with wine, they all drank poison. Then taking their last farewell, some withdrew to their own houses, others staid with Virius; and all expired before the gates were opened to the Romans. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 13, 14.—Trans.791.Confessio expressa hosti, quanta vis in Romanis ad expetendas pœnas ab infidelibus sociis, et quàm nihil in Annibale auxilii ad receptos in fidem tuendos esset. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 16.—Trans.792.Liv. xxv. n. 32-39.793.Id quidem cavendum semper Romanis ducibus erit, exemplaque hæc verè pro documentis habenda. Ne ita externis credant auxiliis, ut non plus sui roboris suarumque propriè virium in castris habeant. Liv. n. 33.—Trans.794.He attacked the Carthaginians, who had divided themselves into two camps, and were secure, as they thought, from any immediate attempt of the Romans; killed thirty-seven thousand of them; took one thousand eight hundred prisoners and brought off immense plunder. Liv. l. xxv. n. 39.—Trans.795.Polyb. l. xi. p. 622-625. Liv. l. xxvii. p. 35-51.796.No general was allowed to leave his own province, to go into that of another.—Trans.797.Now called Metaro.—Trans.798.According to Polybius, the loss amounted but to ten thousand men, and that of the Romans to two thousand, l. xi. p. 870, edit. Gronov.—Trans.799.Horace makes him speak thus, in the beautiful ode where this defeat is described:Carthagini jam non ego nuntiosMittara superbos. Occidit, occiditSpes omnis, et fortuna nostriNominis, Asdrubale interempto. Lib. iv.Od.4.—Trans.800.Polyb. l. xi. p. 650. & l. xiv. p. 677-687. & l. xv. p. 689-694. Liv. l. xxviii. n. 1-4. 16. 38. 40-46. l. xxix. n. 24-36. l. xxx. n. 20-28.801.Rarò quenquam alium patriam exilii causâ relinquentem magis mœstum abiisse ferunt, quàm Annibalem hostium terrà excedentem. Respexisse sæpe Italiæ littora, et deos hominesque accusantem, in se quoque ac suum ipsius caput execratum. Quòd non cruentum ab Cannensi victorià militem Romam duxisset. Liv. l. xxx. n. 20.—Trans.802.Livy supposes, however, that this delay was a capital error in Hannibal, which he himself afterwards regretted.—Trans.803.Ἐσκοπεῖτο παρ᾽ αὐτῷ συλλογιζόμενος, οὐχ οὕτω τί δέον παθεῖν Καρχηδονίους, ὡς τί δέον ἦν πράξει Ῥωμαίους. Polyb. l. xv. p. 965. edit. Gronov.Quibus Scipio. Etsi nou induciarum modò fides, sed etiam jus gentium in legatis violatum esset; tamen se nihil nec institutis populi Romani nec suis moribus indignum in iis facturum esse. Liv. l. xxx. n. 25.—Trans.804.Polyb l. xv. p. 694-703. Liv. l. xxx. n. 29-35.805.Celsus hæc corpore, vultuque ita læto, ut vicisse jam crederes, dicebat. Liv. l. xxx. n. 32.—Trans.806.Polyb. l. xv. p. 704-707. Liv. l. xxx. n. 36-44.807.Ten thousand Attic talents make thirty millions French money. Ten thousand Euboic talents make something more than twenty-eight millions, thirty-three thousand livres; because, according to Budæus, the Euboic talent is equivalent but to fifty-six minæ and something more, whereas the Attic talent is worth sixty minæ.Or otherwise thus calculated in English money:According to Budæus, the Euboic talent is 56 Minæ56 Minæ reduced to English money is 175l.Consequently, 10,000 Euboic talents make 1,750,000l.So that the Carthaginians paid annually 35,000l.This calculation is as near the truth as it can well be brought; the Euboic talent being something more than 56 minæ.—Trans.808.Rarò simul hominibus bonam fortunam bonamque mentem dari. Populum Romanum eo invictum esse, quòd in secundis rebus sapere et consulere meminerit. Et herclè mirandum fuisse si aliter facerent. Ex insolentiâ, quibus nova bona fortuna sit, impotentes lætitiæ insanire: populo Romano usitata ac propè obsoleta ex victoriâ gaudia esse; ac plus penè parcendo victis, quàm vincendo, imnerium auxisse. Liv. l. xxx n. 42.—Trans.809.Lib. vi. p. 493, 494.810.Liv. l. xxiv. n. 8, 9.811.Quilibet nautarum rectorumque tranquillo mari gubernare potest: Ubi sæva orta tempestas est, ac turbato mari rapitur vento navis, tum viro et gubernatore opus est. Non tranquillo navigamus, sed jam aliquot procellis submersi penè sumus. Itaque quis ad gubernacula sedeat, summâ curâ providendum ac præcavendum nubis est.—Trans.812.Corn. Nep.in Annib.c. 7.813.Liv. l. xxxiii. n. 46.814.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 46, 47.815.Tum verò isti quos paverat per aliquot annos publicus peculatus, velut bonis ereptis, non furto eorum manibus extorto, infensi et irati, Romanos in Annibaleim, et ipsos causam odii quærentes, instigabant. Liv.—Trans.816.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 45-49.817.It is probable that we should readsuos.—Trans.818.Cic.de Orat.l. ii. n. 75, 76.819.Hìc Pœnus liberè respondisse fertur, multos se deliros senes sæpe vidisse: Sed qui magis quàm Phormio deliraret vidisse neminem. Stobæus,Serm.lii. gives the following account of this matter: Ἀννίβας ἀκούσας Στοικοῦ τίνος ἐπιχειροῦντος, ὅτι ὁ σοφὸς μόνος στρατηγὸς ἐστὶν, ἐγέλασε, νομίζων ἀδύνατον εἶναι ἐκτὸς τῆς δι᾽ ἔργων ἐμπειρίας τὴν ἐν τούτοις ἑπιστήμην ἔχειν.i.e.Hannibal hearing a Stoic philosopher undertake to prove that the wise man was the only general, laughed, as thinking it impossible for a man to have any skill in war without having long practised it.—Trans.820.They did more, for they sent two ships to pursue Hannibal, and bring him back; they sold off his goods, rased his house; and, by a public decree, declared him an exile. Such was the gratitude the Carthaginians showed to the greatest general they ever had. Corn. Nep.in vitâ Hannib.c. 7.—Trans.821.Liv. l. xxxiv. n. 60.822.Ib. n. 61.823.Liv. l. xxxv. n. 14. Polyb. l. iii. p. 166, 167.824.Polybius represents this application of Villius to Hannibal, as a premeditated design, in order to render him suspected to Antiochus, because of his intimacy with a Roman. Livy owns, that the affair succeeded as if it had been designed; but, at the same time, he gives, for a very obvious reason, another turn to this conversation, and says, that no more was intended by it, than to sound Hannibal, and to remove any fears or apprehensions he might be under from the Romans.—Trans.825.Liv. l. xxxv. n. 14. Plut.in vitâ Flamin.&c.826.Plut.in Pyrrho, p. 687.827.Liv. l. xxxv. n. 19.828.Liv. l. xxxv. n. 42, 43.829.Nulla ingenia tam prona ad invidiam sunt, quàm eorum qui genus ac fortunam suam animis non æquant: Quia virtutem et bonum alienum oderunt. Methinks it is better to read ut bonum alienum.—Trans.830.Ib. l. xxxvi. n. 7.831.Liv. l. xxxvi. n. 41.832.Corn. Nep.in Annib.c. 9, 10. Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4.833.These statues were thrown out by him, in a place of public resort, as things of little value. Corn. Nep.—Trans.834.Corn. Nep.in Annib.c. 10, 11. Justin, l. xxxiii c. 4.835.Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4. Corn. Nep.in vit. Annib.836.Liv. l. xxxix. n. 51.837.Plutarch, according to his custom, assigns him three different deaths. Some, says he, relate,“that having wrapped his cloak about his neck, he ordered his servant to fix his knees against his buttocks, and not to leave twisting till he had strangled him.”Others say, that, in imitation of Themistocles and Midas, he drank bull's blood. Livy tells us, that Hannibal drank a poison which he always carried about him; and taking the cup into his hands, cried,“Let us free,”&c. Invitâ Flaminini.—Trans.838.Of the Method of Studying and Teaching the Belles Lettres, vol. ii.—Trans.839.Quintil.—Trans.840.Atque hic tantus vir, tantisque bellis districtus, nonnibil temporis tribuit litteris, &c. Corn. Nepin vitá Annib.cap. 13.—Trans.841.Lib. xxi. n, 4.842.Excerpt. èPolyb. p. 33.843.Excerpt. èDiod. p. 282. Liv. l. xxv. n. 17.844.Lib. xxxii. c. 4.845.Cibi potionisque, desiderio naturali, non voluptate, modus finitus. Liv. l. xxi. n. 4.Constat Annibalem, nec tum cùm Romano tonantem bello Italia contremuit, nec cùm reversus Carthaginem summum imperium tenuit, aut cubantem cœnâsse, aut plus quàm sextario vini indulsisse. Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4.—Trans.846.Except éPolyb. p. 34 & 37.847.Æn.l. iv. ver. 41.—Trans.848.Liv. l. xxiv. n. 48, 49.849.Id. l. xxix. n. 29-34.850.Id. l. xxix. n. 23.851.Id. l. xxx n. 11, 12.852.Liv. l. xxx. n. 44.853.Id. l. xxxiv. n. 62.854.Id. l. xl. n. 17.855.Id. l. xlii. n. 23, 24.856.Polyb. p. 951.857.App.de bell. Pun.p. 37.858.App. p. 38.859.App.de bell. Pun.40.860.Emporium, or Emporia, was a country of Africa, on the Lesser Syrtis, in which Leptis stood. No part of the Carthaginian dominions was more fruitful than this. Polybius, l. i. says, that the revenue that arose from this place was so considerable, that all their hopes were almost founded on it, ἐν ἁῖς (viz.their revenues from Emporia) εἶχον τὰς μεγίστας ἔλπιδας. To this was owing their care and state-jealousy above mentioned, lest the Romans should sail beyond the Fair Promontory, that lay before Carthage; and become acquainted with a country which might induce them to attempt the conquest of it.—Trans.861.App.de bell. Pun.40.862.Ils furent tous passés sous le joug: Sub jugum missi; a kind of gallows (made by two forked sticks, standing upright) was erected, and a spear laid across, under which vanquished enemies were obliged to pass. Festus.—Trans.863.Appian, p. 41, 42.864.The foreign forces were commanded by leaders of their respective nations, who were all under the command of a Carthaginian officer, called by Appian Βοήθαρχος.—Trans.865.Plut.in vit. Cat.p. 352.866.Plin. l. xv. c. 18.867.Plut. ibid.in vitâ Cat.868.Ubi Carthago, et æmula imperii Romani ab stirpe interiit, Fortuna sævire ac miscere omnia cœpit. Sallust.in bell. Catilin.Ante Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus Romanus placidè modestéque inter se Remp. tractabant.—Metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat. Sed ubi formido illa mentibus decessit, illicet ea, quæ secundæ res amant, lascivia atquæ superbia incessere. Idemin bello Jugurthino.—Trans.869.Potentiæ Romanorum prior Scipio viam aperuerat, luxuriæ posterior aperuit. Quippe remoto Carthaginis metu, sublatàque imperii æmulà, non gradu, sed præcipiti cursu à virtute descitum, ad vitia transcursum. Vel. Paterc. l. ii. c. 1.—Trans.870.App. p. 42.871.Ibid.872.Polyb.excerpt. legat.. p. 972873.To the Romans.—Trans.874.Polyb.excerpt. legat.p. 972.875.Polyb. p. 975. Appian, p. 44-46.876.Appian, p. 46.877.Balistæ or Catapultæ.—Trans.878.Four leagues, or twelve miles.—Trans.879.Appian, p. 46-53.880.Appian, p. 53, 54.881.Polyb. l. xiii. p. 671, 672.882.Appian, p. 55. Strabo, l. xvii. p. 833.883.Appian, p. 55.884.Appian, p. 55-63.885.Appian, p. 63.886.Appian, p. 65.887.Page 66.888.Andriscus.—Trans.889.Page 68.890.Appian, p. 69.891.Page 70.892.A sort of movable bridge.—Trans.893.Appian, p. 56, 57. Strabo, l. xvii. p. 832.894.Νεωσοίκους, Strabo.—Trans.895.Boch. in Phal. p. 512.896.Appian, p. 72.897.It was he who had first commanded without the city, but having caused the other Asdrubal, Masinissa's grandson, to be put to death, he got the command of the troops within the walls.—Trans.898.Page 73.899.Four miles and three quarters.—Trans.900.Appian, p. 74.901.Appian, p. 75.902.Ibid. p. 78.903.Appian, p. 79.904.Ibid. p. 81.905.Appian, p. 82.906.Ecclus, x. 8.907.Appian, p. 83.908.Ibid.909.Quem taurum Scipio cùm redderet Agrigentinis, dixisse dicitur, æquum esse illos cogitare utrum esset Siculis utilius, suisne servire, au populo R. obtemperare, cùm idem monumentum et domesticæ crudelitatis, et nostræ mansuetudinis haberent. Cicer.Verr.vi. n. 73.—Trans.910.Ibid.911.Appian, p. 84.912.We may guess at the dimensions of this famous city, by what Florus says,viz.that it was seventeen days on fire, before it could be all consumed. Quanta urbs deleta sit, ut de cæteris taceam, vel ignium morâ probari potest: quippe per continuos decem et septem dies vix potuit incendium extingui. Lib. ii. c. 15.—Trans.913.Neque se Roma, jam terrarum orbe superato, securam speravit fore, si nomen usquam maneret Carthaginis. Adeo odium certaminibus ortum, ultra metum durat, et ne in victis quidem deponitur, neque antè invisum esse desinit, quàm esse desiit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 12.—Trans.914.Ut ipse locus eorum, qui cum hâc urbe de imperio certârunt, vestigia calamitatis ostenderet. Cic.Agrar.ii. n. 50.—Trans.915.Ibid.916.Appian, p. 85. Plut.in vit. Gracchp. 839.917.Marius cursum in Africam direxit, inopemque vitam in tugurio ruinarum Carthaginensium toleravit: cùm Marius aspiciens Carthaginem, illa intuens Marium, alter alteri possent esse solatio. Vel. Paterc. l. ii c. 19.—Trans.918.Appian, p. 85.919.Strabo, l. xvii. p. 833.920.Ibid. 831.921.Page 733.922.Scipio Æmilianus, vir avitis P. Africani paternisque L. Pauli virtutibus simillimus, omnibus belli ac togæ dotibus, ingeniique ac studiorum eminentissimus seculi sui, qui nihil in vitâ nisi laudandum aut fecit aut dixit aut seusit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 12.—Trans.923.Neque enim quisquam hoc Scipione elegantiùs intervalla negotiorum otio dispunxit: semperque aut belli aut pacis serviit artibus, semper inter arma ac studia versatus, aut corpus periculis, aut animum disciplinis exercuit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 13.—Trans.924.Africanus semper Socraticum Xenophontem in manibus habebat.Tusc. Quæst.l. ii. n. 62.—Trans.925.Plut.in vit. Æmil. Paul.p. 258.926.Excerpt. èPolyb. p. 147-163.927.She was sister of Paulus Æmilius, father of the second Scipio Africanus.—Trans.928.Or, 11,250l.sterling.—Trans.929.Κατεγνωκότες τῆς αὐτῶν μικρολογίας.—Trans.930.Or, 13,500l.sterling.—Trans.931.Or, 5375l.sterling.—Trans.932.Pausan.in Arcad.l. xiii. p. 505.933.Appian, p. 65. Val. Max. l. v. c. 2.934.Appian, p. 65.935.Cicero introduces Cato, speaking as follows of Masinissa's vigorous constitution: Arbitror te audire, Scipio, hospes tuus Masinissa quæ faciat hodie nonaginta annos natus; cùm ingressus iter pedibus sit, in equum omnino non ascendere; cùm equo, ex equo non descendere; nullo imbre, nullo frigore adduci, ut capite operto sit; summam esse in eo corporis siccitatem. Itaque exequi omnia regis officia et munera.De Senectute.—Trans.936.An seni gerenda sit Resp. p. 791.937.Appian ibid. Val. Max. l. v. c. 2.938.All this history of Jugurtha is extracted from Sallust.—Trans.939.Terrebat eum natura mortalium avida imperii, et præceps ad explendam animi cupidinem: præterea opportunitas suæ liberorumque ætatis, quæ etiam mediocres viros spe prædæ transversos agit.Sallust.—Trans.940.Ac sanè, quod difficillimum imprimis est, et prælio strenuus erat, et bonus consilio: quorum alterum ex providentiâ timorem, alterum ex audacià temeritatem adferre plerumque solet.—Trans.941.Non exercitus, neque thesauri, præsidia regni sunt, verùm amici: Quos neque armis cogere, neque auro parare queas; officio et fide pariuntur. Quis autem amicior quàm frater fratri? aut quem alienum fidum invenies, si tuis hostis fueris?—Trans.942.He chose two of the nimblest of those who had followed him into Cirtha; and these, induced by the great rewards he promised them, and pitying his unhappy circumstances, undertook to pass through the enemy's camp, in the night, to the neighbouring shore, and from thence to Rome. Ex iis qui unâ Cirtam profugerant, duos maximè impigros delegit: eos, multa pollicendo, ac miserando casum suum, confirmat, ubi per hostium munitiones noctu ad proximum mare, dein Romam pergerent. Sallust.—Trans.943.Multæ bonæque artes animi et corporis erant, quas omnes avaritia præpediebat.—Trans.944.Magnitudine pecuniæ à bono honestoque in pravum abstractus est.—Trans.945.Postquam Româ egressus est, fertur sæpe tacitus eò respiciens, postremò dixisse. Urbem venalem et maturè perituram, si emptorem invenerit.—Trans.946.For electing magistrates. Sal.—Trans.947.In Numidiam proficiscitur, magmâ spe civium, cùm propter artes bonas, tum maximè quòd adversùm divitias invictum animum gerebat.—Trans.948.Quibus rebus supra bonum atque honestum perculsus, neque lacrymas tenere, neque moderari linguam: vir egregius in aliis artibus, nimis molliter ægritudinem pati.—Trans.949.Now comprehending Fez, Morocco, &c.—Trans.950.Plut.in vit. Marii.951.Οἶα νέος φιλότιμος, ἄρτι δόξης γεγευμένος, οὐκ ἤνεγκε μετρίως τό εὐτύχημα. Plut.Præcept. reip. gerend.p. 806.—Trans.952.Plut.in vit. Marii.953.In voce Ἰόβας.—Trans.954.Vol. IV of theMemoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres, p. 457.—Trans.955.They that are curious to make deeper researches into this matter, may read the dissertations of Abbé Banier and M. Freret upon the Assyrian empire, in theMemoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres; for the first, see tome 3, and for the other, tome 5; as also what Father Tournemine has written upon this subject in his edition of Menochius.—Trans.956.Porphyr. apud Simplic. in l. ii.de cœlo.957.Here I depart from the opinion of Archbishop Usher, my ordinary guide, with respect to the duration of the Assyrian empire, which he supposes, with Herodotus, to have lasted but 520 years; but the time when Nimrod lived and Sardanapalus died I take from him.—Trans.958.Belus or Baal signifies Lord.—Trans.959.Gen. x. 9.960.Lib. ii. p. 90.961.Ibid.962.Gen. x. 10.963.Semiramis eam condiderat, vel, ut plerique tradidere, Belus, enjus regia ostenditar. Q. Curt. l. v. c. 1.—Trans.964.Gen. xi. 4.965.Hist. Jud.l. i. c. 4.966.Lib. i. c. 181.967.Gen. x. 11.968.Mic. v. 6.969.Gen. x. 11, 12.970.Diod. l. ii. p. 90.971.Fecerunt civitates duas amores duo: terrenam scilicet amor sui usque ad contemptum Dei; cœlestem verò amor Dei usque ad contemptum sui. S. Aug.de Civ. Dei, l. xiv. c. 28.—Trans.972.Diod. l. ii. p. 90-95.973.Diodorus says it was on the bank of the Euphrates, and speaks of it as if it was so, in many places; but he is mistaken.—Trans.974.Jon. iii. 3.975.It is hard to believe that Diodorus does not speak of the extent of Nineveh with some exaggeration; therefore some learned men have reduced the stadium to little more than one half, and reckon fifteen of them to the Roman mile instead of eight, the usual computation.—Trans.976.Plut.in Mor.p. 753.977.Diod. l. ii. p. 95.978.We are not to wonder, if we find the founding of a city ascribed to different persons. It is common, even among the profane writers, to say, Such a prince built such a city, whether he was the person that first founded it, or that only embellished or enlarged it.—Trans.979.Herod. l. i. c. 178, 180. Diod. l. ii. p. 95, 96. Q. Curt. l. v. c. 1.980.I relate things as I find them in the ancient authors, which Dean Prideaux has also done; but I cannot help believing that great abatements are to be made in what they say as to the immense extent of Babylon and Nineveh.—Trans.981.Isa. xlv. 2.982.Quint. Curt. l. v. c. 1.983.Herod. l. i. c. 180 and 186. Diod. l. ii. p. 96.984.Diodorus says, this bridge was five furlongs in length, which can hardly be true, since the Euphrates was but one furlong broad. Strab. l. xvi. p 738.—Trans.985.Strab. l. xvi. p. 740. Plin. l. v. c. 26.986.Abyd. ap Eus.Prœp. Evang.l. ix.987.Abyd. ib. Herod. l. i. c. 185.988.The author follows Herodotus, who makes it four hundred and twenty furlongs, or fifty-two miles square; but I choose to follow Dean Prideaux, who prefers the account of Megasthenes.—Trans.989.Diod. l. ii. p. 96, 97.990.Ibid. p. 98, 99. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738. Quint. Curt. l. v. c. 1.991.Beros. ap. Jos.cont. App.l. i. c. 6.992.Herod. l. i. c. 181. Diod. l. ii. p. 98. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738.993.Phalpart. 1 l. i. c. 9.994.Herod. l. i. c. 183. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738. Arrian, l. vii. p. 480.995.Diod. l. ii. p. 100-108.996.Val. Max. l. ix. c. 3.997.Indus.—Trans.998.Vol. iii. p. 343, &c.999.Lib. i. c. 2.1000.Lib. v.de Rep.451-457.1001.Ἐπείτερ ἀρετὴν ἀντὶ ἱματίων ἁμφιέσονται.1002.De cura rei fam.l. i. c. 3.1003.De administr. dom.p. 839.1004.Diod. l. ii. p. 108.1005.De Leg.l. iii. p 685.1006.2 Kings xv. 19.1007.Diod. l. ii. p. 109-115. Athen. l. xii. p. 529, 530. Just. l. i. c. 3.1008.Κεῖν᾽ ἔχω ὅσσ᾽ ἔφαγον, καὶ ἐφύβρισα, καὶ μετ᾽ ἔρωτοςΤέρπν᾽ ἔπαθον; τὰ δὲ πολλὰ καὶ ὄλβια πάντα λέλειπται.Quid aliud, inquit Aristoteles, in bovis, non in regis sepulchro, inscriberes? Hæc habere se mortuum dicit, quæ ne vivus quidem diutiùs habebat, quàm fruebatur. Cic.Tusc. Quæst.l. v. n. 101.—Trans.1009.Two miles and a half.—Trans.1010.About fourteen hundred millions sterling.—Trans.1011.Pag. 335, 336.1012.Ἔσθις, πῖνε, ἀφροδισίαζε; τ᾽ ἄλλα δὲ ἐδέν.1013.2 Kings xx. 12.1014.Ibid.1015.Can. Ptol.1016.Lib. xii.hist. anim.c. 21. Castor apud Euseb.Chron.p. 49.1017.2 Kings xvi. 7, &c.1018.Is. viii. 4. Am. i. 5.1019.2 Kings xvii.1020.Tob. 1.1021.Is. xx. 1. 2 Kings xviii. and xix.1022.2 Kings xix. 9.1023.2 Kings xx. 2 Chron. xxxii. 24-311024.2 Kings xix. 35-57.1025.Tobit i. 18-241026.2 Kings xix. 37.1027.Can. Ptol.1028.Is. vii. 8.1029.2 Chron. xxxiii. 11, 13.1030.2 Kings xvii. 25-41.1031.Tobit xiv. 5-13.1032.Judith i. 5, 6.1033.Alex. Polyhist.1034.Pag.70.1035.Beros. apud Joseph.Antiq.l. x. c. 11. &con. Ap.l. i.1036.Jer. xlvi. 2. 2 Kings xxiv. 7.1037.Dan. i. 1-7. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6, 7.1038.Some imagine him to have been eighteen years of age at this time.—Trans.1039.Can. Ptol. Beros. apud Joseph.Antiq.l. x. c. 11. &con. Ap.l. x.1040.Dan. ii.1041.2 Kings xxiv. 1, 2.1042.Al. Jehoiakim. 2 Kings xxiv. 6-18.—Trans.1043.2 Kings xxiv. 17-20. and xxv. 1-10.1044.Dan. iii.1045.Ninety feet.—Trans.1046.Ezek. xxvi. and xxvii. Is. xxiii. 8. Just. l. xviii. c. 3.1047.Is. xxiii. 12.1048.Jos.Ant.l. x. c. 11 &con. Ap.l. i.1049.Ezek. xxix. 18, 19.1050.Ibid. 18-20.1051.Page84.1052.Antiq.l. x. 11.1053.Dan. iv.1054.2 Kings xxv. 27-30.1055.Beros. Megasthen.1056.Cyrop. l. i.1057.Jer. xxvii. 7.1058.Herod. l. i. c. 185, &c.1059.Dan. vii.1060.Ibid. viii.1061.Ibid. v.1062.Herod. l. i. c. 95.1063.Rom. xiii. 1, 2.1064.Herod. l. i. c. 96-101.1065.major ex[pg 356]longinquo reverentia, Tacit.1066.Herod. c. 102.1067.He is called so by Eusebius,Chron. Græcand by Geor. Syncel.—Trans.1068.Judith, i. 1.1069.Ἐπωκοδόμησε ἐπὶ Ἐκβατάνοις. Judith, text Gr.1070.Herod. l. i. c. 102.1071.The Greek text places these embassies before the battle.—Trans.1072.Herod. l. i. c. 103-106.1073.Herod. l. i. c. 74.1074.In Herodotus he is called Labynetus.—Trans.1075.Herod. l. i. c. 106.1076.Nahum iii. 1.1077.ii. 1, 2.1078.iii. 2, 3.1079.ii. 3, 4.1080.i. 2, 5, 6.1081.Nahum, iii. 5.1082.ii. 9, 10.1083.The author in this place renders it, Her temple is destroyed to the foundations. But I have chosen to follow our English Bible, though in the Latin it iscamplum.—Trans.1084.ii. 6.1085.iii. 3.1086.ii. 11, 12.1087.This is a noble image of the cruel avarice of the Assyrian kings, who pillaged and plundered all their neighbouring nations, especially Judea, and carried away the spoils of them to Nineveh.—Trans.1088.Zephan. ii. 13-15.1089.Herod. l. i. c. 7-13.1090.Non contentus voluptatum suarum tacitâ conscientiâ—proisus quasi silentium damnum pulchritudinis esset. Justin, l. i. c. 7.—Trans.1091.Nostro quidem more cum parentibus puberes filii, cum soceris generi, non lavantur. Retinenda est igitur hujus generis verecundia, præsertim naturâ ipsâ magistrâ et duce. Cic. l. i.de offic.n. 129.Nadare se nefas esse credebatur. Val. Max. l. ii. c. 1.—Trans.1092.Platode Rep.l. ii. p. 359.1093.Hunc ipsum annulum si habeat sapiens, nihilo plus sibi licere putet peccare, quàm si non haberet. Honesta enim bonis viris, non occulta quæruntur. Lib. iii,de offic.n. 38.—Trans.1094.Herod. l. i. c. 13, 14.1095.Ibid. l. i. c. 15.1096.Herod. l. i. c. 16, 22.1097.Ibid. c. 21, 22.1098.Strab. l. xiii. p. 625. & l. xiv. p. 680.1099.Herod. l. i. c. 26-28.1100.Ibid. l. i. c. 29-33. Plut.in Sol.p. 93, 94.1101.Φιλαδελφοὺς καὶ φιλομήτορας διαφερόντως ἄνδρας.—Trans.1102.The fatigue of drawing the chariot might be the cause of it.—Trans.1103.Λυπήσας μὲν, οὐ νουθετήσας δὲ τὸν Κροίσον.—Trans.1104.Ὦ Σόλων (ἔφη) τοῖς βασιλεῦσι δεῖ ὡς ἥκιστα ἤ ὡς ἥδιστα ὁμιλεῖν. Καὶ ό Σόλων, Μὴ Δί (εἶπεν) ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἥκιστα ἥ ὡς ἄριστα. The jingle of the words ὡς ἥκιστα ἥ ὡς ἄριστα, which is a beauty in the original, because it is founded in the sense, cannot be rendered into any other language.—Trans.1105.Plenas aures adulationibus aliquando vera vox intret: da consilium utile. Quæris, quid felici præstare possis? Effice, ne felicitati suæ credat. Parum in illum contuleris, si illi semel stultam fiduciam permansuræ semper potentiæ excusseris, docuerisque mobilia esse quæ dedit casus; ac sæpe inter fortunam maximam et ultimam nihil interesse. Sen.de benef.l. vi. c. 33.—Trans.1106.Herod. l. i. c. 34-45.1107.Ibid. 46-50.1108.Herod. l. i. c. 71.

Footnotes1.Of the Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres, &c. vol. iii. and iv.—Trans.2.Pietate ac religione, atque hâc unâ sapientiâ quòd deorum immortalium numine omnia regi gubernarique perspeximus, omnes gentes nationesque superavimus.Orat. de Arusp. resp.n. 19.—Trans.3.Ecclus. x. 84.The ancients themselves, according to Pindar, (Olymp. Od.vii.) had retained some idea, that the dispersion of men was not the effect of chance, but that they had been settled in different countries by the appointment of Providence.—Trans.5.Gen. xi. 8, 9.6.“When the Most High divided the nations, and separated the sons of Adam, he set the bounds of the people according to the number of the children of Israel”(whom he had in view.) This is one of the interpretations (which appears very natural) that is given to this passage. Deut. xxxii. 8.—Trans.7.Ecclus. xxxvi. 17, xxxix. 19.8.Acts xv. 18.9.I will bring you out from under the burdens of the Egyptians, and I will rid you out of their bondage. Exod. vi. 6. Out of the iron furnace, even out of Egypt. Deut. iv. 20.—Trans.10.Isaiah v. 26, 30, x. 28, 34, xiii. 4, 5.11.Sennacherib.—Trans.12.Ibid. x. 13, 14.13.Isaiah x. 5.14.Ibid. ver. 7.15.Ibid. ver. 12.16.Because thy rage against me, and thy tumult is come up into mine ears, therefore I will put my hook into thy nose, and my bridle in thy lips, and I will turn thee back by the way by which thou camest. 2 Kings xix. 28.—Trans.17.Ezek. xxi. 19, 23.18.Ibid. xxvi. xxvii. xxviii.19.Ezek. xxviii. 2.20.Ibid. xxix. 18, 20.21.Dan. iv. 1-34.22.This incident is related more at large in the history of the Egyptians, under the reign of Amasis.—Trans.23.Ibid. iv. 30.24.Dan. iv. 31, 32.25.Thus saith the Lord to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before him and I will loose the loins of kings to open before him the two-leaved gates, and the gates shall not be shut.I will go before thee, and make the crooked places straight: will break in pieces the gates of brass, and cut in sunder the bars of iron.And I will give thee the treasures of darkness, and hidden riches of secret places, that thou mayest know, that I the Lord which shall calltheeby thy name,amthe God of Israel. Isa. xlv. 1-3.—Trans.26.Isa. xlv. 13, 14.27.Ibid. 13, 4.28.Ibid. 4, 5.29.Dan. iv. 7, 9.30.Ἐδυνήθη ἐπιθυμίαν ἐμβαλεῖν τοσαύτην τοῦ πάντας αὐτῷ χαριζεσθαι, ὤσι ἀεὶ τ᾽ αὐτοῦ γνώμη ἀξιοῦν κυβερνᾶσθαι.—Trans.31.Dan. vii.32.Ezek. xix. 3, 7.33.Joseph. 1. iii. c. 46.34.Gen. i. 2.35.Ibid. vi. 11.36.Psal. cxliv. 15.37.Laus ipsa, quâ Platonem vel Platonicos seu Academicos philosophos tantùm extuli, quantùm impios homines non oportuit, non immeritò mihi displicuit; præsertim quorum contra errores magnes defendenda est Christiana doctrina.Retract.1. i. c. 1.—Trans.38.Id in quoque corrigendum, quod pravum est; quod autem rectum est, approbandum.De Bapt. cont. Donat.1. vii. c. 16.—Trans.39.Lib. v. c. 19, 21, &c.40.De Civitate Dei, 1. v. c. 19.41.Vol. iv. p. 385.42.This Mr Rollin has done admirably in the several volumes of his Ancient History.—Trans.43.The Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres, &c. The English translation (in four volumes) of this excellent piece of criticism, was first printed for A. Bettesworth and C. Hitch, in Paternoster-Row.—Trans.44.Arborum flos, est pleni veris indicium, et anni renascentis; flos gaudium arborum. Tunc se novas, aliasque quàm sunt, ostendunt, tunc variis colorum picturis in certamen usque luxuriant. Sed hoc negatum plerisque. Non enim omnes florent, et sunt tristes quædam, quæque non sentiant guadia annorum; nec ullo flore exhilarantur, natalesve pomorum recursus annuos versicolori nuntio promittunt. Plin.Hist. Nat.1. xvi. c. 25.—Trans.45.As the fig-trees.—Trans.46.Mons. Bossuet.—Trans.47.Former editions of this Work were printed in ten volumes.—Trans.48.Xenoph.in Cyrop.1. i. p. 25, 27.—Trans.49.Quos ad fastigium nujus majestatis non ambitio popularis, sed spectata inter bonos moderatio provebebat. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.50.Fines imperii tueri magis quàm proferre mos erat. Intra suam cuique patriam regna finiebantur. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.51.Domitis proximis, cum accessione virium fortior ad alios transiret, et proxima quæque victoria instrumentum sequentis esset, totius orientis populos subegit. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.52.Sit hoc jam à principio persuasum civibus: dominos esse omnium rerum ac moderatores deos, eaque quæ geruntur eorum geri judicio ac numine; eosdemque optimè de genere hominum mereri; et, qualis quisque sit, quid agat, quid in se admittat, quâ mente, quâ pietate religiones colat, intueri; piorumque et impiorem habere rationem—Ad divos adeunto castè. Pietatem adhibento, opes amovento. Cic.de leg.l. ii. n. 15, 19.—Trans.53.Manner of Teaching, &c. vol. i.—Trans.54.Ἀθήνη.—Trans.55.Οὐχὶ προειρημένον ἡμερῶν ἀριθμὸν ἁγνεύειν μόνον, ἀλλὰ τὸν βιον ὅλον ἡγνευκέναι. Demost.in extrema Aristocratia.—Trans.56.Vol. ii. c. 3. § 2.—Trans.57.Ληνός.58.Dionysius.59.Goats were sacrificed, because they spoiled the vines.—Trans.60.From this fury of the Bacchanalians these feasts were distinguished by the name of Orgia, Ὀργὴ,ira, furor.—Trans.61.Πάσαν ἐθεασάμην τὴν πόλιν περὶ τὰ Διονύσια μεθύουσαν. Lib. i.de leg.p. 637.—Trans.62.Liv. 1. xxxix. n. 8, 18.63.Nihil in speciem fallacius est quàm prava religio, ubi deorum numen prætenditur sceleribus. Liv. xxxix. n. 16.—Trans.64.Multa eximia divinaque videntur Athenæ tuæ peperisse, atque in vitam hominum attulisse; tum nihil melius illis mysteriis, quibus ex agresti immanique vitâ, exculti ad humanitatem et mitigati sumus, initiaque ut appellautur, ita re vera principia vitæ cognovimus. Cic. 1. ii.de leg.n. 36.Teque Ceres, et Libera, quarum sacra, sicut opiniones hominum ac religiones ferunt, longè maximis atque occultissimis ceremoniis continentur: à quibus initia vitæ atque victùs, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exempla hominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse dicuntur. Cic.in Verr. de supplic.n. 186.—Trans.65.Οἴδεν Ἐλευσὶν ταῦτα, καὶ οἱ τῶν σιωπωένων καὶ σιωπῆς; ὄντων ἀξιον ἐτόπται.Orat de sacr. lumin.—Trans.66.Δαδοῦχος.67.Κῆρυξ.68.Βασιλεὺς69.Ἐπιμελήται70.Ἱεροποιοὶ.71.Diogen. Laërt. l. vi. p. 389.72.Liv. l. xxxi. n. 14.73.Est et fideli tuta silentioMerces. Vetabo, qui Cereris sacrumVulgârit arcana, sub iisdemSit trabibus, fragilemque mecumSolvat phaselum.Hor.Od.2. l. iii.Safe is the silent tongue, which none can blameThe faithful secret merit fame;Beneath one roof ne'er let him rest with me,Who“Ceres' mysteries”reveals;In one frail bark ne'er let us put to sea,Nor tempt the jarring winds with spreading sails.—Trans.74.Lib. i. p. 26, 71.75.Tardaque Eleusinæ matris volventia plaustra.Virg.Georg.l. i. ver. 163.The Eleusinian mother's mystic car Slow rolling———Trans.76.Herod. l. viii. c. 65.77.Lib. ix. p. 305.78.Plut.in vit. Alex.p. 671.79.Zosim.Hist.l. iv.80.Sympos.l. ii. quæst. 3. p. 635.81.Errabat multis in rebus antiquitas: quam vel usu jam, vel doctrinâ, vel vetustate immutatam videmus. Retinetur autem et ad opinionem vulgi, et ad magnas utilitates reip. mos, religio, disciplina, jus augurum, collegii auctoritas. Nec verò non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius, L. Junius consules, qui contra auspicia navigârunt. Parendum enim fuit religioni, nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandusDivin.l. ii. n. 70, 71.—Trans.82.Certain instruments were fastened to the tops of oaks, which, being shaken by the wind, or by some other means, gave a confused sound. Servius observes, that the same word, in the Thessalian language, signifiesdoveandprophetess, which had given room for the fabulous tradition of doves that spoke. It was easy to make those brazen basins sound by some secret means, and to give what signification they pleased to a confused and inarticulate note.—Trans.83.Pausan. l. ix. p. 602, 604.84.Plut.de gen. Socr.p. 590.85.Herod, l. i. c. 157. Strab. l. xiv p. 634.86.Tacit.Annal.l. ii. c. 54.87.Lib. xiv. p. 427, 428.88.Corium.89.Προφήται.90.Ἀνίκητος εἶ, ὦ παῖ.—Trans.91.——Cui talia fantiAnte fores, subitò non vultus, non color unus,Non comptæ mansere comæ: sed pectus anhelum,Et rabie fera corda tument; majorque videri,Nec mortale sonans: afflata est numine quandoJam propiore dei.Virg.Æn.l. vi. v. 46-51.—Trans.92.Among the various marks which God has given us in the Scriptures to distinguish his oracles from those of the devil, the fury or madness, attributed by Virgil to the Pythia,et rabie fera corda tument, is one. It is I, saith God, that show the falsehood of the diviners' predictions, and give to such as divine, the motions of fury and madness; or according to Isa. xliv. 25,“That frustrateth the tokens of the liar, and maketh diviners mad.”Instead of which, the prophets of the true God constantly gave the divine answers in an equal and calm tone of voice, and with a noble tranquillity of behaviour. Another distinguishing mark is, that the dæmons gave their oracles in secret places, by-ways, and in the obscurity of caves; whereas God gave his in open day, and before all the world.“I have not spoken in secret, in a dark place of the earth,”Isa. xlv. 19.“I have not spoken in secret from the beginning,”Isa. xlviii. 16. So that God did not permit the devil to imitate his oracles, without imposing such conditions upon him, as might distinguish between the true and false inspiration.—Trans.93.Lib. v.94.Ἐγγαστρίμυθος.95.Quòd si aliquis dixerit multa ab idolis esse prædicta; hoc sciendum, quòd semper mendacium junxerint veritati, et sic sententias temperârint, ut, seu boni seu mali quid accidisset, utrumque possit intelligi. Hieronym. in cap. xlii. Isaiæ. He cites the two examples of Crœsus and Pyrrhus.—Trans.96.One method of consulting the oracle was by sealed letters, which were laid upon the altar of the god unopened.—Trans.97.Macrob. l. i.Saturnal.c. 23.98.Omnis spiritus ales. Hoc et angeli et dæmones. Igitur momento ubique sunt; totus orbis illis locus unus est: quid ubi geratur tam facilè sciunt, quàm enuntiant. Velocitas divinitas creditur, quia substantia ignoratur.—Cæterùm testudinem decoqui cum carnibus pecudis Pythius eo modo renunciavit, quo suprà diximus. Momento apud Lydiam fuerat. Tertulin Apolog.—Trans.99.Plut.in Demosth.p. 854.100.Tertull.in Apolog.101.Lib.de verà sapient., c. 27.102.Tam barbaros, tam immanes fuisse homines, ut parricidium suum, id est tetrum atque execrabib humano generi facinus, sacrificium vocarent. Cùm teneras atque innocentes animas, quæ maximè est ætas parentibus dulcior, sine ullo respectu pietatis extinguerunt, immanitatemque omnium bestiarum, quæ tamen fœtus suos amant, seritate superarent. O dementiam insanabilem! Quid illis isti dii ampliùs facere possent si essent iratissimi, quàm faciunt propitii? Cùm suos cultores parricidiis inquinant, orbitatibus mactant, humanis sensibus spoliant. Lactant. l. i. c. 21.—Trans.103.Herod l. ii. c 180; l. v. c. 62.104.About 44,428l.sterling.—Trans.105.Ibid. l. i. c. 50, 51.106.About 33,500l.sterling.—Trans.107.Diod. l. xvi p. 453.108.About 1,300,000l.—Trans.109.Plut.de Pyth. orac.p. 401.110.Vol. iii.111.Several reasons are given for this name.—Trans.112.Pausan. l. ii. p. 88.113.Apium.114.Herod. l. viii. c. 26.115.Παπαὶ, Μαρδόνιε, κόιους ἐπ᾽ ἄνδρας ἤγαγες μαχησομένους ἡμέας, οἵ οὐ περ᾽ χρημάσων τὸν αγῶνα ποιεῦνται, ἀλλά περὶ ἀρετῆς.—Trans.116.Plin. l. xvi. c. 4.117.Pausan. l. v. p. 297.118.Pausan. l. vi. p. 382.119.Olympiorum victoria, Græcis consulatus ille antiquus videbatur.Tuscul. Quæst.l. ii. n. 41.—Trans.120.Olympionicam esse apud Græcos propè majus fuit et gloriosius quàm Romæ triumphâsse.Pro Flacco, n. 31.—Trans.121.——Palmaque nobilisTerrarum dominos evehit ad deos.Od.i. l. i.Sive quos Elea domum reducitPalma cœlestesOd.ii. l. i.—Trans.122.Art. Poet.v. 412.123.Nempe enim et Athletæ segregantur ad strictiorem disciplinam, ut robori ædificando vacent; continentui à luxuriâ, à cibis lætioribus, à potu jucundiore; coguntur, cruciantur, fatigantur. Tertul.ad Martyr.—Trans.124.The persons employed in this office were calledAliptæ.—Trans.125.Dolus an virtus, quis in noste requirat?—Trans.126.Gen. xxxii. 24.127.Captat pedes primùm, luctator dolosus est.—Trans.128.Iliad. l. xxiii v. 708, &c. Ovid.Metam.l. ix. v. 31, &c.Phars.l. iv. v. 612. Stat. l. vi. v. 847.129.Dioscoi.Idyl.xxii.Argonautic, l. ii.Æneid.l. v.Thebaid.l. vii.Argonaut.l. iv.130.Πᾶν κράτος.131.Quid tam distortum et elaboratum, quàm est ille Discobolos Myronis? Quintil. l. ii. c. 13.—Trans.132.The Stadium was a measure of distance among the Greeks, and was, according to Herodotus, l. ii. c. 149, six hundred feet in length. Pliny says, l. ii. c. 23, that it was six hundred and twenty-five. Those two authors may be reconciled by considering the difference between the Greek and Roman foot; besides which, the length of the Stadium varies, according to the difference of times and places.—Trans.133.Hom.lv.in Matth.c. 16.—Trans.134.——Tunc ritè citatosExplorant, acuuntque gradus, variasque per artesInstimulant docto languentia membra tumultu.Poplite nunc flexo sidunt, nunc lubrica fortiPectora collidunt plausu; nunc ignea tolluntCrura, brevemque fugam nec opino fine reponunt.Stat.Theb.l. vi v. 587, &c.They try, they rouse their speed, with various arts;Their languid limbs they prompt to act their parts.Now with bent hams, amidst the practis'd crowd,They sit; now strain their lungs, and shout aloudNow a short flight with fiery steps they trace,And with a sudden stop abridge the mimic race.—Trans.135.Plin. l. vii. c. 20.136.57 leagues.137.60 leagues.138.Herod. l. vi. c. 106.139.30 leagues.140.More than 53 leagues.141.Val. Max. l. v. c. 5.142.67 leagues.143.He had only a guide and one officer with him.—Trans.144.Nec omnes Numidæ in dextro locati cornu, sed quibus desultorum in modum binos trahentibus equos, inter acerrimam sæpe pugnam, in recentem equum ex fesso armatis transultare mos erat; tanta velocitas ipsis, tamque docile equorum genus est. Liv. l. xxiii.—Trans.145.Plut.in Alex.p. 666.146.Metaque fervidis Evitata rotis. Horat.Od.i. 1. i.The goal shunn'd by the burning wheels.—Trans.147.Hom.Il.l. xxiii. v. 334, &c.148.Plut.in Alex.p. 666.149.Ibid.in Themist.p. 124.150.Ibid.in Alcib.p. 196.151.Pausan. l. iii. p. 172.152.Ibid. p. 188.153.Ibid. p. 172.154.Ibid. l. v. p. 309.155.Pausan. l. vi. p. 344.156.Sympos.l. viii.quæst.4.157.Plut.in Alcib.p. 196.158.Lib. i. p. 3.159.Diog. Laërt.in Solon, p. 37.160.About 11l.161.About 2l.162.Cic.de Orat.l. ii. n. 352, 353. Phæd. l. ii.fab.24. Quintil. l. xi. c 2.163.Lib. vi. p. 368.164.Lucian.in vit. Demonact.p. 1014.165.It was Demonax, a celebrated philosopher, whose disciple Lucian had been. He flourished in the reign of Marcus Aurelius.—Trans.166.Plut.in Quæst. Rom.p. 273.167.Ὅτι τοῦ χρόνου τἀ σεμεῖα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους διαφορᾶς ἀμαυροῦντος, αὐτοὺς ἀν λαμβάνειν καὶ καινοποιεῖν ἐπιφθονόν ἐστι καὶ φιλαπεχθῆμον.—Trans.168.Plut.in Lacon. Apophthegm. p. 211.169.Lucian.in Herod.p. 622.170.Plut.de vit Orat.p. 836.171.Diod. l. xiv. p. 318.172.Ibid. l. xv. p. 384.173.Attica anus Theophrastum, hominem alioqui disertissimum, annotatâ unius affectatione verbi, hospitem dixit. Quint. l. viii. c. 1.—Trans.174.Ælian, l ii. c. 8.175.Boileau,Art. Poët.chant. iii.176.Ignotum tragicæ genus invenisse camœnæDicitur, et plaustris vexisse poëmata Thespis,Quæ canerent agerentque peruncti fæcibus ora.Hor.de Art. Poët.When Thespis first expos'd the tragic Muse,Rude were the actors, and a cart the scene,Where ghastly faces, smear'd with lees of wine,Frighted the children, and amus'd the crowd.Roscom.Art of Poet.—Trans.177.Boileau,Art. Poet.chant. iii.178.Plut.in Solonp. 95.179.Post hunc personæ pallæque repertor honestæÆschylus, et modicis instravit pulpita tignis,Et docuit magnumque loqui, nitique cothurno.Hor.de Art. Poët.This, Æschylus (with indignation) saw,And built a stage, found out a decent dress,Brought vizards in (a civiler disguise),And taught men how to speak and how to act.Roscom.Art of Poet.—Trans.180.Boileau,Art. Poet.181.Actoris partes chorus officiumque virileDefendat, neu quid medios intercinat actus,Quod non proposito conducat, et hæreat apté.Ille bonis faveatque, et concilietur amicis,Et regat iratos, et amet peccare timentes.Ille dapes laudet mensæ brevis; ille salubremJustitiam, legesque, et apertis otia portis.Ille tegat commissa, deosque precetur et oret,Ut redeat miseris, abeat fortuna superbis.Hor.de Art. Poët.The chorus should supply what action wants,And hath a generous and manly part; Bridles wild rage, loves rigid honesty,And strict observance of impartial laws,Sobriety, security, and peace,And begs the gods to turn blind Fortune's wheel,To raise the wretched, and pull down the proud;But nothing must be sung between the acts,But what someway conduces to the plot.Roscom.Art of Poet. translat.—Trans.182.Vol. iv.183.Manner of Teaching, &c. vol. iv.184.Quo meliùs nostri illi senes, qui personatum, ne Roscium quidem, magnoperé laudabant. Lib. iii.de Orat.n. 221.—Trans.185.Sententiis densus, et in iis quæ à sapientibus sunt, penè ipsis est par. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.186.Cui (Euripidi) tu quantum credas nescio; ego certè singulos ejus versus singula testimonia puto.Epist.viii. l. 14.ad Famil.—Trans.187.Ipse autem socer (Cæsar) in ore semper Græcos versus Euripidis de Phœnissis habebat, quos dicam ut potero, inconditè fortasse, sed tamen ut res possit intelligi:Nam, si violandum est jus, regnandi gratiàViolandum est; aliis rebus pietatem colas.Capitalis Eteocles, vel potiùs Euripides, qui id unum, quod omnium sceleratissimum fuerat, exceperit.Offic.l. iii. n. 82.—Trans.188.Plut.in vit.x.orat.p. 841.189.I know not whether the idea of“a canal, that flows gently through delicious gardens,”is well adapted to designate the character of Sophocles, which is peculiarly distinguished by nobleness, grandeur, and elevation. That of an impetuous and rapid stream, whose waves, from the violence of their motion, are loud, and to be heard afar off, seems to me a more suitable image of that poet.—Trans.190.Tragædias primus in lucem Æschylus protulit: sublimis et gravis, et grandiloquus sæpe usque ad vitium; sed rudis in plerisque et incompositus. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.191.Corneille and Racine.—Trans.192.Φόβος καὶ ἔλεος.193.Homo sum: humani nihil à me alienum puto. Ter.—Trans.194.Successit vetus his comœdia non sinc multâ Laude. Hor.in Art. Poët.—Trans.195.Plutus.196.The Birds.197.The Knights.198.The Peace.199.Quem illa non attigit, vel potiùs quem non vexavit? Esto, populares homines, improbos, in remp. seditiosos, Cleonem, Cleophontem, Hyperbolum læsit: patiamur—Sed Periclem, cùm jam suæ civitati maximâ auctoritate plurimos annos domi et belli præfuisset, violari versibus, et eos agi in scenâ, non plùs decuit, quam si Plautus noster voluisset, aut Nævius, P. et Cn. Scipioni, aut Cæcilius M. Catoni maledicere. Ex fragm. Cic.de Rep.l. iv.—Trans.200.Aristophan.in Acharn.201.Eupolis, atque Cratinus, Aristophanesque poëtæ,Atque alii, quorum comœdia prisca virorum est,Si quis erat dignus describi, quòd malus, aut fur,Quòd mœchus foret, aut sicarius, aut alioquiFamosus; multâ cum libertate notabant.Hor.Sat.iv. l. i.With Aristophanes' satiric rage,When ancient comedy amus'd the age,Or Eupolis's or Cratinus' wit,And others that all-licens'd poem writ;None, worthy to be shown, escap'd the scene,No public knave, or thief of lofty mien;The loose adult'rer was drawn forth to sight;The secret murd'rer trembling lurk'd the night;Vice play'd itself, and each ambitious spark;All boldly branded with the poet's mark.—Trans.202.Antiqua comœdia sinceram illam sermonis Attici gratiam propè sola retinet. Quintil.—Trans.203.Nimium risûs pretium est, si probitatis impendio constat. Quintil. l. vi. c. 3.—Trans.204.Non pejus duxerim tardi ingenii esse, quàm mali. Quintil. l. i. c. 3.—Trans.205.Boileau,Art. Poet., chant. iii.206.Atque ille quidem omnibus ejusdem operis auctoribus abstulit nomen, et fulgore quodam suæ claritatis tenebras obduxit. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.207.Quidam, sicut Menander, justiora posterorum quàm suæ ætatis, judicia sunt consecuti. Quintil. l. iii. c. 6.—Trans.208.Memoirs of the Acad. of Inscript.&c. vol i. p. 136, &c.209.Strab. l. ix. p. 395. Herod. l. viii. c. 65.210.Ὀρχεῖσθαι.211.It is not certain whether this piece was prior or posterior to the death of Socrates.—Trans.212.Plut.in Aristid.p. 320.213.Plut.in Philipœm.p. 362.214.Cic.in Orat. pro. Sext.n. 120, 123.215.O ingratifici Argivi, inanes Graii, immemores beneficii,Exulare sivistis, sivistis pelli, pulsum patimini.—Trans.216.Cic.ad Attic.l. ii.Epist.19. Val. Max. l. vi. c. 2.217.Justin, l. vi. c. 9.218.Plut.de glor. Athen.p. 349.219.Plut.Sympos.l. vii.quæst.vii. p. 719.220.Ἀμαρτάνουσιν Ἀθηναῖοι μεγάλα. τὴν σπουδὴν εὶς τὴν παιδιὰν καταναλίσκοντες, τουτεστι μεγάλων ἀποστόλων δαπάνας καὶ στρατευμάτων ἐφύδια καταχορηγοῦντες εἰς τὸ θέατρον.—Trans.221.Quibus rebus effectum est, ut inter otia Græecorum, sordidum et obscurum antea Macedonum nomen emergeret; et Philippus, obses triennio Thebis habitus, Epaminondæ et Pelopidæ virtutibus eruditus, regnum Macedoniæ, Græciæ et Asiæ cervicibus, velut jugum servitutis, imponeret. Just. l. vi. c. 9.—Trans.222.Atheniensium res gestæ, sicuti ego existimo, satis amplæ magnificæque fuerunt verùm aliquanto minores tamen, quàm famâ feruntur. Sed quia provenere ibi scriptorum magna ingenia, per terrarum orbem Atheniensiam facta pro maximis celeorantur. Ita eorum, quæ fecere, virtus tanta habetur, quantum eam verbis potuere extollere præclara ingenia. Sallust.in Bell. Catilin.—Trans.223.InCim.p. 479, 480.224.Ἐλλείμματα μᾶλλον ἀρετῆς τινος ἢ κακίας πόνηρεύματα.—Trans.225.Habet in picturâ speciem tota facies. Apelles tamen imaginem Antigoni latere tantùm altero ostendit, ut amissi oculi deformitas lateret. Quintil. l. ii. c. 13.—Trans.226.Exequi sententias haud institui, nisi insignes per honestum, aut notabili dedecore: quod præcipuum munus annalium reor, ne virtutes sileantur, utque pravis dictis factisque ex posteritate et infamiâ motus sit. Tacit.Annal.l. iii. c. 65.—Trans.227.Lib. vi. c. 52.228.Lib. viii. p. 365. Plut.in Lycurg.p. 40.229.Plut.in Lycurg.p. 40.230.Herod. l. i. c. 82.231.Pausan. l. iv. p. 216-242. Justin, l. iii. c. 4.232.Pausan. l. iv. p. 225, 226.233.Ibid. l. iv. 227-234.234.Diod. l. xv. p. 378.235.Et regnata petam Laconi rura Phalanto. Hor.Od.vi. l. 2.—Trans.236.Pausan. l. iv. p. 234, 235. Diod.in Frag.237.Pausan. l. iv. p. 235, 241.238.Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions, vol. ii. p. 84-113.—Trans.239.Clem. Alex.in Protrep.p. 20. Euseb.in Prœp.l. iv. c. 16.240.Pausan. l. iv. p. 241-242.241.Ibid. p. 242, 261. Justin, l. iii. c. 5.242.Cùm per complures annos gravia servitutis verbera, plerumque ac vincula, cæteraque captivitatis mala perpessi essent, post longam pænarum patientiam bellum instaurant. Justin, l. iii. c. 5.—Trans.243.According to several historians, there was another Aristomenes in the first Messenian war. Diod. l. xv. p. 378.—Trans.244.Plat. l. i.de Legib.p. 629. Plut.in Agid. et Cleom.p. 805.245.Tyrtæusque mares animos in martia bellaVersibus exacuit.Hor.in Art. Poët.—Trans.246.Lib. v. p. 310.—Trans.247.Strab. l. xii. p. 534.248.Diod. l. xvi. p. 465. Justin, l. viii. c. 6. Plut.in Pyrrho.249.Quanto doctior majoribus, tanto et gratioi populo fuit. Justin, l. xvii. c. 3.—Trans.250.Justin, l. xvi. c. 3-5. Diod. l. xv. p. 390.251.Heraclienses honestiorem beneficii, quàm ultionis occasionem rati, instructos commeatibus auxiliisque aimittunt; bene agrorum suorum populationem impensam existimantes, si, quos hostes habuerant, amicos reddidissent. Justin.—Trans.252.l. xvi. p. 435.253.Ibid. p. 478.254.Diod. l. xx. p. 833.255.It is related, that under Amasis there were twenty thousand inhabited cities in Egypt. Herod 1. ii c. 177.—Trans.256.A day's journey is twenty-four eastern, or thirty-three English miles and a quarter.—Trans.257.Strabo, 1 xvii. p. 787.258.Hom.Il.i. ver. 381.259.Strab. 1. xvii. p. 816.260.Tacit.Ann.1. ii. c. 60.261.Thevenot'sTravels.262.Lib. xvii. p. 805.263.P. 816.264.Germanicus alus quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum præcipua fuere Memnonis saxea effigies, ubi radiis solis icta est, vocalem sonum reddens, &c. TacitAnnal.1. ii. c. 61.—Trans.265.Thevenot.266.L. xvii. p. 807.267.Diod. lib. i. p. 37.268.It is proper to observe, once for all, that an Egyptian cubit, according to Mr. Greaves, was one foot nine inches, and about 3/4 of our measure.—Trans.269.Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 8, 9.270.Plin. l. xxxvi c. 9.271.Rafts are pieces of flat timber put together to carry goods on rivers.—Trans.272.Herod. l. ii c. 124, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 39-41. Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 12.273.About 200,000l.sterl.—Trans.274.Strabo mentions the sepulchre, lib. xvii. p. 808.—Trans.275.Diod. lib. i. p. 40.276.Lib. xxxvi. c. 12.277.Herod. l. ii. c. 148. Diod. l. i. p. 42. Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 13. Strab. l. xvii. p. 811.278.Æneid, l. v. ver. 588, &c.279.l. vi. ver. 27, &c.280.Herod. l. ii. c. 140. Strab. l. xvii. p. 787. Diod. l. i p. 47. Plin. l. v. c. 9. Pomp.Mela, l. i.281.Vide Herod. et Diod.Pliny agrees almost with them.—Trans.282.Mela, l. i.283.Eighty-fivestadia.—Trans.284.11,250l.sterling.—Trans.285.Seneca (Nat. Quæst.l. iv. c. 2.) ascribes these verses to Ovid, but they are Tibullus's.—Trans.286.Excipiunt eum (Nilum) cataractæ, nobilis insigni spectaculo locus.—Illic excitatis primùm aquis, quas sine tumultu leni alveo duxerat, violentus et toriens per malignos transitus prosilit, dissimilis sibi—tandemque eluctatus obstantia, in vastam altitudinem subito destitutus cadit, cum ingenti circumjacentium regionum strepitu; quem perferre gens ibi à Persis collocata non potuit, obtusis assiduo fragore auribus, et ob hoc sedibus ad quietiora translatis. Inter miracula fluminis incredibilem incolarum audaciam accepi. Bini parvula navigia conscendunt, quorum alter navem regit, alter exhaurit. Deinde multùm inter rapidam insaniam Nili et reciprocos fluctus volutati, tandem tenuissimos canales tenent, per quos angusta rupium effugiunt: et cum toto flumine effusi navigium ruens manu temperant, magnoque spectantium metu in caput nixi, cum jam adploraveris, mersosque atque obrutos tantâ mole credideris, longè ab eo in quem ceciderant loco navigant, tormenti modo missi. Nec mergit cadens unda, sed planis aquis tradit. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.287.Herod. l. ii. c. 19-27. Diod. l. i. p. 35-39. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. iv. 1 & 2.288.Lib. xvii. p. 789.289.Herod. l. ii. c. 19. Diod. l. i. p 32.290.Justum incrementum est cubitorum xvi. Minores aquæ non omnia rigant: ampliores detinent tardiùs recedendo. Hæ serendi tempora absumunt solo madente: illæ non dant sitiente. Utrumque reputat provincia. In duodecim cubitis famem sentit, in tredecim etiamnum esurit: quatuordecim cubita hilaritatem afferunt, quindecim securitatem, sexdecim delicias. Plin. l. v. c. 9.—Trans.291.Jul.Epist.50.292.Diod. l. i. p 33.293.Lib. xvii. p. 817.294.Socrat. l. i. c. 18. Sozom. l. v. c. 3.295.Lib. i. p. 30. & lib. v. p. 313.296.Cùm cæteri amnes abluant terras et eviscerent; Nilus adeò nihil exedit nec abradit, ut contrà adjiciat vires.—Ita juvat agros duabus ex causis, et quòd inundat, et quòd oblimat. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.297.Vol. ii.298.Multiformis sapientia. Eph. iii. 10.299.Deut. xi. 10-13.300.Illa facies pulcherrima est, cùm jam se in agros Nilus ingessit. Latent campi, opertæque sunt valles: oppida insularum modo extant. Nullum in mediterraneis, nisi per navigia, commercium est: majorque est lætitia in gentibus, quo minus terrarum suarum vident. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.301.Herod. l. ii. c. 158. Strab. l. xvii. p. 804. Plin l. vi. c. 29. Diod. l. i p. 29.302.Plutar.de Isid.p. 354.303.Strab. l. xvii. p. 805. Herod l. ii. c. 73. Plin. l. x. c. 2. Tacit.Ann.l. vi. c. 28.304.Sat.vi.305.Vir bonus tam citò nec fieri potest, nec intelligi—tanquam Phœnix, semel anno quingentesimo nascitur.Ep.40.—Trans.306.Od.iii. l. iv.307.Strab. l. xvii. p. 805.308.Or Myos Hormos.—Trans.309.Strab. l. xvi p. 781.310.2 Sam. viii. 14.311.1 Kings ix. 26.312.He got in one voyage 450 talents of gold, 2 Chron. viii. 18, which amounts to three millions two hundred and forty thousand pounds sterling. Prid.Connect., vol. i.ad ann.740,not.—Trans.313.Strab. l. xvi. p. 481.314.Part I. i. p. 9.315.Strab. l. xvii. p. 791. Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 12.316.Eight hundred thousand crowns, or 180,000l. sterling.—Trans.317.Magno animo Ptolemæi regis, quòd in eà permiserit Sostrati Cnidii architecti structuræ nomen inscribi. Plin.—Trans.318.De scribend. Hist.p. 706.319.Ne Alexandrinis quidem permittenda deliciis. Quintil.—Trans.320.A quarter or division of the city of Alexandria.—Trans.321.Plut.in Cæs.p. 731. Seneca,de Tranquill. Amm.c. 9.322.Acts vii. 22.323.Diod. l. i. p. 63, &c.324.De Isid. et Osir.p. 354.325.Plat.in Tim.p. 656.326.Diod. l. i. p. 70.327.Pag. 69.328.Ibid.329.Ibid.330.Ibid.331.Herod. l. ii. c. 136332.This law put the whole sepulchre of the debtor into the power of the creditor, who removed to his own house the body of the father: the debtor refusing to discharge his obligation, was to be deprived of burial, either in his father's sepulchre or any other; and whilst he lived, he was not permitted to bury any person descended from him. Μηδὲ αὐτῷ ἐκείνῳ τελευτήσαντι εἶναι ταφῆς κυρῆσαι—μήτ᾽ ἄλλον μηδένα τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ἀπὸ γενόμενον θάψαι. Herod.—Trans.333.Diod. l. i. p. 71.334.Ibid. p. 72.335.Diod. l. i. p. 22.336.Herod. l. ii. c. 20.337.Gen. xlvii. 26.338.Herod. l. ii. c. 60.339.Ibid. c. 39.340.Diod. l. i. p. 88.341.Plut.de Isid. et Osir.p. 354.342.Plut.Sympos.l. iv. p. 670343.Id.de Isid.p. 355.344.Or Egyptian stork.—Trans.345.De Nat. Deor.l. i. n. 82.Tusc. Quæst.l. v. n. 78.346.Herod. l. ii. c. 65.347.Diod. l. i. p. 74. 75.348.Herod. l. iii. c. 27, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 76. Plin. l. viii. c. 46.349.Pliny affirms, that he was not allowed to exceed a certain term of years; and was drowned in the priests' well. Non est fas eum certos vitæ excedere annos, mersumque in sacerdotum fonte enecant.Nat. Hist.l. viii. c. 46.—Trans.350.Above 11,250l.sterling.—Trans.351.Quis nescit, Volusi Bithynice, qualia demensÆgyptus portenta colat? Crocodilon adoratPars hæc: illa pavet saturam serpentibus Ibin.Effigies sacri nitet aurea Cercopitheci,Dimidio magicæ resonant ubi Memnone chordæ,Atque vetus Thebe centum jacet obruta portis.Illic cœruleos, hic piscem fluminis, illicOppida tota canem venerantur, nemo Dianam.Porrum et cœpe nefas violare, ac frangere morsu.O sanctas gentes, quibus hæc nascuntur in hortisNumina!Juven.Sat.xv.—Trans.352.Diodorus affirms, that in his time, the expense amounted to no less than one hundred thousand crowns, or 22,500l.sterling. Lib. i. p. 76.—Trans.353.Imag.354.Diod. l. i. p. 77, &c.355.Ipsi qui irridentur Ægyptii, nullam belluam nisi ob aliquam utilitatem, quam ex eâ caperent, consecraverunt. Cic. lib. i.De Nat. Deor.n. 101.—Trans.356.Which, according to Herodotus, is more than 17 cubits in length: l. ii. c. 68.—Trans.357.P. 382.358.P. 377 and 378.359.Rom. i. ver. 22, 25.360.Tom. v. pp. 25, 26.361.Herod. l. ii. c. 85, &c.362.About 137l.10s.sterling.—Trans.363.Diod. l. i. p. 81.364.TwelveArouræ. AnEgyptian Arourawas 10,000 square cubits, equal to three roods, two perches, 55-1/4 square feet of our measure.—Trans.365.The Greek is, οἴνου τέσσαρες ἀρυστῆρες, which some have made to signify a determinate quantity of wine, or any other liquid: others, regarding the etymology of the word ἀρυστὴρ, have translated it byhaustrum, a bucket, as Lucretius, lib. v. 51, others byhaustus, a draught or sup. Herodotus says, this allowance was given only to the two thousand guards who attended annually on the kings. Lib. ii. c. 168.—Trans.366.Lib. i. p. 67.367.Herod. l. ii. c. 164, 168.368.Cant. i. 8. Isa. xxxvi. 9.369.Diod. p. 76.370.Ψυχῆς ἰατρεῖον.—Trans.371.It will not seem surprising that the Egyptians, who were the most ancient observers of the celestial motions, should have arrived to this knowledge, when it is considered, that the lunar year, made use of by the Greeks and Romans, though it appears so inconvenient and irregular, supposed nevertheless a knowledge of the solar year, such as Diodorus Siculus ascribes to the Egyptians. It will appear at first sight, by calculating their intercalations, that those who first divided the year in this manner, were not ignorant, that, to three hundred sixty-five days, some hours were to be added, to keep pace with the sun. Their only error lay in the supposition, that only six hours were wanting; whereas an addition of almost eleven minutes more was requisite.—Trans.372.Lib. ii. c. 84.373.Diod. l. i. p. 73.374.Τὴν δὲ μουσικὴν νομίζουειν οὐ μόνον ἄχρηστον ὑπάρχειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βλαβερὰν, ὡς ἄι ἐκθηλύνουσαν τὰς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ψυχάς.—Trans.375.Diod. l. i. pp. 67, 68.376.Or Ham.—Trans.377.Diod. l. i. p. 67.378.Tom. ii. p. 64.379.Lib. x. c. 54.380.Swineherds, in particular, had a general ill name throughout Egypt, as they had the care of so impure an animal. Herodotus (l. ii. c. 47.) tells us, that they were not permitted to enter the Egyptian Temples, nor would any man give them his daughter in marriage.—Trans.381.Xiphilin.in Apophthegm.Tib. Cæs.Κείρεσθαί μου τὰ πρόβατα, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀπαξύρεσθαι βούλομκι.382.Plin. l. xiii. c. 11.383.The Papyrus was divided into thin flakes, (into which it naturally parted,) which being laid on a table, and moistened with the glutinous waters of the Nile, were afterwards pressed together, and dried in the sun.—Trans.384.Posteà promiscuè patuit usus rei, quâ cons ... immortalitas hominum.—Chartæ ... maxime humanitas constat in memoriâ.—Trans.385.Plin. l. xix. c. 1.386.Isa. xiv. 9.387.Exod. ix. 31.388.Plin. lib. xix. c. 1.389.Proximus Byssino mulierum maximè deliciis genito: inventum jam est etiam [scilicet Linum] quod ignibus non absumetur, vivum id vocant, ardentesque in focis conviviorum ex eo vidimus mappas, sordibus exustis splendescentes igni magis, quàm possent aquis:i.e.A flax is now found out, which is proof against the violence of fire; it is called living flax; and we have seen table napkins of it glowing in the fires of our dining rooms; and receiving a lustre and a cleanness from flames, which no water could have given it.—Trans.390.Ezek. xxvii. 7.391.Των δ οστις λωτοιο φαγοι μελιηδεα καρπον,Ουκ ετ απαγγειλαι παλιν ηθελεν, ουδε νεεσθαι.Μη πω τις λωτοιο φαγων, νοστοιο λαθηται.Odyss.ix. ver. 94, 95, 102.—Trans.392.Ægyptus frugum quidem fertilissima, sed ut propè sola iis carere possit, tanta est ciborum ex herbis abundantia. Plin. l. xxi. c. 15.—Trans.393.Numb. xi. 4, 5.394.Exod. xvi. 3.395.Inundatione, id est, ubertate regio fraudata, sic opem Cæsaris invocavit, ut solet amnem suum.—Trans.396.Percrebuerat antiquitùs urbem nostram nisi opibus Ægypti ali sustentarique non posse. Superbiebat ventosa et insolens natio, quòd victorem quidem populum pasceret tamen, quòdque in suo flumine, in suis manibus, vel abundantia nostra vel fames esset. Refudimus Nilo suas copias. Recepit frumenta quæ miserat, deportatasque messes revexit.—Trans.397.Nilus Ægypto quidem sæpe. sed gloriæ nostræ nuaquam largior fluxit.—Trans.398.Ezek. xxix. 3, 9.399.Gen. xii. 10-26.400.Diod. l. i. p. 41.401.An historian of Cyrene.—Trans.402.Sir John Marsham'sCanon Chronic. Father Pezron; the Dissertations of F. Tournemine, and Abbé Sevin, &c.—Trans.403.Or Ham.404.Or Cush, Gen. x. 6.405.The footsteps of its old name (Mesraim) remain to this day among the Arabians, who call it Mesre; by the testimony of Plutarch, it was called χημία, Chemia, by an easy corruption of Chamia, and this for Cham or Ham.—Trans.406.Herod. l. ii. p. 99. Diod. l. i. p. 42.407.Diod. l. i. pp. 44, 45.408.Three thousand two hundred myriads of Minæ.—Trans.409.See Sir Isaac Newton'sChronology, p. 30.410.Diod. p. 46.411.Gen. xii. 10-20.412.Lib. xxxvi. c. 2.413.Justin ascribes this gift of heaven to Joseph's skill in magical arts: Cùm magicas ibi artes (Egypto) solerti ingenio percepisset, &c.—Trans.414.Exod. i. 8.415.Heb. urbes thesaurorum. LXX. urbes munitas. These cities were appointed to preserve, as in a storehouse, the corn, oil, and other products of Egypt. Vatab.—Trans.416.Exod. i. 11, 13, 14.417.This name bears a great resemblance to Pharaoh, which was common to the Egyptian kings.—Trans.418.Lib. iii. p. 74.419.Herod. l. ii. c. 102, 110. Diod. l. i. pp. 48, 54.420.Τὰ νοήματα ἐκμενσώθηναι, lib. xii. c. 4.421.2 Chron. viii. 9. But of the children of Israel did Solomon make no servants for his work.—Trans.422.150 stadia, about 18 miles English.—Trans.423.Tacit.Ann.l. ii. c. 60.424.Legebantur indicta gentibus tributa—haud minùs magnifica quàm nunc vi Parthorum aut potentiâ Romanâ jubentur—Inscribed on pillars, were read the tributes imposed on vanquished nations, which were not inferior to those now paid to the Parthian and Roman powers.—Trans.425.The reader may consult, on this subject, two learned dissertations of Abbé Renaudot, inserted in the second volume ofThe History of the Academy of Inscriptions.—Trans.426.The sixteen letters brought by Cadmus into Greece, are α, β, γ, δ, ε, ι, κ, λ, μ, ν, ο, π, ρ, σ, τ, υ. Palamedes, at the siege of Troy,i.e.upwards of two hundred and fifty years lower than Cadmus, added the four following, ξ, θ, φ, χ; and Simonides, a long time after, invented the four others, namely, η, ω, ζ, ψ.—Trans.427.Herod. l. ii. c. 111. Diod. l. i. p. 54.428.I do not think myself obliged to enter here into a discussion, which would be attended with very perplexing difficulties, should I pretend to reconcile the series, or succession of the kings, as given by Herodotus, with the opinion of archbishop Usher. This last supposes, with many other learned men, that Sesostris is the son of that Egyptian king who was drowned in the Red-Sea, whose reign must consequently have begun in the year of the world 2513, and continued till the year 2547, since it lasted thirty-three years. Should we allow fifty years to the reign of Pheron his son, there would still be an interval of above two hundred years between Pheron and Proteus, who, according to Herodotus, was the immediate successor of the former; since Proteus lived at the time of the siege of Troy, which, according to Usher, was taken An. Mun. 2820. I know not whether his almost total silence on the Egyptian kings after Sesostris, was owing to his sense of this difficulty. I suppose a long interval to have occurred between Pheron and Proteus; accordingly, Diodorus (lib. i. p. liv.) fills it up with a great many kings; and the same must be said of some of the following kings.—Trans.429.Herod. l. ii. c. 112, 120.430.Ὡς τῶν μεγαλων ἀδικημάτον μεγάλαι εἰσὶ καὶ αἱ τιμωρὶαι παρὰ τῶν Θεῶν.—Trans.431.L. ii. c. 121, 123.432.Herod. l. ii. c. 124, 128. Diod. l. i. p. 57.433.Herod. l. ii. p. 139. 140. Diod. p. 58.434.Herod. l. ii. c. 136.435.The remainder of the inscription, as we find it in Herodotus, is—for men plunging long poles down to the bottom of the lake, drew bricks (πλίνθος εἴρυσαν) out of the mud which stuck to them, and gave me this form.—Trans.436.1 Kings iii. 1.437.1 Kings xi. 40. and xii.438.2 Chron. xii. 1-9.439.The English version of the Bible says, The Lubims, the Sukkiims, and the Ethiopians.—Trans.440.Or, of the kingdoms of the earth.—Trans.441.2 Chron. xiv. 9-13.442.Herod. l. ii. c. 137. Diod, l. i. p. 59.443.2 Kings xvii. 4.444.Ἐς ἐμέ τις ὁρέων. εὐσεβης ἔστω—Trans.445.Chap. xvii.446.The Vulgate calls that city Alexandria, to which the Hebrew gives the name of No-Amon, because Alexandria was afterwards built in the place where this stood. Dean Prideaux, after Bochart, thinks that it was Thebes, surnamed Diospolis. Indeed, the Egyptian Amon is the same with Jupiter. But Thebes is not the place where Alexandria was since built. Perhaps there was another city there, which also was called No-Amon.—Trans.447.Nahum iii. 8, 10.448.Herod. l. ii. c. 142.449.Afric. apud Syncel. p. 74. Diod l. i. p. 59.450.Herod. l. ii. c. 147, 152.451.He was one of the twelve.—Trans.452.Herod. l. ii. c. 153, 154.453.This revolution happened about seven years after the captivity of Manasseh, king of Judah.—Trans.454.Lib. i. p. 61.455.Herod. l. ii. c. 157.456.Isa. xx. 1.457.Herod. l. i. c. 105.458.Herod. l. ii. c. 2, 3.459.He is called Necho in the English version of the Scriptures.—Trans.460.Herod. l. ii. c. 158.461.Allowing 625 feet (or 125 geometrical paces) to each stadium, the distance will be 118 English miles, and a little above one-third of a mile. Herodotus says, that this design was afterwards put in execution by Darius the Persian, b. ii. c. 158.—Trans.462.Herod. l. iv. c. 42.463.Joseph.Antiq.l. x. c. 6. 2 Kings, xxiii. 29, 30. 2 Chron. xxxv. 20-25.464.2 Kings xxiii. 33, 35. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 1, 4.465.The Hebrew silver talent, according to Dr. Cumberland, is equivalent to 353l.11s.10-1/2d.so that 100 talents, English money, make £35,359 7s.6d.The gold talent, according to the same source, is 5075l.15s.7-1/2d., so the amount of the whole tribute was 40,435l.3s.1-1/2d.—Trans.466.Lib. ii c. 159.467.Megiddo.—Trans.468.From the time that Solomon, by means of his temple, had made Jerusalem the common place of worship to all Israel, it was distinguished from the rest of the cities by the epithetHoly, and in the Old Testament was calledAir Hakkodesh,i.e.the city of holiness, or the holy city. It bore this title upon the coins, and the shekel was inscribedJerusalem Kedusha,i.e.Jerusalem the holy. At length Jerusalem, for brevity's sake, was omitted, and onlyKedushareserved. The Syriac being the prevailing language in Herodotus's time, Kedusha, by a change in that dialect ofshintoth, was made Kedutha; and Herodotus giving it a Greek termination, it was writ Κάδυτις or Cadytis. Prideaux'sConnection of the Old and New Testament, ol. i. part i. p. 80, 81. 8vo. Edit.—Trans.469.Jer. xlvi. 2.470.2 Kings, xxiv. 7.471.A rivo Ægypti.472.This little river of Egypt, so often mentioned in Scripture as the boundary of Palestine towards Egypt, was not the Nile, but a small river, which, running through the desert that lay betwixt those two nations, was anciently the common boundary of both. So far the land, which had been promised to the posterity of Abraham, and divided among them by lot, extended. Gen. xv. 18. Josh. xv. 4.—Trans.473.Herod. l. ii. c. 160.474.Herod. c. 160.475.Jer. xliv. 30.476.Herod. l. ii. c. 161. Diod. l. i. p. 62.477.Ezek. xxix. 3.478.Ezek. xvii. 15.479.Isa. xxxi. 1, 3.480.Ezek. xxix. 2, 3, 4.481.Ezek. xxix. 8, 9.482.Chap. xxix. xxx. xxxi. xxxii.483.Jer. xxxvii. 6, 7.484.Herod. l. ii. c. 161, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 62.485.The baldness of the heads of the Babylonians was owing to the pressure of their helmets; and their peeled shoulders to their carrying baskets of earth, and large pieces of timber, to join Tyre to the continent. Baldness was itself a badge of slavery; and joined to the peeled shoulders, shows that the conqueror's army sustained even the most servile labours in this memorable siege.—Trans.486.For the better understanding of this passage, we are to know that Nabuchodonosor sustained incredible hardships at the siege of Tyre; and that when the Tyrians saw themselves closely attacked, the nobles conveyed themselves and their richest effects on shipboard, and retired into other islands. So that when Nabuchodonosor took the city, he found nothing to recompense the toil which he had undergone in this siege. S. Jerom.—Trans.487.Chap. xxix. 18, 19, 20.488.Jerem. xliii. 12.489.Herod. l. ii. c. 163, 169. Diod. l. i. p. 62.490.Ezek. xxx. 22.491.Ezek. xxx. 24.492.Ezek. xxx. 25.493.Ver. 14, 17.494.I have given the names of these towns as they stand in our English version. In the margin are printed against Zoan, Tanis; against Sin, Pelusium; against Aven, Heliopolis; against Phibeseth, Pubastum, (Bubastus;) and by these last names they are mentioned in the original French of M. Rollin.—Trans.495.Jerem. xliv. 30.496.Ezek. xxx. 13497.Jerem ch. xliii. xliv.498.In Tim.499.Herod. l. ii. c. 172.500.Herod. l. ii. c. 73.501.The cubit is one foot and almost ten inches. Vide supra.—Trans.502.Or, 58,125l.sterling.—Trans.503.Ἐπῆρξε δὲ καὶ Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐν τῆ Ἀσίᾳ, καταβὰς δὲ ἐπὶ Θάλατταν, καὶ Κυπρίωι καὶ Αἰγυπτίων, p. 5. edit. Hutchinsoni.—Trans.504.Bochart, part II. l. ii. c. 16.505.The first scene of the fifth act, translated into Latin by Petit, in the second book of hisMiscellanies.—Trans.506.Herod. l. iii. c. 17-19.507.Polyb. 944. Q. Curt. l. iv. c. 2, 3.508.Liv. l. xxi. n. 1. Ibid. n. 21.509.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 1.510.Lib. vii. p. 502.511.Apolog.c. 23.512.In Psalm xcviii.513.Jer. vii. 18. and xliv. 17-25.514.Plut.de Superstit.p. 171.515.Παρειστήκει δὲ ἡ μήτηρ ἄτεγκτος καὶ ἀστένακτος, &c. The cruel and pitiless mother stood by as an unconcerned spectator; a groan or a tear falling from her,“would have been punished by a fine;”and still the child must have been sacrificed. Plut.de Superstitione.—Trans.516.Tertul.in Apolog.517.Minut. Felix.518.Q. Curt. l. iv. c. 5.519.It appears from Tertullian'sApology, that this barbarous custom prevailed in Africa long after the ruin of Carthage. Infantes penès Africam Saturno immolabantur palàm usque ad proconsulatum Tiberii, qui eosdem sacerdotes in eisdem arboribus templi sui obumbratricibus scelerum votivis crucibus exposuit, teste militiâ patriæ nostræ, quæ id ipsum munus illi proconsuli functa est,i.e.Children were publicly sacrificed to Saturn, down to the proconsulship of Tiberius, who hanged the sacrificing priests themselves on the trees which shaded their temple, as on so many crosses, raised to expiate their crimes, of which the militia of our country are witnesses, who were the actors of this execution at the command of this proconsul. Tertul.Apolog.c. 9. Two learned men are at variance about the proconsul, and the time of his government. Salmasius confesses his ignorance of both; but rejects the authority of Scaliger, who, for proconsulatum, reads proconsulem Tiberii, and thinks Tertullian, when he writ hisApology, had forgot his name. However this be, it is certain that the memory of the incident here related by Tertullian was then recent, and probably the witnesses of it had not been long dead.—Trans.520.Plut.de serâ vindic. deorum, p. 552.521.Herod. l. vii. c. 167.522.In ipsos quos adolebat sese præcipitavit ignes, ut eos vel cruore suo extingueret, quos sibi nihil profuisse cognoverat. S. Amb.—Trans.523.Cûm peste laborarent, cruentâ sacrorum religione et scelere pro remedio usi sunt. Quippe homines ut victimas immolabant, et impuberes (quæ ætas etiam hostium misericordiam provocat) aris admovebant, pacem deorum sanguine eorum exposcentes, pro quorum vitâ dii maximè rogari solent. Justin, l. xviii. c. 6. The Gauls as well as Germans used to sacrifice men, if Dionysius and Tacitus may be credited.—Trans.524.Lib. xx. p. 756.525.De Superstitione, p. 169-171.526.Idem.in Camill.p. 132.527.De Superstitione.528.De Rep.l. ii. c. 11.529.It is entitled,Carthago, sive Carthaginensium Respublica, &c. Francofurti ad Oderam, ann. 1664.—Trans.530.Polyb. l. iv. p. 493.531.This name is derived from a word, which, with the Hebrews and Phœnicians, signifies judges.Shophetim.—Trans.532.Ut Romæ consules, sic Carthagine quotannis annui bini reges creabantur. Corn Nep.in vitâ Annibalis, c. 7. The great Hannibal was one of the Suffetes.—Trans.533.Senatum itaque Suffetes, quod velut consulare imperium apud eos erat, voca verunt. Liv. l. xxx. n. 7.—Trans.534.Cum Suffetes ad jus dicendum consedissent. Id. l. xxxiv. n. 62.—Trans.535.Lib. xxxiii. n. 46, 47.536.Arist. loc. cit.537.Lib. xv. p. 706, 707.538.Polyb. l. vi. p. 494539.Lib. ix. c. 2.540.Justin l. xix.541.Lib. x. p. 824 edit Gionov.542.Lib. xxvi. n. 51. Lib xxx. n. 16.543.M. Rollin might have taken notice of some civil officers who were established at Carthage, with a power like that of the censors of Rome, to inspect the manners of the citizens. The chief of these officers took from Hamilcar, the father of Hannibal, a beautiful youth, named Asdrubal, on a report that Hamilcar was more familiar with this youth than was consistent with modesty. Erat prætereà cum eo [Amilcare] adolescens illustiis et formosus Hasdrubal, quem nonnulli diligi turpiùs quàm par erat, ab Amilcare, loquebantur.—Quo factum est ut à præfecto morum Hasdrubal cum eo vetaretur esse. Corn. Nep.in vitâ Amalcaris.—Trans.544.Παρὰ Καρχηδονίοις οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν τῶν ἀνηκόντων πρὸς κέρδας. Polyb. l. vi. p. 497.—Trans.545.Lib. iv. p. 312, &c.546.Diod. l. iv. p. 312, &c.547.Lib. iii. p. 147548.25,000 drachmas.—An Attic drachma, according to Dr. Bernard=8-1/4d.English money, consequently 25,000=859l.7s.6d.—Trans.549.As Syphax and Masinissa.550.King of the Massylians in Africa.—Trans.551.Nepos,in vitâ Annibalis.552.Cic. l. i.De Orat.n. 249. Plin. l. xviii. c. 3.553.These books were written by Mago in the Punic language, and translated into Greek by Cassius Dionysius of Utica, from whose version, we may probably suppose, the Latin was made.—Trans.554.Voss.de Hist. Gr.l. iv.555.Plut.de fort. Alex.p. 328. Diog. Laërt.in Clitom.556.Clitomachus, homo et acutus ut Pœnus et valdè studiosus ac diligens.Academ. Quæst.l. iv. n. 98.—Trans.557.Tusc. Quæst.l. lii. n. 54.558.Suet.in vit. Terent.559.Factum senatûs consultum ne quis postea Carthaginensis aut literis Græcis aut sermoni studeret; ne aut loqui cum hoste, aut scribere sine interprete posset. Justin, l. xx. c. 5. Justin ascribes the reason of this law to a treasonable correspondence between one Suniatus, a powerful Carthaginian, and Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily; the former, by letters written in Greek, (which afterwards fell into the hands of the Carthaginians,) having informed the tyrant of the war designed against him by his country, out of hatred to Hanno the general, to whom he was an enemy.—Trans.560.Quàm volumus licèt ipsi nos amemus, tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec robore Gallos, nec calliditate Pœnes, &c. sed pietate ac religione, &c. omnes gentes nationesque superavimus.De Arusp. Resp.n. 19.—Trans.561.Carthaginenses fraudulenti et mendaces—multis et variis mercatorum advenarumque sermonibus ad studium fallendi quæstûs cupiditate vocabantur. Cic.Orat. ii. in Rull.n. 94.—Trans.562.Magistratus senatum vocare, populus in curiæ vestibulo fremere, ne tanta ex oculis manibusque amitteretur præda. Consensum est ut, &c. Liv. l. xxx. n. 24.—Trans.563.A mountebank had promised the citizens of Carthage to discover to them their most secret thoughts, in case they would come, on a day appointed, to hear him. Being all met, he told them, they were desirous to buy cheap and sell dear. Every man's conscience pleaded guilty to the charge; and the mountebank was dismissed with applause and laughter. Vili vultis emere, et carè vendere; in quo dicto levissimi scenici omnes tamen conscientias invenerunt suas, eique vera et tamen improvisa dicenti admirabili favore plauserunt. S. August. l. xiii.de Trinit.c. 3.—Trans.564.Plut.de gen. Rep.p. 799.565.Lib. xxii. n. 61.566.Utica et Carthago, ambæ inclytæ, ambæ à Phoenicibus conditæ; illa fato Catonis insignis, hæc suo. Pompon. Mel. c. 67. Utica and Carthage, both famous, and both built by Phoenicians; the first renowned by Cato's fate, the last by its own.—Trans.567.Our countryman Howel endeavours to reconcile the three different accounts of the foundation of Carthage, in the following manner. He says, that the town consisted of three parts,viz.Cothon, or the port and buildings adjoining to it, which he supposes to have been first built; Megara, built next, and in respect of Cothon, called the New Town, or Karthada; and Byrsa, or the citadel, built last of all, and probably by Dido.Cothon, to agree with Appian, was built fifty years before the taking of Troy; Megara, to correspond with Eusebius, was built a hundred ninety-four years later; Byrsa, to agree with Menander, (cited by Josephus,) was built a hundred sixty-six years after Megara.—Trans.568.Liv.Epit.l. ii.569.Justin, l. xviii. c. 4-6. App.de bello Pun.p. 1. Strab. l. xvii. p. 832. Paterc. l. i. c. 6.570.120 Stadia. Strab. l. xiv. p. 687.—Trans.571.Some authors say, that Dido put a trick on the natives, by desiring to purchase of them, for her intended settlement, only so much land as an ox's hide would encompass. The request was thought too moderate to be denied. She then cut the hide into the smallest thongs; and, with them, encompassed a large tract of ground, on which she built a citadel called Byrsa, from the hide. But this tale of the hide is generally exploded by the learned; who observe that the Hebrew wordBosra, which signifies a fortification, gave rise to the Greek wordByrsa, which is the name of the citadel of Carthage.—Trans.572.Kartha Hadath or Hadtha.—Trans.573.Effodêre loco signum, quod regia JunoMonstrârat, caput acris equi; nam sic fore belloEgregiam, et facilem victu per secula gentem.Virg.Æn.l. i. ver. 447.The Tyrians landing near this holy ground,And digging here, a prosp'rous omen found:From under earth a courser's head they drew,Their growth and future fortune to foreshew:This fated sign their foundress Juno gave,Of a soil fruitful, and a people brave.Dryden.—Trans.574.The story, as it is told more at large in Justin, (l. xviii. c. 6.) is this—Iarbas, king of the Mauritanians, sending for ten of the principal Carthaginians, demanded Dido in marriage, threatening to declare war against her in case of a refusal: the ambassadors being afraid to deliver the message of Iarbas, told her, (with Punic honesty,)“that he wanted to have some person sent him, who was capable of civilizing and polishing himself and his Africans; but that there was no possibility of finding any Carthaginian, who would be willing to quit his native place and kindred, for the conversation of Barbarians, who were as savage as the wildest beasts.”Here the queen, with indignation, interrupting them, and asking,“if they were not ashamed to refuse living in any manner which might be beneficial to their country, to which they owed even their lives?”they then delivered the king's message; and bid her“set them a pattern, and sacrifice herself to her country's welfare.”Dido being thus ensnared, called on Sichæus with tears and lamentations, and answered,“that she would go where the fate of her city called her.”At the expiration of three months, she ascended the fatal pile; and with her last breath told the spectators, that she was going to her husband, as they had ordered her.—Trans.575.Justin, l. xix. c. 1.576.Justin, l. xix. c. 2.577.Afri compulsi stipendium urbis conditæ Carthageniensibus remittere. Justin, l. xix. c 2.—Trans.578.Sallust.de bello Jugurth.n. 77. Valer. Max. l. v. c. 6.579.These altars were not standing in Strabo's time. Some geographers think Arcadia to be the city which was anciently called Philænorum Aræ; but others believe it was Naina or Tain, situated a little west of Arcadia, in the gulf of Sidra.—Trans.580.Strab. l. v. p. 224. Diod. l. v. p. 296.581.Liv. l. xxviii. n. 37.582.Diod. l. v. p. 298. and l. xix. p. 742. Liv. loco citato.583.Liquescit excussa glans fundâ, et attritu aeris, velut igne, distillat.i.e.The ball, when thrown from the sling, dissolves; and, by the friction of the air, runs as if it was melted by fire. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. ii. c. 57.—Trans.584.Strab. l. iii. p. 167.585.Bochart derives the name of these islands from two Phoenician words, Baal-jare, or master of the art of slinging. This strengthens the authority of Strabo,viz.that the inhabitants learnt their art from the Phœnicians, who were once their masters. Σφενδονῆται ἄριστοι λέγονται—ἐξότε Φοίνικες κατέσχον τὰς νήσες. And this is still more probable, when we consider that both the Hebrews and Phœnicians excelled in this art. The Balearian slings would annoy an enemy either near at hand, or at a distance. Every slinger carried three of them in war. One hung from the neck, a second from the waist, and a third was carried in the hand. To this, give me leave to add two more observations, (foreign indeed to the present purpose, but relating to these islands,) which I hope will not be unentertaining to the reader. The first is, that these islands were once so infested with rabbits, that the inhabitants of it applied to Rome, either for aid against them, or otherwise desired new habitations, ἐκβάλλεσθαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν ζώων τέτων, those creatures having ejected them out of their old ones. Vide Strab. Plin. l. viii. c. 55. The second observation is, that these islanders were not only expert slingers, but likewise excellent swimmers, which they are to this day, by the testimony of our countryman Biddulph, who, in hisTravels, informs us, that being becalmed near these islands, a woman swam to him out of one of them, with a basket of fruit to sell.—Trans.586.Cluver, l. ii. c. 2.587.Guadalquivir.588.Strab. l. iii. p. 171.589.Strab. l. iii. p. 139-142.590.Seville.591.Duero.592.Guadiana.593.Tarragona.594.Barcelona.595.Ebro.596.Lib. v. p. 312.597.Justin, l. xliv. c. 5. Diod. l. v. p. 300.598.Lib. iii. p. 158.599.Such a division of Britain retarded, and at the same time facilitated, the conquest of it to the Romans. Dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur. Tacit.—Trans.600.Hispania, prima Romanis inita Provinciarum quæ quidem continentis sint, postrema omnium perdomita est. Liv. l. xxviii. p. 12.—Trans.601.Polyb. l. iii. p. 192. l. i. p. 9.602.Passaro.603.Il Faro.604.Cape Boéo.605.Strab. l. vi. p. 267.606.This is Strabo's calculation; but there must be a mistake in the numeral characters, and what he immediately subjoins, is a proof of this mistake. He says, that a man, whose eye-sight was good, might, from the coast of Sicily, count the vessels that came out of the port of Carthage. Is it possible that the eye can carry so far as 60 or 75 leagues? This passage of Strabo, therefore, must be thus corrected. The passage from Lilybæum to Africa, is only 25 leagues.—Trans.607.Polyb. l iii. p. 245, et seq. edit. Gronov.608.The reason of this restraint, according to Polybius, was, the unwillingness of the Carthaginians to let the Romans have any knowledge of the countries which lay more to the south, in order that this enterprising people might not hear of their futility. Polyb. l. iii. p. 247. edit. Gronov.—Trans.609.Idem, p. 246.610.Diod. l. xi. p. 1, 16, & 22.611.This city is called in Latin Panormus.—Trans.612.Besides the 300 Spartans, the Thespians, a people of Bœotia, to the number of 700, fought and died with Leonidas in this memorable battle. Herod. l. vii. c. 202-222.—Trans.613.An Attic silver talent, according to Dr. Bernard, is 206l.5s., consequently 2000 talents is 412,500l.—Trans.614.Diod. l. xiii. p. 169-171. 179-186.615.Diod. l. xiii. p. 201-203. 206-211. 226-231.616.The very sepulchral monuments showed the magnificence and luxury of this city, being adorned with statues of birds and horses. But the wealth and boundless generosity of Gellias, one of its inhabitants, is almost incredible. He entertained the people with spectacles and feasts; and, during a famine, prevented the citizens from dying with hunger: he gave portions to poor maidens, and rescued the unfortunate from want and despair: he had built houses in the city and the country purposely for the accommodation of strangers, whom he usually dismissed with handsome presents. Five hundred shipwrecked citizens of Gela, applying to him, were bountifully relieved; and every man supplied with a cloak and a coat out of his wardrobe. Diod. l. xiii. Valer. Max. l. iv. c. ult. Empedocles the philosopher, born in Agrigentum, has a memorable saying concerning his fellow citizens: That the Agrigentines squandered their money so excessively every day, as if they expected it could never be exhausted; and built with such solidity and magnificence, as if they thought they should live for ever.—Trans.617.This bull, with other spoils here taken, was afterwards restored to the Agrigentines by Scipio, when he took Carthage in the third Punic war. Cic.Orat.iv.in Verrem.c. 33.—Trans.618.The Sicanians and Sicilians were anciently two distinct people.—Trans.619.Diod. l. xiv. p. 268-278.620.Triremes.621.Honos alit artes.622.The curious reader will find a very particular account of it in book xxii. art. ii. sect. ii.—Trans.623.Diod. l. xiv. p. 279-295. Justin, l. xix. c. 2, 3.624.Panormus.—Trans.625.Some authors say but thirty thousand foot, which is the more probable account, as the fleet which blocked up the town by sea was so formidable.—Trans.626.Diodorus.627.About 61,800l.English money.—Trans.628.This Leptines was brother to Dionysius.—Trans.629.About 206,000l.—Trans.630.Justin, l. xx. c. 5.631.Diod. l. xv. p. 344.632.This is the Dionysius who invited Plato to his court; and who, being afterwards offended with his freedom, sold him for a slave. Some philosophers came from Greece to Syracuse in order to redeem their brother, which having done, they sent him home with this useful lesson: That philosophers ought very rarely, or very obligingly, to converse with tyrants. This prince had learning, and affected to pass for a poet: but could not gain that name at the Olympic games, whither he had sent his verses, to be repeated by his brother Thearides. It had been happy for Dionysus, had the Athenians entertained no better an opinion of his poetry; for on their pronouncing him victor, when his poems were repeated in their city, he was raised to such a transport of joy and intemperance, that both together killed him; and thus, perhaps, was verified the prediction of the oracle,viz.that he should die when he had overcome his betters.—Trans.633.Diod. l. xvi. p. 459-472. Polyb. l. iii. p. 178. Plut.in Timol.634.Here he preserved some resemblance of his former tyranny, by turning schoolmaster; and exercising a discipline over boys, when he could no longer tyrannize over men. He had learning, and was once a scholar to Plato, whom he caused to come again into Sicily, notwithstanding the unworthy treatment he had met with from Dionysius's father. Philip, king of Macedon, meeting him in the streets of Corinth, and asking him how he came to lose so considerable a principality as had been left him by his father; he answered, that his father had indeed left him the inheritance, but not the fortune which had preserved both himself and that.—However, fortune did him no great injury in replacing him on the dunghill, from which she had raised his father.—Trans.635.Plut. p. 248-250.636.Plut. p. 248-250.637.This river is not far from Agrigentum. It is called Lycus, by Diodorus and Plutarch; but this is thought a mistake.—Trans.638.Justin, l. xvi. c. 4.639.Diod. l. xix. p. 651-656-710-712-737-743-760. Justin, l. ii. c. 1-6.640.He was, according to most historians, the son of a potter; but all allow him to have worked at the trade. From the obscurity of his birth and condition, Polybius raises an argument to prove his capacity and talents, in opposition to the slanders of Timæus. But his greatest eulogium was the praise of Scipio. That illustrious Roman being asked who, in his opinion, were the most prudent in the conduct of their affairs, and most judiciously bold in the execution of their designs; answered, Agathocles and Dionysius. Polyb. l. xv. p. 1003. edit. Gronov. However, let his capacity have been ever so great, it was exceeded by his cruelties.—Trans.641.The battle was fought near the river and city of Himera.—Trans.642.50,000 French crowns, or 11,250l.sterling.—Trans.643.Agathocles wanting arms for many of his soldiers, provided them with such as were counterfeit, which looked well at a distance. And perceiving the discouragement his forces were under on sight of the enemy's horse, he let fly a great many owls, (privately procured for that purpose,) which his soldiers interpreted as an omen and assurance of victory. Diod. l. xx. p. 754.—Trans.644.Liv. l. xxvii. n. 43.645.Diod. l. xvii. p. 519. Quint. Curt. l. iv. c. 3.646.Τῶν τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν μέρος, some of their wives and children. Diod. l. xvii. p. 519.—Trans.647.And the most forward of all the rest was Antander, the brother of Agathocles, left commander in his absence; who was so terrified with the report, that he was eager for having the city surrendered; and expelled out of it eight thousand inhabitants who were of a contrary opinion.—Trans.648.Diod. p. 767-769.649.He was cruelly tortured till he died, and so met with the fate which his fellow-citizens, offended at his conduct in Sicily, had probably allotted for him at home. He was too formidable to be attacked at the head of his army; and therefore the votes of the senate (whatever they were) being, according to custom, cast into a vessel, it was immediately closed, with an order not to uncover it, till he was returned, and had thrown up his commission. Justin, l. xxii. c. 3.—Trans.650.Diod. p. 779-781. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7.651.It would seem incredible that any man could so far triumph over the pains of the cross, as to talk with any coherence in his discourse; had not Seneca assured us, that some have so far despised and insulted its tortures, that they spit contemptuously upon the spectators. Quidam ex patibulo suos spectatores conspuerunt.De vitâ beatâ, c. 19.—Trans.652.Diod. p. 777-779-791-802. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7, 8653.He was poisoned by one Mænon, whom he had unnaturally abused. His teeth were putrified by the violence of the poison, and his body tortured all over with the most racking pains. Mænon was excited to this deed by Archagathus, grandson of Agathocles, whom he designed to defeat of the succession, in favour of his other son Agathocles. Before his death, he restored the democracy to the people. It is observable, that Justin (or rather Trogus) and Diodorus disagree in all the material part of this tyrant's history.—Trans.654.Justin, l. xxi. c. 6.655.Polyb. l. iii. p. 250. edit. Gronov.656.Justin, l. xviii. c. 2.657.Idem.658.Plut.in Pyrrh.p. 398.659.Οἵαν ἀπολείπομεν, ὦ φίλοι, Καρχηδονίοις καὶ Ῥωμαίοις παλαίστραν. The Greek expression is beautiful. Indeed Sicily was a kind of Palæstra, where the Carthaginians and Romans exercised themselves in war, and for many years seemed to play the part of wrestlers with each other. The English language, as well as the French, has no word to express the Greek term.—Trans.660.Polyb. l. i. p. 8. edit Gronov.661.Polyb. l. i. p. 12-15. edit. Gronov.662.Frontin.663.The Chevalier Folard examines this question in his remarks upon Polybius, l. i. p. 16.—Trans.664.Polyb. l. i. p. 15-19.665.Id. p. 20.666.Polyb. l. i. p. 22.667.Polyb. l. i. p. 22.668.A different person from the great Hannibal.—Trans.669.These pillars were calledRostratæ, from the beaks of ships with which they were adorned;Rostra.—Trans.670.Polyb. l. i. p. 24.671.Polyb l. i. p. 25.672.Id. p. 30.673.Val. Max. l. iv. c. 4.674.Polyb. l. i. p. 31-36.675.In the interval betwixt the departure of Manlius and the taking of Tunis, we are to place the memorable combat of Regulus and his whole army, with a serpent of so prodigious a size, that the fabulous one of Cadmus is hardly comparable to it. The story of this serpent was elegantly written by Livy, but it is now lost. Valerius Maximus, however, partly repairs that loss; and in the last chapter of his first book, gives us this account of this monster from Livy himself.—He [Livy] says, that on the banks of Bragada (an African river) lay a serpent of so enormous a size, that it kept the whole Roman army from coming to the river. Several soldiers had been buried in the wide caverns of its belly, and many pressed to death in the spiral volumes of its tail. Its skin was impenetrable to darts: and it was with repeated endeavours that stones, slung from the military engines, at last killed it. The serpent then exhibited a sight that was more terrible to the Roman cohorts and legions than even Carthage itself. The streams of the river were dyed with its blood, and the stench of its putrified carcass infected the adjacent country, so that the Roman army was forced to decamp. Its skin, one hundred and twenty feet long, was sent to Rome: and, if Pliny may be credited, was to be seen (together with the jaw-bone of the same monster, in the temple where they were first deposited,) as late as the Numantine war.—Trans.676.Δεῖ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἤ νικᾷν, ἤ εἴκειν τοῖς ὑπερέχουσιν. Diod.Eclog.l. xxiii. c. 10.—Trans.677.De Bell. Pun.p. 30.678.This perfidious action, as it is related by Appian, may possibly be true, when we consider the character of the Carthaginians, who were certainly a cruel and treacherous people. But if it be fact, one would wonder why Polybius should reserve for another occasion, the relation of an incident which comes in most properly here, as it finishes at once the character and life of Xanthippus. His silence therefore in this place makes me think, that he intended to bring Xanthippus again upon the stage; and to exhibit him to the reader in a different light from that in which he is placed by Appian. To this let me add, that it showed no great depth of policy in the Carthaginians, to take this method of despatching him, when so many others offered which were less liable to censure. In this scheme formed for his destruction, not only himself, but all his followers, were to be murdered, without the pretence of even a storm, or loss of one single Carthaginian, to cover or excuse the perpetration of so horrid a crime.—Trans.679.Lib. i. p. 36, 37.680.Inter pauca felicitatis virtutisque exempla M. Atilius quondam in hâc eâdem terrâ fuisset, si victor pacem petentibus dedisset patribus nostris. Sed non statuendo tandem felicitati modum, nec cohibendo efferentem se fortunam, quanto altiùs elatus erat, eo fœdiùs corruit. Liv. l. xxx. n. 30.—Trans.681.Ὡς ἕν σοφὸν βούλευμα τὰς πολλὰς χεῖρας νικᾶ. It may not be improper to take notice in this place (as it was forgotten before) of a mistake of the learned Casaubon, in his translation of a passage of Polybius concerning Xanthippus. The passage is this, Ἐν οἷς καὶ Ξάνθιππόν τινα Λακεδαιμόνιον ἄνδρα τὴς Λακωνικῆς ἀγωγῆς μετεχηκότα, καὶ τριβὴν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἔχοντα σύμμετρον. Which is thus rendered by Casaubon: In queis [militibus sc. Græciâ allatis] Xanthippus quidam fuit Lacedæmonius, vir disciplinà Laconicâ imbutus, et qui rei militaris usum mediocrem habebat. Whereas, agreeably with the whole character and conduct of Xanthippus, I take the sense of this passage to be,“a man formed by the Spartan discipline, and proportionably [not moderately] skilful in military affairs.”—Trans.682.This silence of Polybius has prejudiced a great many learned men against many of the stories told of Regulus's barbarous treatment, after he was taken by the Carthaginians. M. Rollin speaks no further of this matter; and therefore I shall give my reader the substance of what is brought against the general belief of the Roman writers, (as well historians as poets,) and of Appian on this subject. First, it is urged, that Polybius was very sensible that the story of these cruelties was false; and therefore, that he might not disoblige the Romans, by contradicting so general a belief, he chose rather to be silent concerning Regulus after he was taken prisoner, than to violate the truth of history, of which he was so strict an observer. This opinion is further strengthened (say the adversaries of this belief) by a fragment of Diodorus, which says, that the wife of Regulus, exasperated at the death of her husband in Carthage, occasioned, as she imagined, by barbarous usage, persuaded her sons to revenge the fate of their father, by the cruel treatment of two Carthaginian captives (thought to be Bostar and Hamilcar) taken in the sea-fight against Sicily, after the misfortune of Regulus, and put into her hands for the redemption of her husband. One of these died by the severity of his imprisonment; and the other, by the care of the senate, who detested the cruelty, survived, and was recovered to health. This treatment of the captives, and the resentment of the senate on that account, form a third argument or presumption against the truth of this story of Regulus, which is thus argued. Regulus dying in his captivity by the usual course of nature, his wife, thus frustrated of her hopes of redeeming him by the exchange of her captives, treated them with the utmost barbarity in consequence of her belief of the ill usage which Regulus had received. The senate being angry with her for it, to give some colour to her cruelties, she gave out among her acquaintance and kindred, that her husband died in the way generally related. This, like all other reports, increased gradually; and, from the national hatred betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans, was easily and generally believed by the latter. How far this is conclusive against the testimonies of two such weighty authors as Cicero and Seneca (to say nothing of the poets) is left to the judgment of the reader.—Trans.683.Appian,de Bella Pun.p. 2, 3. Cic.de Off.l. iii. n. 99, 100. Aul. Gel. l. vi. c. 4. Senec.Ep.99.684.Horat. l. iii.Od.3.685.Polyb. l. i. p. 37.686.Or Clypea.—Trans.687.Polyb. l. i. p. 38-40.688.P. 41, 42.689.Ibid. l. i. p. 44-50.690.Polyb. p. 50.691.Ibid. p. 51.692.Ibid. p. 54-59.693.A city and mountain of Sicily.—Trans.694.Polyb. l. i. p. 59-62.695.These islands are also called Ægates.—Trans.696.This sum amounts to near six millions one hundred and eighty thousand French livres, or 515,000l.English money.697.Polyb. l. iii. p. 182.698.Polyb. l. i. p. 65-89.699.The same year that the first Punic war ended.—Trans.700.And sometimes ξενικὸν, or the war with the mercenaries.—Trans.701.Ibid. p. 66.702.Matho was an African, and free born; but as he had been active in raising the rebellion, an accommodation would have ruined him. He, therefore, despairing of a pardon, embraced the interests of Spendius with more zeal than any of the rebels; and first insinuated to the Africans the danger of concluding a peace, as this would leave them alone, and exposed to the rage of their old masters. Polyb. p. 98. edit. Gronov.—Trans.703.Bellis Punicis omnibus, cum sæpe Carthaginenses et in pace et per inducias multa nefanda facinora fecissent, nunquam ipsi per occasionem talia fecere: magis quod se dignum foret, quàm quod in illos jure fieri posset, quærebant. Sallust.in Bell. Gatilin.—Trans.704.Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.705.Lib. iii. p. 162-168.706.Angebant ingentis spiritûs virum Sicilia Sardiniaque amissæ: Nam et Siciliam nimis celeri desperatione rerum concessam; et Sardiniam inter motum Africæ fraude Romanorum, stipendio etiam superimposito, interceptam. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.—Trans.707.Polyb. l. ii. p. 90.708.Polyb. l. iii. p. 167. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.709.Polyb. l. ii. p. 101.710.Polyb. l. ii. p. 123. Liv. l. xxi. n. 2.711.The murder was an effect of the extraordinary fidelity of this Gaul, whose master had fallen by the hand of Asdrubal. It was perpetrated in public; and the murderer being seized by the guards, and put to the torture, expressed so strong a satisfaction in the thoughts of his having executed his revenge so successfully, that he seemed to ridicule all the terror of his torments. Eo fuit habitu oris, ut superante lætitià dolores, ridentis etiam speciem præbuerit. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.—Trans.712.Liv. l. xxi. n. 3, 4.713.Polyb. l. iii. p. 168, 169. Liv. l. xxi. n. 3-5.714.In vit. Annib.c. 7.715.Hic, ut rediit, Prætor factus est, postquam rex fuerat anno secundo et vigesimo.—Trans.716.This city lay on the Carthaginian side of the Iberus, very near the mouth of that river, and in a country where the Carthaginians were allowed to make war, but Saguntum, as an ally of the Romans, was excepted from all hostilities, by virtue of the late treaty.—Trans.717.Ibi largè partiendo prædam, stipendia præterita cum fide exsolvendo, cunctos civium sociorumque animos in se firmavit. Liv. l xxi. n. 5.—Trans.718.Polyb. l. iii. p. 170-173. Liv. l. xxi. n. 6-15.719.Polyb. p. 174, 175. Liv. l. xxi. n. 16, 17.720.Sanctitate disciplinæ, quâ fidem socialem usque ad perniciem suam coluerunt. Liv. l. xxi. n. 7.—Trans.721.Polyb. p. 187. Liv. l. xxi. n. 18, 19.722.Polyb. l. iii. p. 184, 185.723.Polyb. l. iii. p. 187. Liv. l. xxi. n. 21, 22.724.Lib. iii. p. 192, 193.725.275 miles.726.Polybius makes the distance from New Carthage to be 2600 furlongs; consequently, the whole number of furlongs will be 8400, or (allowing 625 feet to the furlong) 944 English miles, and almost one-third. See Polybius, edit. Gronov. p. 267.—Trans.727.Lib. iii. p. 199.728.200 miles.729.200 miles.730.175 miles.731.150 miles.732.1000 miles.733.Polyb. l. iii. p. 188, 189.734.Audierunt præoccupatos jam ab Annibale Gallorum animos esse: sed ne illi quidem ipsi satis mitem gentem fore, ni subinde anro, cujus avidissima gens est, principum animi concilientur. Liv. l. xxi. n. 20.—Trans.735.Polyb. p. 189, 190. Liv. l. xxi. n. 22-24.736.A little above Avignon.—Trans.737.Polyb. l. iii. p. 270-274. edit. Gronov. Liv. l. xxi. ii. 26-28.738.It is thought this was betwixt Roquemaure and Pont St. Esprit.—Trans.739.Polyb. l. iii. p. 200-202, &c. Liv. l. xxi. n. 31, 32.740.Hoc principium simulque omen belli, ut summâ rerum prosperum eventum, ita haud sanè incruentam ancipitisque certaminis victoriam Romanis portendit. Liv. l. xxi. n. 29.—Trans.741.The text of Polybius, as it has been transmitted to us, and that of Livy, place this island at the meeting of the Saone and the Rhone, that is, in that part where the city of Lyons stands. But this is a manifest error. It was Σκώρας in the Greek, instead of which ὁ Ἄραρος has been substituted. J. Gronovius says, that he had read, in a manuscript of Livy,Bisarar, which shows, that we are to readIsara Rhodanusque amnes, instead ofArar Rhodanusque; and, that the island in question is formed by the conflux of the Isere and the Rhone. The situation of the Allobroges, here spoken of, proves this evidently.—Trans.742.In Dauphiné.—Trans.743.Polyb. l. iii. p. 203-208. Liv. l. xxi. n. 32-37.744.Of Piedmont.—Trans.745.Many reject this incident as fictitious. Pliny takes notice of a remarkable quality in vinegar;viz.its being able to break rocks and stones. Saxa rumpit infusum, quæ non ruperit ignis antecedens, l. xxiii. c. 1. He therefore calls it, Succus rerum domitor, l. xxxiii. c 2. Dion, speaking of the siege of Eleutheræ, says, that the walls of it were made to fall by the force of vinegar, l. xxxvi. p. 8. Probably, the circumstance that seems improbable on this occasion, is, the difficulty of Hannibal's procuring, in those mountains, a quantity of vinegar sufficient for this purpose.—Trans.746.Polyb. l. iii. p. 209 & 212-214. Liv. l. xxi. c. 39.747.Taurini.—Trans.748.A small river (now called Tesino) in Lombardy.—Trans.749.Polyb. l. iii. p. 214-218. Liv. l. xxi. n. 39-47.750.These two ill omens were, first, a wolf had stolen into the camp of the Romans, and cruelly mangled some of the soldiers, without receiving the least harm from those who endeavoured to kill it: and secondly, a swarm of bees had pitched upon a tree near the Prætorium or general's tent. Liv. l. xxi. c. 46.—Trans.751.The Numidians used to ride without saddle or bridle.—Trans.752.Polyb. l. iii. p. 220-227. Liv. l. xxi. n. 51-56.753.Polyb. l. iii. pp. 228, 229. Liv. l. xxi. n. 60, 61.754.Or Ebro.—Trans.755.Polyb. p. 229.756.Liv. l. xxi. n. 58.757.Polyb. l. iii. p. 229. Liv. l. xxii. n. 1. Appian.in Bell. Annib.p. 316.758.Polyb. pp. 230, 231. Liv. l. xxii. n. 2.759.Polyb. l. iii. p. 231-238. Liv. l. xxii. n. 3-8.760.Apparebat ferociter omnia ac præpioperè acturum. Quóque pronior esset in sua vitia, agitare eum atque irritare Pœnus parat. Liv. l. xxii. n. 3.—Trans.761.Polyb. l. iii. p. 239-255. Liv. l. xxii. n. 9-30.762.A small town, which gave its name to the Adriatic sea.—Trans.763.Nec Annibalem lefellit suis se artibus peti. Liv.—Trans.764.Satis fidens haudquaquam cum imperii jure artem imperandi æquatam. Liv. l. xxii. n. 26.—Trans.765.Polyb. l. iii. p. 245-250. Liv. l. xxii. n. 19-22.766.Polyb. l. iii. p. 255-268. Liv. l. xxii. n. 34-54.767.Polybius supposes only two hundred horse in each legion: but J. Lipsius thinks that this is a mistake either of the author or transcriber.—Trans.768.A violent burning wind, blowing south-south-east, which, in this flat and sandy country, raised clouds of hot dust, and blinded and choked the Romans.—Trans.769.Livy lessens very much the number of the slain, making them amount but to about forty-three thousand. But Polybius ought rather to be believed.—Trans.770.Duo maximi exercitus cæsi ad hostium satietatem, donec Annibal diceret militi suo: Parce ferro. Flor. l. 1. c. 6.—Trans.771.Tum Maharbal: Non omnia nimirum eidem Dii dedêre. Vincere scis, Annibal, victoriâ uti nescis. Liv. l. xxii. n. 51.—Trans.772.Liv. l. xxii. n. 9. Ibid. l. xxiii. n. 18.773.Casilinum.—Trans.774.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 11-14.775.Pliny, l. xxxiii. c. 1, says, that there were three bushels sent to Carthage. Livy observes, that some authors make them amount to three bushels and a half; but he thinks it most probable that there was but one, l. xxxiii. n. 12. Florus, l. ii. c. 16, makes it two bushels.—Trans.776.De St. Evremond.777.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 4-18.778.Cæterùm quum Græci omnem ferè oram maritimam Coloniis suis, è Græciâ deductis, obsiderent, &c. But after the Greeks had, by their colonies, possessed themselves of almost all the maritime coast, this very country (together with Sicily) was called Græcia Magna, &c. Cluver.Geograph.l. iii. c. 30.—Trans.779.Ibi partem majorem hiemis exercitum in tectis habuit; adversùs omnia humana mala sæpe ac diu durantem, bonis inexpertum atque insuetum. Itaque quos nulla mali vicerat vis, perdidere nimia bona ac voluptates immodicæ, et eo impensiùs quo avidiùs ex insolentiâ ineas se merserant. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 18.—Trans.780.Illa enim cunctatio distulisse modò victoriam videri potuit, hic error vires ademisse ad vincendum. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 18.—Trans.781.Capuam Annibali Cannas fuisse: ibi virtutem bellicam, ibi militarem disciplinam, ibi præteriti temporis famam, ibi spem futuri extinctam. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 45.—Trans.782.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 13.783.Ibid. n. 32.784.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 26-30. and n. 32, 40, 41.785.Not Hannibal's brother.—Trans.786.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 41-46. l. xxv. n. 22. l. xxvi. n. 5-16.787.Flagitiosum esse terreri ac circumagi ad omnes Annibalis comminationes. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 8.—Trans.788.Audita vox Annibalis fertur, Potiundæ sibi urbis Romæ, modò mentem non dari, modò fortunam. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 11.—Trans.789.Feronia was the goddess of groves, and there was one, with a temple in it, dedicated to her, at the foot of the mountain Soracte. Strabo, speaking of the grove where the goddess was worshipped, says, that a sacrifice was offered annually to her in it; and that her votaries, inspired by this goddess, walked unhurt over burning coals. There are still extant some medals of Augustus, in which this goddess is represented with a crown on her head.—Trans.790.Vilius Virius, the chief of this conspiracy, after having represented to the Capuan senate, the severe treatment which his country might expect from the Romans, prevailed with twenty-seven senators to go with him to his own house, where, after eating a plentiful dinner, and heating themselves with wine, they all drank poison. Then taking their last farewell, some withdrew to their own houses, others staid with Virius; and all expired before the gates were opened to the Romans. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 13, 14.—Trans.791.Confessio expressa hosti, quanta vis in Romanis ad expetendas pœnas ab infidelibus sociis, et quàm nihil in Annibale auxilii ad receptos in fidem tuendos esset. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 16.—Trans.792.Liv. xxv. n. 32-39.793.Id quidem cavendum semper Romanis ducibus erit, exemplaque hæc verè pro documentis habenda. Ne ita externis credant auxiliis, ut non plus sui roboris suarumque propriè virium in castris habeant. Liv. n. 33.—Trans.794.He attacked the Carthaginians, who had divided themselves into two camps, and were secure, as they thought, from any immediate attempt of the Romans; killed thirty-seven thousand of them; took one thousand eight hundred prisoners and brought off immense plunder. Liv. l. xxv. n. 39.—Trans.795.Polyb. l. xi. p. 622-625. Liv. l. xxvii. p. 35-51.796.No general was allowed to leave his own province, to go into that of another.—Trans.797.Now called Metaro.—Trans.798.According to Polybius, the loss amounted but to ten thousand men, and that of the Romans to two thousand, l. xi. p. 870, edit. Gronov.—Trans.799.Horace makes him speak thus, in the beautiful ode where this defeat is described:Carthagini jam non ego nuntiosMittara superbos. Occidit, occiditSpes omnis, et fortuna nostriNominis, Asdrubale interempto. Lib. iv.Od.4.—Trans.800.Polyb. l. xi. p. 650. & l. xiv. p. 677-687. & l. xv. p. 689-694. Liv. l. xxviii. n. 1-4. 16. 38. 40-46. l. xxix. n. 24-36. l. xxx. n. 20-28.801.Rarò quenquam alium patriam exilii causâ relinquentem magis mœstum abiisse ferunt, quàm Annibalem hostium terrà excedentem. Respexisse sæpe Italiæ littora, et deos hominesque accusantem, in se quoque ac suum ipsius caput execratum. Quòd non cruentum ab Cannensi victorià militem Romam duxisset. Liv. l. xxx. n. 20.—Trans.802.Livy supposes, however, that this delay was a capital error in Hannibal, which he himself afterwards regretted.—Trans.803.Ἐσκοπεῖτο παρ᾽ αὐτῷ συλλογιζόμενος, οὐχ οὕτω τί δέον παθεῖν Καρχηδονίους, ὡς τί δέον ἦν πράξει Ῥωμαίους. Polyb. l. xv. p. 965. edit. Gronov.Quibus Scipio. Etsi nou induciarum modò fides, sed etiam jus gentium in legatis violatum esset; tamen se nihil nec institutis populi Romani nec suis moribus indignum in iis facturum esse. Liv. l. xxx. n. 25.—Trans.804.Polyb l. xv. p. 694-703. Liv. l. xxx. n. 29-35.805.Celsus hæc corpore, vultuque ita læto, ut vicisse jam crederes, dicebat. Liv. l. xxx. n. 32.—Trans.806.Polyb. l. xv. p. 704-707. Liv. l. xxx. n. 36-44.807.Ten thousand Attic talents make thirty millions French money. Ten thousand Euboic talents make something more than twenty-eight millions, thirty-three thousand livres; because, according to Budæus, the Euboic talent is equivalent but to fifty-six minæ and something more, whereas the Attic talent is worth sixty minæ.Or otherwise thus calculated in English money:According to Budæus, the Euboic talent is 56 Minæ56 Minæ reduced to English money is 175l.Consequently, 10,000 Euboic talents make 1,750,000l.So that the Carthaginians paid annually 35,000l.This calculation is as near the truth as it can well be brought; the Euboic talent being something more than 56 minæ.—Trans.808.Rarò simul hominibus bonam fortunam bonamque mentem dari. Populum Romanum eo invictum esse, quòd in secundis rebus sapere et consulere meminerit. Et herclè mirandum fuisse si aliter facerent. Ex insolentiâ, quibus nova bona fortuna sit, impotentes lætitiæ insanire: populo Romano usitata ac propè obsoleta ex victoriâ gaudia esse; ac plus penè parcendo victis, quàm vincendo, imnerium auxisse. Liv. l. xxx n. 42.—Trans.809.Lib. vi. p. 493, 494.810.Liv. l. xxiv. n. 8, 9.811.Quilibet nautarum rectorumque tranquillo mari gubernare potest: Ubi sæva orta tempestas est, ac turbato mari rapitur vento navis, tum viro et gubernatore opus est. Non tranquillo navigamus, sed jam aliquot procellis submersi penè sumus. Itaque quis ad gubernacula sedeat, summâ curâ providendum ac præcavendum nubis est.—Trans.812.Corn. Nep.in Annib.c. 7.813.Liv. l. xxxiii. n. 46.814.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 46, 47.815.Tum verò isti quos paverat per aliquot annos publicus peculatus, velut bonis ereptis, non furto eorum manibus extorto, infensi et irati, Romanos in Annibaleim, et ipsos causam odii quærentes, instigabant. Liv.—Trans.816.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 45-49.817.It is probable that we should readsuos.—Trans.818.Cic.de Orat.l. ii. n. 75, 76.819.Hìc Pœnus liberè respondisse fertur, multos se deliros senes sæpe vidisse: Sed qui magis quàm Phormio deliraret vidisse neminem. Stobæus,Serm.lii. gives the following account of this matter: Ἀννίβας ἀκούσας Στοικοῦ τίνος ἐπιχειροῦντος, ὅτι ὁ σοφὸς μόνος στρατηγὸς ἐστὶν, ἐγέλασε, νομίζων ἀδύνατον εἶναι ἐκτὸς τῆς δι᾽ ἔργων ἐμπειρίας τὴν ἐν τούτοις ἑπιστήμην ἔχειν.i.e.Hannibal hearing a Stoic philosopher undertake to prove that the wise man was the only general, laughed, as thinking it impossible for a man to have any skill in war without having long practised it.—Trans.820.They did more, for they sent two ships to pursue Hannibal, and bring him back; they sold off his goods, rased his house; and, by a public decree, declared him an exile. Such was the gratitude the Carthaginians showed to the greatest general they ever had. Corn. Nep.in vitâ Hannib.c. 7.—Trans.821.Liv. l. xxxiv. n. 60.822.Ib. n. 61.823.Liv. l. xxxv. n. 14. Polyb. l. iii. p. 166, 167.824.Polybius represents this application of Villius to Hannibal, as a premeditated design, in order to render him suspected to Antiochus, because of his intimacy with a Roman. Livy owns, that the affair succeeded as if it had been designed; but, at the same time, he gives, for a very obvious reason, another turn to this conversation, and says, that no more was intended by it, than to sound Hannibal, and to remove any fears or apprehensions he might be under from the Romans.—Trans.825.Liv. l. xxxv. n. 14. Plut.in vitâ Flamin.&c.826.Plut.in Pyrrho, p. 687.827.Liv. l. xxxv. n. 19.828.Liv. l. xxxv. n. 42, 43.829.Nulla ingenia tam prona ad invidiam sunt, quàm eorum qui genus ac fortunam suam animis non æquant: Quia virtutem et bonum alienum oderunt. Methinks it is better to read ut bonum alienum.—Trans.830.Ib. l. xxxvi. n. 7.831.Liv. l. xxxvi. n. 41.832.Corn. Nep.in Annib.c. 9, 10. Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4.833.These statues were thrown out by him, in a place of public resort, as things of little value. Corn. Nep.—Trans.834.Corn. Nep.in Annib.c. 10, 11. Justin, l. xxxiii c. 4.835.Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4. Corn. Nep.in vit. Annib.836.Liv. l. xxxix. n. 51.837.Plutarch, according to his custom, assigns him three different deaths. Some, says he, relate,“that having wrapped his cloak about his neck, he ordered his servant to fix his knees against his buttocks, and not to leave twisting till he had strangled him.”Others say, that, in imitation of Themistocles and Midas, he drank bull's blood. Livy tells us, that Hannibal drank a poison which he always carried about him; and taking the cup into his hands, cried,“Let us free,”&c. Invitâ Flaminini.—Trans.838.Of the Method of Studying and Teaching the Belles Lettres, vol. ii.—Trans.839.Quintil.—Trans.840.Atque hic tantus vir, tantisque bellis districtus, nonnibil temporis tribuit litteris, &c. Corn. Nepin vitá Annib.cap. 13.—Trans.841.Lib. xxi. n, 4.842.Excerpt. èPolyb. p. 33.843.Excerpt. èDiod. p. 282. Liv. l. xxv. n. 17.844.Lib. xxxii. c. 4.845.Cibi potionisque, desiderio naturali, non voluptate, modus finitus. Liv. l. xxi. n. 4.Constat Annibalem, nec tum cùm Romano tonantem bello Italia contremuit, nec cùm reversus Carthaginem summum imperium tenuit, aut cubantem cœnâsse, aut plus quàm sextario vini indulsisse. Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4.—Trans.846.Except éPolyb. p. 34 & 37.847.Æn.l. iv. ver. 41.—Trans.848.Liv. l. xxiv. n. 48, 49.849.Id. l. xxix. n. 29-34.850.Id. l. xxix. n. 23.851.Id. l. xxx n. 11, 12.852.Liv. l. xxx. n. 44.853.Id. l. xxxiv. n. 62.854.Id. l. xl. n. 17.855.Id. l. xlii. n. 23, 24.856.Polyb. p. 951.857.App.de bell. Pun.p. 37.858.App. p. 38.859.App.de bell. Pun.40.860.Emporium, or Emporia, was a country of Africa, on the Lesser Syrtis, in which Leptis stood. No part of the Carthaginian dominions was more fruitful than this. Polybius, l. i. says, that the revenue that arose from this place was so considerable, that all their hopes were almost founded on it, ἐν ἁῖς (viz.their revenues from Emporia) εἶχον τὰς μεγίστας ἔλπιδας. To this was owing their care and state-jealousy above mentioned, lest the Romans should sail beyond the Fair Promontory, that lay before Carthage; and become acquainted with a country which might induce them to attempt the conquest of it.—Trans.861.App.de bell. Pun.40.862.Ils furent tous passés sous le joug: Sub jugum missi; a kind of gallows (made by two forked sticks, standing upright) was erected, and a spear laid across, under which vanquished enemies were obliged to pass. Festus.—Trans.863.Appian, p. 41, 42.864.The foreign forces were commanded by leaders of their respective nations, who were all under the command of a Carthaginian officer, called by Appian Βοήθαρχος.—Trans.865.Plut.in vit. Cat.p. 352.866.Plin. l. xv. c. 18.867.Plut. ibid.in vitâ Cat.868.Ubi Carthago, et æmula imperii Romani ab stirpe interiit, Fortuna sævire ac miscere omnia cœpit. Sallust.in bell. Catilin.Ante Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus Romanus placidè modestéque inter se Remp. tractabant.—Metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat. Sed ubi formido illa mentibus decessit, illicet ea, quæ secundæ res amant, lascivia atquæ superbia incessere. Idemin bello Jugurthino.—Trans.869.Potentiæ Romanorum prior Scipio viam aperuerat, luxuriæ posterior aperuit. Quippe remoto Carthaginis metu, sublatàque imperii æmulà, non gradu, sed præcipiti cursu à virtute descitum, ad vitia transcursum. Vel. Paterc. l. ii. c. 1.—Trans.870.App. p. 42.871.Ibid.872.Polyb.excerpt. legat.. p. 972873.To the Romans.—Trans.874.Polyb.excerpt. legat.p. 972.875.Polyb. p. 975. Appian, p. 44-46.876.Appian, p. 46.877.Balistæ or Catapultæ.—Trans.878.Four leagues, or twelve miles.—Trans.879.Appian, p. 46-53.880.Appian, p. 53, 54.881.Polyb. l. xiii. p. 671, 672.882.Appian, p. 55. Strabo, l. xvii. p. 833.883.Appian, p. 55.884.Appian, p. 55-63.885.Appian, p. 63.886.Appian, p. 65.887.Page 66.888.Andriscus.—Trans.889.Page 68.890.Appian, p. 69.891.Page 70.892.A sort of movable bridge.—Trans.893.Appian, p. 56, 57. Strabo, l. xvii. p. 832.894.Νεωσοίκους, Strabo.—Trans.895.Boch. in Phal. p. 512.896.Appian, p. 72.897.It was he who had first commanded without the city, but having caused the other Asdrubal, Masinissa's grandson, to be put to death, he got the command of the troops within the walls.—Trans.898.Page 73.899.Four miles and three quarters.—Trans.900.Appian, p. 74.901.Appian, p. 75.902.Ibid. p. 78.903.Appian, p. 79.904.Ibid. p. 81.905.Appian, p. 82.906.Ecclus, x. 8.907.Appian, p. 83.908.Ibid.909.Quem taurum Scipio cùm redderet Agrigentinis, dixisse dicitur, æquum esse illos cogitare utrum esset Siculis utilius, suisne servire, au populo R. obtemperare, cùm idem monumentum et domesticæ crudelitatis, et nostræ mansuetudinis haberent. Cicer.Verr.vi. n. 73.—Trans.910.Ibid.911.Appian, p. 84.912.We may guess at the dimensions of this famous city, by what Florus says,viz.that it was seventeen days on fire, before it could be all consumed. Quanta urbs deleta sit, ut de cæteris taceam, vel ignium morâ probari potest: quippe per continuos decem et septem dies vix potuit incendium extingui. Lib. ii. c. 15.—Trans.913.Neque se Roma, jam terrarum orbe superato, securam speravit fore, si nomen usquam maneret Carthaginis. Adeo odium certaminibus ortum, ultra metum durat, et ne in victis quidem deponitur, neque antè invisum esse desinit, quàm esse desiit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 12.—Trans.914.Ut ipse locus eorum, qui cum hâc urbe de imperio certârunt, vestigia calamitatis ostenderet. Cic.Agrar.ii. n. 50.—Trans.915.Ibid.916.Appian, p. 85. Plut.in vit. Gracchp. 839.917.Marius cursum in Africam direxit, inopemque vitam in tugurio ruinarum Carthaginensium toleravit: cùm Marius aspiciens Carthaginem, illa intuens Marium, alter alteri possent esse solatio. Vel. Paterc. l. ii c. 19.—Trans.918.Appian, p. 85.919.Strabo, l. xvii. p. 833.920.Ibid. 831.921.Page 733.922.Scipio Æmilianus, vir avitis P. Africani paternisque L. Pauli virtutibus simillimus, omnibus belli ac togæ dotibus, ingeniique ac studiorum eminentissimus seculi sui, qui nihil in vitâ nisi laudandum aut fecit aut dixit aut seusit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 12.—Trans.923.Neque enim quisquam hoc Scipione elegantiùs intervalla negotiorum otio dispunxit: semperque aut belli aut pacis serviit artibus, semper inter arma ac studia versatus, aut corpus periculis, aut animum disciplinis exercuit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 13.—Trans.924.Africanus semper Socraticum Xenophontem in manibus habebat.Tusc. Quæst.l. ii. n. 62.—Trans.925.Plut.in vit. Æmil. Paul.p. 258.926.Excerpt. èPolyb. p. 147-163.927.She was sister of Paulus Æmilius, father of the second Scipio Africanus.—Trans.928.Or, 11,250l.sterling.—Trans.929.Κατεγνωκότες τῆς αὐτῶν μικρολογίας.—Trans.930.Or, 13,500l.sterling.—Trans.931.Or, 5375l.sterling.—Trans.932.Pausan.in Arcad.l. xiii. p. 505.933.Appian, p. 65. Val. Max. l. v. c. 2.934.Appian, p. 65.935.Cicero introduces Cato, speaking as follows of Masinissa's vigorous constitution: Arbitror te audire, Scipio, hospes tuus Masinissa quæ faciat hodie nonaginta annos natus; cùm ingressus iter pedibus sit, in equum omnino non ascendere; cùm equo, ex equo non descendere; nullo imbre, nullo frigore adduci, ut capite operto sit; summam esse in eo corporis siccitatem. Itaque exequi omnia regis officia et munera.De Senectute.—Trans.936.An seni gerenda sit Resp. p. 791.937.Appian ibid. Val. Max. l. v. c. 2.938.All this history of Jugurtha is extracted from Sallust.—Trans.939.Terrebat eum natura mortalium avida imperii, et præceps ad explendam animi cupidinem: præterea opportunitas suæ liberorumque ætatis, quæ etiam mediocres viros spe prædæ transversos agit.Sallust.—Trans.940.Ac sanè, quod difficillimum imprimis est, et prælio strenuus erat, et bonus consilio: quorum alterum ex providentiâ timorem, alterum ex audacià temeritatem adferre plerumque solet.—Trans.941.Non exercitus, neque thesauri, præsidia regni sunt, verùm amici: Quos neque armis cogere, neque auro parare queas; officio et fide pariuntur. Quis autem amicior quàm frater fratri? aut quem alienum fidum invenies, si tuis hostis fueris?—Trans.942.He chose two of the nimblest of those who had followed him into Cirtha; and these, induced by the great rewards he promised them, and pitying his unhappy circumstances, undertook to pass through the enemy's camp, in the night, to the neighbouring shore, and from thence to Rome. Ex iis qui unâ Cirtam profugerant, duos maximè impigros delegit: eos, multa pollicendo, ac miserando casum suum, confirmat, ubi per hostium munitiones noctu ad proximum mare, dein Romam pergerent. Sallust.—Trans.943.Multæ bonæque artes animi et corporis erant, quas omnes avaritia præpediebat.—Trans.944.Magnitudine pecuniæ à bono honestoque in pravum abstractus est.—Trans.945.Postquam Româ egressus est, fertur sæpe tacitus eò respiciens, postremò dixisse. Urbem venalem et maturè perituram, si emptorem invenerit.—Trans.946.For electing magistrates. Sal.—Trans.947.In Numidiam proficiscitur, magmâ spe civium, cùm propter artes bonas, tum maximè quòd adversùm divitias invictum animum gerebat.—Trans.948.Quibus rebus supra bonum atque honestum perculsus, neque lacrymas tenere, neque moderari linguam: vir egregius in aliis artibus, nimis molliter ægritudinem pati.—Trans.949.Now comprehending Fez, Morocco, &c.—Trans.950.Plut.in vit. Marii.951.Οἶα νέος φιλότιμος, ἄρτι δόξης γεγευμένος, οὐκ ἤνεγκε μετρίως τό εὐτύχημα. Plut.Præcept. reip. gerend.p. 806.—Trans.952.Plut.in vit. Marii.953.In voce Ἰόβας.—Trans.954.Vol. IV of theMemoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres, p. 457.—Trans.955.They that are curious to make deeper researches into this matter, may read the dissertations of Abbé Banier and M. Freret upon the Assyrian empire, in theMemoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres; for the first, see tome 3, and for the other, tome 5; as also what Father Tournemine has written upon this subject in his edition of Menochius.—Trans.956.Porphyr. apud Simplic. in l. ii.de cœlo.957.Here I depart from the opinion of Archbishop Usher, my ordinary guide, with respect to the duration of the Assyrian empire, which he supposes, with Herodotus, to have lasted but 520 years; but the time when Nimrod lived and Sardanapalus died I take from him.—Trans.958.Belus or Baal signifies Lord.—Trans.959.Gen. x. 9.960.Lib. ii. p. 90.961.Ibid.962.Gen. x. 10.963.Semiramis eam condiderat, vel, ut plerique tradidere, Belus, enjus regia ostenditar. Q. Curt. l. v. c. 1.—Trans.964.Gen. xi. 4.965.Hist. Jud.l. i. c. 4.966.Lib. i. c. 181.967.Gen. x. 11.968.Mic. v. 6.969.Gen. x. 11, 12.970.Diod. l. ii. p. 90.971.Fecerunt civitates duas amores duo: terrenam scilicet amor sui usque ad contemptum Dei; cœlestem verò amor Dei usque ad contemptum sui. S. Aug.de Civ. Dei, l. xiv. c. 28.—Trans.972.Diod. l. ii. p. 90-95.973.Diodorus says it was on the bank of the Euphrates, and speaks of it as if it was so, in many places; but he is mistaken.—Trans.974.Jon. iii. 3.975.It is hard to believe that Diodorus does not speak of the extent of Nineveh with some exaggeration; therefore some learned men have reduced the stadium to little more than one half, and reckon fifteen of them to the Roman mile instead of eight, the usual computation.—Trans.976.Plut.in Mor.p. 753.977.Diod. l. ii. p. 95.978.We are not to wonder, if we find the founding of a city ascribed to different persons. It is common, even among the profane writers, to say, Such a prince built such a city, whether he was the person that first founded it, or that only embellished or enlarged it.—Trans.979.Herod. l. i. c. 178, 180. Diod. l. ii. p. 95, 96. Q. Curt. l. v. c. 1.980.I relate things as I find them in the ancient authors, which Dean Prideaux has also done; but I cannot help believing that great abatements are to be made in what they say as to the immense extent of Babylon and Nineveh.—Trans.981.Isa. xlv. 2.982.Quint. Curt. l. v. c. 1.983.Herod. l. i. c. 180 and 186. Diod. l. ii. p. 96.984.Diodorus says, this bridge was five furlongs in length, which can hardly be true, since the Euphrates was but one furlong broad. Strab. l. xvi. p 738.—Trans.985.Strab. l. xvi. p. 740. Plin. l. v. c. 26.986.Abyd. ap Eus.Prœp. Evang.l. ix.987.Abyd. ib. Herod. l. i. c. 185.988.The author follows Herodotus, who makes it four hundred and twenty furlongs, or fifty-two miles square; but I choose to follow Dean Prideaux, who prefers the account of Megasthenes.—Trans.989.Diod. l. ii. p. 96, 97.990.Ibid. p. 98, 99. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738. Quint. Curt. l. v. c. 1.991.Beros. ap. Jos.cont. App.l. i. c. 6.992.Herod. l. i. c. 181. Diod. l. ii. p. 98. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738.993.Phalpart. 1 l. i. c. 9.994.Herod. l. i. c. 183. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738. Arrian, l. vii. p. 480.995.Diod. l. ii. p. 100-108.996.Val. Max. l. ix. c. 3.997.Indus.—Trans.998.Vol. iii. p. 343, &c.999.Lib. i. c. 2.1000.Lib. v.de Rep.451-457.1001.Ἐπείτερ ἀρετὴν ἀντὶ ἱματίων ἁμφιέσονται.1002.De cura rei fam.l. i. c. 3.1003.De administr. dom.p. 839.1004.Diod. l. ii. p. 108.1005.De Leg.l. iii. p 685.1006.2 Kings xv. 19.1007.Diod. l. ii. p. 109-115. Athen. l. xii. p. 529, 530. Just. l. i. c. 3.1008.Κεῖν᾽ ἔχω ὅσσ᾽ ἔφαγον, καὶ ἐφύβρισα, καὶ μετ᾽ ἔρωτοςΤέρπν᾽ ἔπαθον; τὰ δὲ πολλὰ καὶ ὄλβια πάντα λέλειπται.Quid aliud, inquit Aristoteles, in bovis, non in regis sepulchro, inscriberes? Hæc habere se mortuum dicit, quæ ne vivus quidem diutiùs habebat, quàm fruebatur. Cic.Tusc. Quæst.l. v. n. 101.—Trans.1009.Two miles and a half.—Trans.1010.About fourteen hundred millions sterling.—Trans.1011.Pag. 335, 336.1012.Ἔσθις, πῖνε, ἀφροδισίαζε; τ᾽ ἄλλα δὲ ἐδέν.1013.2 Kings xx. 12.1014.Ibid.1015.Can. Ptol.1016.Lib. xii.hist. anim.c. 21. Castor apud Euseb.Chron.p. 49.1017.2 Kings xvi. 7, &c.1018.Is. viii. 4. Am. i. 5.1019.2 Kings xvii.1020.Tob. 1.1021.Is. xx. 1. 2 Kings xviii. and xix.1022.2 Kings xix. 9.1023.2 Kings xx. 2 Chron. xxxii. 24-311024.2 Kings xix. 35-57.1025.Tobit i. 18-241026.2 Kings xix. 37.1027.Can. Ptol.1028.Is. vii. 8.1029.2 Chron. xxxiii. 11, 13.1030.2 Kings xvii. 25-41.1031.Tobit xiv. 5-13.1032.Judith i. 5, 6.1033.Alex. Polyhist.1034.Pag.70.1035.Beros. apud Joseph.Antiq.l. x. c. 11. &con. Ap.l. i.1036.Jer. xlvi. 2. 2 Kings xxiv. 7.1037.Dan. i. 1-7. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6, 7.1038.Some imagine him to have been eighteen years of age at this time.—Trans.1039.Can. Ptol. Beros. apud Joseph.Antiq.l. x. c. 11. &con. Ap.l. x.1040.Dan. ii.1041.2 Kings xxiv. 1, 2.1042.Al. Jehoiakim. 2 Kings xxiv. 6-18.—Trans.1043.2 Kings xxiv. 17-20. and xxv. 1-10.1044.Dan. iii.1045.Ninety feet.—Trans.1046.Ezek. xxvi. and xxvii. Is. xxiii. 8. Just. l. xviii. c. 3.1047.Is. xxiii. 12.1048.Jos.Ant.l. x. c. 11 &con. Ap.l. i.1049.Ezek. xxix. 18, 19.1050.Ibid. 18-20.1051.Page84.1052.Antiq.l. x. 11.1053.Dan. iv.1054.2 Kings xxv. 27-30.1055.Beros. Megasthen.1056.Cyrop. l. i.1057.Jer. xxvii. 7.1058.Herod. l. i. c. 185, &c.1059.Dan. vii.1060.Ibid. viii.1061.Ibid. v.1062.Herod. l. i. c. 95.1063.Rom. xiii. 1, 2.1064.Herod. l. i. c. 96-101.1065.major ex[pg 356]longinquo reverentia, Tacit.1066.Herod. c. 102.1067.He is called so by Eusebius,Chron. Græcand by Geor. Syncel.—Trans.1068.Judith, i. 1.1069.Ἐπωκοδόμησε ἐπὶ Ἐκβατάνοις. Judith, text Gr.1070.Herod. l. i. c. 102.1071.The Greek text places these embassies before the battle.—Trans.1072.Herod. l. i. c. 103-106.1073.Herod. l. i. c. 74.1074.In Herodotus he is called Labynetus.—Trans.1075.Herod. l. i. c. 106.1076.Nahum iii. 1.1077.ii. 1, 2.1078.iii. 2, 3.1079.ii. 3, 4.1080.i. 2, 5, 6.1081.Nahum, iii. 5.1082.ii. 9, 10.1083.The author in this place renders it, Her temple is destroyed to the foundations. But I have chosen to follow our English Bible, though in the Latin it iscamplum.—Trans.1084.ii. 6.1085.iii. 3.1086.ii. 11, 12.1087.This is a noble image of the cruel avarice of the Assyrian kings, who pillaged and plundered all their neighbouring nations, especially Judea, and carried away the spoils of them to Nineveh.—Trans.1088.Zephan. ii. 13-15.1089.Herod. l. i. c. 7-13.1090.Non contentus voluptatum suarum tacitâ conscientiâ—proisus quasi silentium damnum pulchritudinis esset. Justin, l. i. c. 7.—Trans.1091.Nostro quidem more cum parentibus puberes filii, cum soceris generi, non lavantur. Retinenda est igitur hujus generis verecundia, præsertim naturâ ipsâ magistrâ et duce. Cic. l. i.de offic.n. 129.Nadare se nefas esse credebatur. Val. Max. l. ii. c. 1.—Trans.1092.Platode Rep.l. ii. p. 359.1093.Hunc ipsum annulum si habeat sapiens, nihilo plus sibi licere putet peccare, quàm si non haberet. Honesta enim bonis viris, non occulta quæruntur. Lib. iii,de offic.n. 38.—Trans.1094.Herod. l. i. c. 13, 14.1095.Ibid. l. i. c. 15.1096.Herod. l. i. c. 16, 22.1097.Ibid. c. 21, 22.1098.Strab. l. xiii. p. 625. & l. xiv. p. 680.1099.Herod. l. i. c. 26-28.1100.Ibid. l. i. c. 29-33. Plut.in Sol.p. 93, 94.1101.Φιλαδελφοὺς καὶ φιλομήτορας διαφερόντως ἄνδρας.—Trans.1102.The fatigue of drawing the chariot might be the cause of it.—Trans.1103.Λυπήσας μὲν, οὐ νουθετήσας δὲ τὸν Κροίσον.—Trans.1104.Ὦ Σόλων (ἔφη) τοῖς βασιλεῦσι δεῖ ὡς ἥκιστα ἤ ὡς ἥδιστα ὁμιλεῖν. Καὶ ό Σόλων, Μὴ Δί (εἶπεν) ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἥκιστα ἥ ὡς ἄριστα. The jingle of the words ὡς ἥκιστα ἥ ὡς ἄριστα, which is a beauty in the original, because it is founded in the sense, cannot be rendered into any other language.—Trans.1105.Plenas aures adulationibus aliquando vera vox intret: da consilium utile. Quæris, quid felici præstare possis? Effice, ne felicitati suæ credat. Parum in illum contuleris, si illi semel stultam fiduciam permansuræ semper potentiæ excusseris, docuerisque mobilia esse quæ dedit casus; ac sæpe inter fortunam maximam et ultimam nihil interesse. Sen.de benef.l. vi. c. 33.—Trans.1106.Herod. l. i. c. 34-45.1107.Ibid. 46-50.1108.Herod. l. i. c. 71.

Footnotes1.Of the Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres, &c. vol. iii. and iv.—Trans.2.Pietate ac religione, atque hâc unâ sapientiâ quòd deorum immortalium numine omnia regi gubernarique perspeximus, omnes gentes nationesque superavimus.Orat. de Arusp. resp.n. 19.—Trans.3.Ecclus. x. 84.The ancients themselves, according to Pindar, (Olymp. Od.vii.) had retained some idea, that the dispersion of men was not the effect of chance, but that they had been settled in different countries by the appointment of Providence.—Trans.5.Gen. xi. 8, 9.6.“When the Most High divided the nations, and separated the sons of Adam, he set the bounds of the people according to the number of the children of Israel”(whom he had in view.) This is one of the interpretations (which appears very natural) that is given to this passage. Deut. xxxii. 8.—Trans.7.Ecclus. xxxvi. 17, xxxix. 19.8.Acts xv. 18.9.I will bring you out from under the burdens of the Egyptians, and I will rid you out of their bondage. Exod. vi. 6. Out of the iron furnace, even out of Egypt. Deut. iv. 20.—Trans.10.Isaiah v. 26, 30, x. 28, 34, xiii. 4, 5.11.Sennacherib.—Trans.12.Ibid. x. 13, 14.13.Isaiah x. 5.14.Ibid. ver. 7.15.Ibid. ver. 12.16.Because thy rage against me, and thy tumult is come up into mine ears, therefore I will put my hook into thy nose, and my bridle in thy lips, and I will turn thee back by the way by which thou camest. 2 Kings xix. 28.—Trans.17.Ezek. xxi. 19, 23.18.Ibid. xxvi. xxvii. xxviii.19.Ezek. xxviii. 2.20.Ibid. xxix. 18, 20.21.Dan. iv. 1-34.22.This incident is related more at large in the history of the Egyptians, under the reign of Amasis.—Trans.23.Ibid. iv. 30.24.Dan. iv. 31, 32.25.Thus saith the Lord to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before him and I will loose the loins of kings to open before him the two-leaved gates, and the gates shall not be shut.I will go before thee, and make the crooked places straight: will break in pieces the gates of brass, and cut in sunder the bars of iron.And I will give thee the treasures of darkness, and hidden riches of secret places, that thou mayest know, that I the Lord which shall calltheeby thy name,amthe God of Israel. Isa. xlv. 1-3.—Trans.26.Isa. xlv. 13, 14.27.Ibid. 13, 4.28.Ibid. 4, 5.29.Dan. iv. 7, 9.30.Ἐδυνήθη ἐπιθυμίαν ἐμβαλεῖν τοσαύτην τοῦ πάντας αὐτῷ χαριζεσθαι, ὤσι ἀεὶ τ᾽ αὐτοῦ γνώμη ἀξιοῦν κυβερνᾶσθαι.—Trans.31.Dan. vii.32.Ezek. xix. 3, 7.33.Joseph. 1. iii. c. 46.34.Gen. i. 2.35.Ibid. vi. 11.36.Psal. cxliv. 15.37.Laus ipsa, quâ Platonem vel Platonicos seu Academicos philosophos tantùm extuli, quantùm impios homines non oportuit, non immeritò mihi displicuit; præsertim quorum contra errores magnes defendenda est Christiana doctrina.Retract.1. i. c. 1.—Trans.38.Id in quoque corrigendum, quod pravum est; quod autem rectum est, approbandum.De Bapt. cont. Donat.1. vii. c. 16.—Trans.39.Lib. v. c. 19, 21, &c.40.De Civitate Dei, 1. v. c. 19.41.Vol. iv. p. 385.42.This Mr Rollin has done admirably in the several volumes of his Ancient History.—Trans.43.The Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres, &c. The English translation (in four volumes) of this excellent piece of criticism, was first printed for A. Bettesworth and C. Hitch, in Paternoster-Row.—Trans.44.Arborum flos, est pleni veris indicium, et anni renascentis; flos gaudium arborum. Tunc se novas, aliasque quàm sunt, ostendunt, tunc variis colorum picturis in certamen usque luxuriant. Sed hoc negatum plerisque. Non enim omnes florent, et sunt tristes quædam, quæque non sentiant guadia annorum; nec ullo flore exhilarantur, natalesve pomorum recursus annuos versicolori nuntio promittunt. Plin.Hist. Nat.1. xvi. c. 25.—Trans.45.As the fig-trees.—Trans.46.Mons. Bossuet.—Trans.47.Former editions of this Work were printed in ten volumes.—Trans.48.Xenoph.in Cyrop.1. i. p. 25, 27.—Trans.49.Quos ad fastigium nujus majestatis non ambitio popularis, sed spectata inter bonos moderatio provebebat. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.50.Fines imperii tueri magis quàm proferre mos erat. Intra suam cuique patriam regna finiebantur. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.51.Domitis proximis, cum accessione virium fortior ad alios transiret, et proxima quæque victoria instrumentum sequentis esset, totius orientis populos subegit. Justin, 1. i. c. 1.—Trans.52.Sit hoc jam à principio persuasum civibus: dominos esse omnium rerum ac moderatores deos, eaque quæ geruntur eorum geri judicio ac numine; eosdemque optimè de genere hominum mereri; et, qualis quisque sit, quid agat, quid in se admittat, quâ mente, quâ pietate religiones colat, intueri; piorumque et impiorem habere rationem—Ad divos adeunto castè. Pietatem adhibento, opes amovento. Cic.de leg.l. ii. n. 15, 19.—Trans.53.Manner of Teaching, &c. vol. i.—Trans.54.Ἀθήνη.—Trans.55.Οὐχὶ προειρημένον ἡμερῶν ἀριθμὸν ἁγνεύειν μόνον, ἀλλὰ τὸν βιον ὅλον ἡγνευκέναι. Demost.in extrema Aristocratia.—Trans.56.Vol. ii. c. 3. § 2.—Trans.57.Ληνός.58.Dionysius.59.Goats were sacrificed, because they spoiled the vines.—Trans.60.From this fury of the Bacchanalians these feasts were distinguished by the name of Orgia, Ὀργὴ,ira, furor.—Trans.61.Πάσαν ἐθεασάμην τὴν πόλιν περὶ τὰ Διονύσια μεθύουσαν. Lib. i.de leg.p. 637.—Trans.62.Liv. 1. xxxix. n. 8, 18.63.Nihil in speciem fallacius est quàm prava religio, ubi deorum numen prætenditur sceleribus. Liv. xxxix. n. 16.—Trans.64.Multa eximia divinaque videntur Athenæ tuæ peperisse, atque in vitam hominum attulisse; tum nihil melius illis mysteriis, quibus ex agresti immanique vitâ, exculti ad humanitatem et mitigati sumus, initiaque ut appellautur, ita re vera principia vitæ cognovimus. Cic. 1. ii.de leg.n. 36.Teque Ceres, et Libera, quarum sacra, sicut opiniones hominum ac religiones ferunt, longè maximis atque occultissimis ceremoniis continentur: à quibus initia vitæ atque victùs, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exempla hominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse dicuntur. Cic.in Verr. de supplic.n. 186.—Trans.65.Οἴδεν Ἐλευσὶν ταῦτα, καὶ οἱ τῶν σιωπωένων καὶ σιωπῆς; ὄντων ἀξιον ἐτόπται.Orat de sacr. lumin.—Trans.66.Δαδοῦχος.67.Κῆρυξ.68.Βασιλεὺς69.Ἐπιμελήται70.Ἱεροποιοὶ.71.Diogen. Laërt. l. vi. p. 389.72.Liv. l. xxxi. n. 14.73.Est et fideli tuta silentioMerces. Vetabo, qui Cereris sacrumVulgârit arcana, sub iisdemSit trabibus, fragilemque mecumSolvat phaselum.Hor.Od.2. l. iii.Safe is the silent tongue, which none can blameThe faithful secret merit fame;Beneath one roof ne'er let him rest with me,Who“Ceres' mysteries”reveals;In one frail bark ne'er let us put to sea,Nor tempt the jarring winds with spreading sails.—Trans.74.Lib. i. p. 26, 71.75.Tardaque Eleusinæ matris volventia plaustra.Virg.Georg.l. i. ver. 163.The Eleusinian mother's mystic car Slow rolling———Trans.76.Herod. l. viii. c. 65.77.Lib. ix. p. 305.78.Plut.in vit. Alex.p. 671.79.Zosim.Hist.l. iv.80.Sympos.l. ii. quæst. 3. p. 635.81.Errabat multis in rebus antiquitas: quam vel usu jam, vel doctrinâ, vel vetustate immutatam videmus. Retinetur autem et ad opinionem vulgi, et ad magnas utilitates reip. mos, religio, disciplina, jus augurum, collegii auctoritas. Nec verò non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius, L. Junius consules, qui contra auspicia navigârunt. Parendum enim fuit religioni, nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandusDivin.l. ii. n. 70, 71.—Trans.82.Certain instruments were fastened to the tops of oaks, which, being shaken by the wind, or by some other means, gave a confused sound. Servius observes, that the same word, in the Thessalian language, signifiesdoveandprophetess, which had given room for the fabulous tradition of doves that spoke. It was easy to make those brazen basins sound by some secret means, and to give what signification they pleased to a confused and inarticulate note.—Trans.83.Pausan. l. ix. p. 602, 604.84.Plut.de gen. Socr.p. 590.85.Herod, l. i. c. 157. Strab. l. xiv p. 634.86.Tacit.Annal.l. ii. c. 54.87.Lib. xiv. p. 427, 428.88.Corium.89.Προφήται.90.Ἀνίκητος εἶ, ὦ παῖ.—Trans.91.——Cui talia fantiAnte fores, subitò non vultus, non color unus,Non comptæ mansere comæ: sed pectus anhelum,Et rabie fera corda tument; majorque videri,Nec mortale sonans: afflata est numine quandoJam propiore dei.Virg.Æn.l. vi. v. 46-51.—Trans.92.Among the various marks which God has given us in the Scriptures to distinguish his oracles from those of the devil, the fury or madness, attributed by Virgil to the Pythia,et rabie fera corda tument, is one. It is I, saith God, that show the falsehood of the diviners' predictions, and give to such as divine, the motions of fury and madness; or according to Isa. xliv. 25,“That frustrateth the tokens of the liar, and maketh diviners mad.”Instead of which, the prophets of the true God constantly gave the divine answers in an equal and calm tone of voice, and with a noble tranquillity of behaviour. Another distinguishing mark is, that the dæmons gave their oracles in secret places, by-ways, and in the obscurity of caves; whereas God gave his in open day, and before all the world.“I have not spoken in secret, in a dark place of the earth,”Isa. xlv. 19.“I have not spoken in secret from the beginning,”Isa. xlviii. 16. So that God did not permit the devil to imitate his oracles, without imposing such conditions upon him, as might distinguish between the true and false inspiration.—Trans.93.Lib. v.94.Ἐγγαστρίμυθος.95.Quòd si aliquis dixerit multa ab idolis esse prædicta; hoc sciendum, quòd semper mendacium junxerint veritati, et sic sententias temperârint, ut, seu boni seu mali quid accidisset, utrumque possit intelligi. Hieronym. in cap. xlii. Isaiæ. He cites the two examples of Crœsus and Pyrrhus.—Trans.96.One method of consulting the oracle was by sealed letters, which were laid upon the altar of the god unopened.—Trans.97.Macrob. l. i.Saturnal.c. 23.98.Omnis spiritus ales. Hoc et angeli et dæmones. Igitur momento ubique sunt; totus orbis illis locus unus est: quid ubi geratur tam facilè sciunt, quàm enuntiant. Velocitas divinitas creditur, quia substantia ignoratur.—Cæterùm testudinem decoqui cum carnibus pecudis Pythius eo modo renunciavit, quo suprà diximus. Momento apud Lydiam fuerat. Tertulin Apolog.—Trans.99.Plut.in Demosth.p. 854.100.Tertull.in Apolog.101.Lib.de verà sapient., c. 27.102.Tam barbaros, tam immanes fuisse homines, ut parricidium suum, id est tetrum atque execrabib humano generi facinus, sacrificium vocarent. Cùm teneras atque innocentes animas, quæ maximè est ætas parentibus dulcior, sine ullo respectu pietatis extinguerunt, immanitatemque omnium bestiarum, quæ tamen fœtus suos amant, seritate superarent. O dementiam insanabilem! Quid illis isti dii ampliùs facere possent si essent iratissimi, quàm faciunt propitii? Cùm suos cultores parricidiis inquinant, orbitatibus mactant, humanis sensibus spoliant. Lactant. l. i. c. 21.—Trans.103.Herod l. ii. c 180; l. v. c. 62.104.About 44,428l.sterling.—Trans.105.Ibid. l. i. c. 50, 51.106.About 33,500l.sterling.—Trans.107.Diod. l. xvi p. 453.108.About 1,300,000l.—Trans.109.Plut.de Pyth. orac.p. 401.110.Vol. iii.111.Several reasons are given for this name.—Trans.112.Pausan. l. ii. p. 88.113.Apium.114.Herod. l. viii. c. 26.115.Παπαὶ, Μαρδόνιε, κόιους ἐπ᾽ ἄνδρας ἤγαγες μαχησομένους ἡμέας, οἵ οὐ περ᾽ χρημάσων τὸν αγῶνα ποιεῦνται, ἀλλά περὶ ἀρετῆς.—Trans.116.Plin. l. xvi. c. 4.117.Pausan. l. v. p. 297.118.Pausan. l. vi. p. 382.119.Olympiorum victoria, Græcis consulatus ille antiquus videbatur.Tuscul. Quæst.l. ii. n. 41.—Trans.120.Olympionicam esse apud Græcos propè majus fuit et gloriosius quàm Romæ triumphâsse.Pro Flacco, n. 31.—Trans.121.——Palmaque nobilisTerrarum dominos evehit ad deos.Od.i. l. i.Sive quos Elea domum reducitPalma cœlestesOd.ii. l. i.—Trans.122.Art. Poet.v. 412.123.Nempe enim et Athletæ segregantur ad strictiorem disciplinam, ut robori ædificando vacent; continentui à luxuriâ, à cibis lætioribus, à potu jucundiore; coguntur, cruciantur, fatigantur. Tertul.ad Martyr.—Trans.124.The persons employed in this office were calledAliptæ.—Trans.125.Dolus an virtus, quis in noste requirat?—Trans.126.Gen. xxxii. 24.127.Captat pedes primùm, luctator dolosus est.—Trans.128.Iliad. l. xxiii v. 708, &c. Ovid.Metam.l. ix. v. 31, &c.Phars.l. iv. v. 612. Stat. l. vi. v. 847.129.Dioscoi.Idyl.xxii.Argonautic, l. ii.Æneid.l. v.Thebaid.l. vii.Argonaut.l. iv.130.Πᾶν κράτος.131.Quid tam distortum et elaboratum, quàm est ille Discobolos Myronis? Quintil. l. ii. c. 13.—Trans.132.The Stadium was a measure of distance among the Greeks, and was, according to Herodotus, l. ii. c. 149, six hundred feet in length. Pliny says, l. ii. c. 23, that it was six hundred and twenty-five. Those two authors may be reconciled by considering the difference between the Greek and Roman foot; besides which, the length of the Stadium varies, according to the difference of times and places.—Trans.133.Hom.lv.in Matth.c. 16.—Trans.134.——Tunc ritè citatosExplorant, acuuntque gradus, variasque per artesInstimulant docto languentia membra tumultu.Poplite nunc flexo sidunt, nunc lubrica fortiPectora collidunt plausu; nunc ignea tolluntCrura, brevemque fugam nec opino fine reponunt.Stat.Theb.l. vi v. 587, &c.They try, they rouse their speed, with various arts;Their languid limbs they prompt to act their parts.Now with bent hams, amidst the practis'd crowd,They sit; now strain their lungs, and shout aloudNow a short flight with fiery steps they trace,And with a sudden stop abridge the mimic race.—Trans.135.Plin. l. vii. c. 20.136.57 leagues.137.60 leagues.138.Herod. l. vi. c. 106.139.30 leagues.140.More than 53 leagues.141.Val. Max. l. v. c. 5.142.67 leagues.143.He had only a guide and one officer with him.—Trans.144.Nec omnes Numidæ in dextro locati cornu, sed quibus desultorum in modum binos trahentibus equos, inter acerrimam sæpe pugnam, in recentem equum ex fesso armatis transultare mos erat; tanta velocitas ipsis, tamque docile equorum genus est. Liv. l. xxiii.—Trans.145.Plut.in Alex.p. 666.146.Metaque fervidis Evitata rotis. Horat.Od.i. 1. i.The goal shunn'd by the burning wheels.—Trans.147.Hom.Il.l. xxiii. v. 334, &c.148.Plut.in Alex.p. 666.149.Ibid.in Themist.p. 124.150.Ibid.in Alcib.p. 196.151.Pausan. l. iii. p. 172.152.Ibid. p. 188.153.Ibid. p. 172.154.Ibid. l. v. p. 309.155.Pausan. l. vi. p. 344.156.Sympos.l. viii.quæst.4.157.Plut.in Alcib.p. 196.158.Lib. i. p. 3.159.Diog. Laërt.in Solon, p. 37.160.About 11l.161.About 2l.162.Cic.de Orat.l. ii. n. 352, 353. Phæd. l. ii.fab.24. Quintil. l. xi. c 2.163.Lib. vi. p. 368.164.Lucian.in vit. Demonact.p. 1014.165.It was Demonax, a celebrated philosopher, whose disciple Lucian had been. He flourished in the reign of Marcus Aurelius.—Trans.166.Plut.in Quæst. Rom.p. 273.167.Ὅτι τοῦ χρόνου τἀ σεμεῖα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους διαφορᾶς ἀμαυροῦντος, αὐτοὺς ἀν λαμβάνειν καὶ καινοποιεῖν ἐπιφθονόν ἐστι καὶ φιλαπεχθῆμον.—Trans.168.Plut.in Lacon. Apophthegm. p. 211.169.Lucian.in Herod.p. 622.170.Plut.de vit Orat.p. 836.171.Diod. l. xiv. p. 318.172.Ibid. l. xv. p. 384.173.Attica anus Theophrastum, hominem alioqui disertissimum, annotatâ unius affectatione verbi, hospitem dixit. Quint. l. viii. c. 1.—Trans.174.Ælian, l ii. c. 8.175.Boileau,Art. Poët.chant. iii.176.Ignotum tragicæ genus invenisse camœnæDicitur, et plaustris vexisse poëmata Thespis,Quæ canerent agerentque peruncti fæcibus ora.Hor.de Art. Poët.When Thespis first expos'd the tragic Muse,Rude were the actors, and a cart the scene,Where ghastly faces, smear'd with lees of wine,Frighted the children, and amus'd the crowd.Roscom.Art of Poet.—Trans.177.Boileau,Art. Poet.chant. iii.178.Plut.in Solonp. 95.179.Post hunc personæ pallæque repertor honestæÆschylus, et modicis instravit pulpita tignis,Et docuit magnumque loqui, nitique cothurno.Hor.de Art. Poët.This, Æschylus (with indignation) saw,And built a stage, found out a decent dress,Brought vizards in (a civiler disguise),And taught men how to speak and how to act.Roscom.Art of Poet.—Trans.180.Boileau,Art. Poet.181.Actoris partes chorus officiumque virileDefendat, neu quid medios intercinat actus,Quod non proposito conducat, et hæreat apté.Ille bonis faveatque, et concilietur amicis,Et regat iratos, et amet peccare timentes.Ille dapes laudet mensæ brevis; ille salubremJustitiam, legesque, et apertis otia portis.Ille tegat commissa, deosque precetur et oret,Ut redeat miseris, abeat fortuna superbis.Hor.de Art. Poët.The chorus should supply what action wants,And hath a generous and manly part; Bridles wild rage, loves rigid honesty,And strict observance of impartial laws,Sobriety, security, and peace,And begs the gods to turn blind Fortune's wheel,To raise the wretched, and pull down the proud;But nothing must be sung between the acts,But what someway conduces to the plot.Roscom.Art of Poet. translat.—Trans.182.Vol. iv.183.Manner of Teaching, &c. vol. iv.184.Quo meliùs nostri illi senes, qui personatum, ne Roscium quidem, magnoperé laudabant. Lib. iii.de Orat.n. 221.—Trans.185.Sententiis densus, et in iis quæ à sapientibus sunt, penè ipsis est par. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.186.Cui (Euripidi) tu quantum credas nescio; ego certè singulos ejus versus singula testimonia puto.Epist.viii. l. 14.ad Famil.—Trans.187.Ipse autem socer (Cæsar) in ore semper Græcos versus Euripidis de Phœnissis habebat, quos dicam ut potero, inconditè fortasse, sed tamen ut res possit intelligi:Nam, si violandum est jus, regnandi gratiàViolandum est; aliis rebus pietatem colas.Capitalis Eteocles, vel potiùs Euripides, qui id unum, quod omnium sceleratissimum fuerat, exceperit.Offic.l. iii. n. 82.—Trans.188.Plut.in vit.x.orat.p. 841.189.I know not whether the idea of“a canal, that flows gently through delicious gardens,”is well adapted to designate the character of Sophocles, which is peculiarly distinguished by nobleness, grandeur, and elevation. That of an impetuous and rapid stream, whose waves, from the violence of their motion, are loud, and to be heard afar off, seems to me a more suitable image of that poet.—Trans.190.Tragædias primus in lucem Æschylus protulit: sublimis et gravis, et grandiloquus sæpe usque ad vitium; sed rudis in plerisque et incompositus. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.191.Corneille and Racine.—Trans.192.Φόβος καὶ ἔλεος.193.Homo sum: humani nihil à me alienum puto. Ter.—Trans.194.Successit vetus his comœdia non sinc multâ Laude. Hor.in Art. Poët.—Trans.195.Plutus.196.The Birds.197.The Knights.198.The Peace.199.Quem illa non attigit, vel potiùs quem non vexavit? Esto, populares homines, improbos, in remp. seditiosos, Cleonem, Cleophontem, Hyperbolum læsit: patiamur—Sed Periclem, cùm jam suæ civitati maximâ auctoritate plurimos annos domi et belli præfuisset, violari versibus, et eos agi in scenâ, non plùs decuit, quam si Plautus noster voluisset, aut Nævius, P. et Cn. Scipioni, aut Cæcilius M. Catoni maledicere. Ex fragm. Cic.de Rep.l. iv.—Trans.200.Aristophan.in Acharn.201.Eupolis, atque Cratinus, Aristophanesque poëtæ,Atque alii, quorum comœdia prisca virorum est,Si quis erat dignus describi, quòd malus, aut fur,Quòd mœchus foret, aut sicarius, aut alioquiFamosus; multâ cum libertate notabant.Hor.Sat.iv. l. i.With Aristophanes' satiric rage,When ancient comedy amus'd the age,Or Eupolis's or Cratinus' wit,And others that all-licens'd poem writ;None, worthy to be shown, escap'd the scene,No public knave, or thief of lofty mien;The loose adult'rer was drawn forth to sight;The secret murd'rer trembling lurk'd the night;Vice play'd itself, and each ambitious spark;All boldly branded with the poet's mark.—Trans.202.Antiqua comœdia sinceram illam sermonis Attici gratiam propè sola retinet. Quintil.—Trans.203.Nimium risûs pretium est, si probitatis impendio constat. Quintil. l. vi. c. 3.—Trans.204.Non pejus duxerim tardi ingenii esse, quàm mali. Quintil. l. i. c. 3.—Trans.205.Boileau,Art. Poet., chant. iii.206.Atque ille quidem omnibus ejusdem operis auctoribus abstulit nomen, et fulgore quodam suæ claritatis tenebras obduxit. Quintil. l. x. c. 1.—Trans.207.Quidam, sicut Menander, justiora posterorum quàm suæ ætatis, judicia sunt consecuti. Quintil. l. iii. c. 6.—Trans.208.Memoirs of the Acad. of Inscript.&c. vol i. p. 136, &c.209.Strab. l. ix. p. 395. Herod. l. viii. c. 65.210.Ὀρχεῖσθαι.211.It is not certain whether this piece was prior or posterior to the death of Socrates.—Trans.212.Plut.in Aristid.p. 320.213.Plut.in Philipœm.p. 362.214.Cic.in Orat. pro. Sext.n. 120, 123.215.O ingratifici Argivi, inanes Graii, immemores beneficii,Exulare sivistis, sivistis pelli, pulsum patimini.—Trans.216.Cic.ad Attic.l. ii.Epist.19. Val. Max. l. vi. c. 2.217.Justin, l. vi. c. 9.218.Plut.de glor. Athen.p. 349.219.Plut.Sympos.l. vii.quæst.vii. p. 719.220.Ἀμαρτάνουσιν Ἀθηναῖοι μεγάλα. τὴν σπουδὴν εὶς τὴν παιδιὰν καταναλίσκοντες, τουτεστι μεγάλων ἀποστόλων δαπάνας καὶ στρατευμάτων ἐφύδια καταχορηγοῦντες εἰς τὸ θέατρον.—Trans.221.Quibus rebus effectum est, ut inter otia Græecorum, sordidum et obscurum antea Macedonum nomen emergeret; et Philippus, obses triennio Thebis habitus, Epaminondæ et Pelopidæ virtutibus eruditus, regnum Macedoniæ, Græciæ et Asiæ cervicibus, velut jugum servitutis, imponeret. Just. l. vi. c. 9.—Trans.222.Atheniensium res gestæ, sicuti ego existimo, satis amplæ magnificæque fuerunt verùm aliquanto minores tamen, quàm famâ feruntur. Sed quia provenere ibi scriptorum magna ingenia, per terrarum orbem Atheniensiam facta pro maximis celeorantur. Ita eorum, quæ fecere, virtus tanta habetur, quantum eam verbis potuere extollere præclara ingenia. Sallust.in Bell. Catilin.—Trans.223.InCim.p. 479, 480.224.Ἐλλείμματα μᾶλλον ἀρετῆς τινος ἢ κακίας πόνηρεύματα.—Trans.225.Habet in picturâ speciem tota facies. Apelles tamen imaginem Antigoni latere tantùm altero ostendit, ut amissi oculi deformitas lateret. Quintil. l. ii. c. 13.—Trans.226.Exequi sententias haud institui, nisi insignes per honestum, aut notabili dedecore: quod præcipuum munus annalium reor, ne virtutes sileantur, utque pravis dictis factisque ex posteritate et infamiâ motus sit. Tacit.Annal.l. iii. c. 65.—Trans.227.Lib. vi. c. 52.228.Lib. viii. p. 365. Plut.in Lycurg.p. 40.229.Plut.in Lycurg.p. 40.230.Herod. l. i. c. 82.231.Pausan. l. iv. p. 216-242. Justin, l. iii. c. 4.232.Pausan. l. iv. p. 225, 226.233.Ibid. l. iv. 227-234.234.Diod. l. xv. p. 378.235.Et regnata petam Laconi rura Phalanto. Hor.Od.vi. l. 2.—Trans.236.Pausan. l. iv. p. 234, 235. Diod.in Frag.237.Pausan. l. iv. p. 235, 241.238.Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions, vol. ii. p. 84-113.—Trans.239.Clem. Alex.in Protrep.p. 20. Euseb.in Prœp.l. iv. c. 16.240.Pausan. l. iv. p. 241-242.241.Ibid. p. 242, 261. Justin, l. iii. c. 5.242.Cùm per complures annos gravia servitutis verbera, plerumque ac vincula, cæteraque captivitatis mala perpessi essent, post longam pænarum patientiam bellum instaurant. Justin, l. iii. c. 5.—Trans.243.According to several historians, there was another Aristomenes in the first Messenian war. Diod. l. xv. p. 378.—Trans.244.Plat. l. i.de Legib.p. 629. Plut.in Agid. et Cleom.p. 805.245.Tyrtæusque mares animos in martia bellaVersibus exacuit.Hor.in Art. Poët.—Trans.246.Lib. v. p. 310.—Trans.247.Strab. l. xii. p. 534.248.Diod. l. xvi. p. 465. Justin, l. viii. c. 6. Plut.in Pyrrho.249.Quanto doctior majoribus, tanto et gratioi populo fuit. Justin, l. xvii. c. 3.—Trans.250.Justin, l. xvi. c. 3-5. Diod. l. xv. p. 390.251.Heraclienses honestiorem beneficii, quàm ultionis occasionem rati, instructos commeatibus auxiliisque aimittunt; bene agrorum suorum populationem impensam existimantes, si, quos hostes habuerant, amicos reddidissent. Justin.—Trans.252.l. xvi. p. 435.253.Ibid. p. 478.254.Diod. l. xx. p. 833.255.It is related, that under Amasis there were twenty thousand inhabited cities in Egypt. Herod 1. ii c. 177.—Trans.256.A day's journey is twenty-four eastern, or thirty-three English miles and a quarter.—Trans.257.Strabo, 1 xvii. p. 787.258.Hom.Il.i. ver. 381.259.Strab. 1. xvii. p. 816.260.Tacit.Ann.1. ii. c. 60.261.Thevenot'sTravels.262.Lib. xvii. p. 805.263.P. 816.264.Germanicus alus quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum præcipua fuere Memnonis saxea effigies, ubi radiis solis icta est, vocalem sonum reddens, &c. TacitAnnal.1. ii. c. 61.—Trans.265.Thevenot.266.L. xvii. p. 807.267.Diod. lib. i. p. 37.268.It is proper to observe, once for all, that an Egyptian cubit, according to Mr. Greaves, was one foot nine inches, and about 3/4 of our measure.—Trans.269.Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 8, 9.270.Plin. l. xxxvi c. 9.271.Rafts are pieces of flat timber put together to carry goods on rivers.—Trans.272.Herod. l. ii c. 124, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 39-41. Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 12.273.About 200,000l.sterl.—Trans.274.Strabo mentions the sepulchre, lib. xvii. p. 808.—Trans.275.Diod. lib. i. p. 40.276.Lib. xxxvi. c. 12.277.Herod. l. ii. c. 148. Diod. l. i. p. 42. Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 13. Strab. l. xvii. p. 811.278.Æneid, l. v. ver. 588, &c.279.l. vi. ver. 27, &c.280.Herod. l. ii. c. 140. Strab. l. xvii. p. 787. Diod. l. i p. 47. Plin. l. v. c. 9. Pomp.Mela, l. i.281.Vide Herod. et Diod.Pliny agrees almost with them.—Trans.282.Mela, l. i.283.Eighty-fivestadia.—Trans.284.11,250l.sterling.—Trans.285.Seneca (Nat. Quæst.l. iv. c. 2.) ascribes these verses to Ovid, but they are Tibullus's.—Trans.286.Excipiunt eum (Nilum) cataractæ, nobilis insigni spectaculo locus.—Illic excitatis primùm aquis, quas sine tumultu leni alveo duxerat, violentus et toriens per malignos transitus prosilit, dissimilis sibi—tandemque eluctatus obstantia, in vastam altitudinem subito destitutus cadit, cum ingenti circumjacentium regionum strepitu; quem perferre gens ibi à Persis collocata non potuit, obtusis assiduo fragore auribus, et ob hoc sedibus ad quietiora translatis. Inter miracula fluminis incredibilem incolarum audaciam accepi. Bini parvula navigia conscendunt, quorum alter navem regit, alter exhaurit. Deinde multùm inter rapidam insaniam Nili et reciprocos fluctus volutati, tandem tenuissimos canales tenent, per quos angusta rupium effugiunt: et cum toto flumine effusi navigium ruens manu temperant, magnoque spectantium metu in caput nixi, cum jam adploraveris, mersosque atque obrutos tantâ mole credideris, longè ab eo in quem ceciderant loco navigant, tormenti modo missi. Nec mergit cadens unda, sed planis aquis tradit. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.287.Herod. l. ii. c. 19-27. Diod. l. i. p. 35-39. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. iv. 1 & 2.288.Lib. xvii. p. 789.289.Herod. l. ii. c. 19. Diod. l. i. p 32.290.Justum incrementum est cubitorum xvi. Minores aquæ non omnia rigant: ampliores detinent tardiùs recedendo. Hæ serendi tempora absumunt solo madente: illæ non dant sitiente. Utrumque reputat provincia. In duodecim cubitis famem sentit, in tredecim etiamnum esurit: quatuordecim cubita hilaritatem afferunt, quindecim securitatem, sexdecim delicias. Plin. l. v. c. 9.—Trans.291.Jul.Epist.50.292.Diod. l. i. p 33.293.Lib. xvii. p. 817.294.Socrat. l. i. c. 18. Sozom. l. v. c. 3.295.Lib. i. p. 30. & lib. v. p. 313.296.Cùm cæteri amnes abluant terras et eviscerent; Nilus adeò nihil exedit nec abradit, ut contrà adjiciat vires.—Ita juvat agros duabus ex causis, et quòd inundat, et quòd oblimat. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.297.Vol. ii.298.Multiformis sapientia. Eph. iii. 10.299.Deut. xi. 10-13.300.Illa facies pulcherrima est, cùm jam se in agros Nilus ingessit. Latent campi, opertæque sunt valles: oppida insularum modo extant. Nullum in mediterraneis, nisi per navigia, commercium est: majorque est lætitia in gentibus, quo minus terrarum suarum vident. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.301.Herod. l. ii. c. 158. Strab. l. xvii. p. 804. Plin l. vi. c. 29. Diod. l. i p. 29.302.Plutar.de Isid.p. 354.303.Strab. l. xvii. p. 805. Herod l. ii. c. 73. Plin. l. x. c. 2. Tacit.Ann.l. vi. c. 28.304.Sat.vi.305.Vir bonus tam citò nec fieri potest, nec intelligi—tanquam Phœnix, semel anno quingentesimo nascitur.Ep.40.—Trans.306.Od.iii. l. iv.307.Strab. l. xvii. p. 805.308.Or Myos Hormos.—Trans.309.Strab. l. xvi p. 781.310.2 Sam. viii. 14.311.1 Kings ix. 26.312.He got in one voyage 450 talents of gold, 2 Chron. viii. 18, which amounts to three millions two hundred and forty thousand pounds sterling. Prid.Connect., vol. i.ad ann.740,not.—Trans.313.Strab. l. xvi. p. 481.314.Part I. i. p. 9.315.Strab. l. xvii. p. 791. Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 12.316.Eight hundred thousand crowns, or 180,000l. sterling.—Trans.317.Magno animo Ptolemæi regis, quòd in eà permiserit Sostrati Cnidii architecti structuræ nomen inscribi. Plin.—Trans.318.De scribend. Hist.p. 706.319.Ne Alexandrinis quidem permittenda deliciis. Quintil.—Trans.320.A quarter or division of the city of Alexandria.—Trans.321.Plut.in Cæs.p. 731. Seneca,de Tranquill. Amm.c. 9.322.Acts vii. 22.323.Diod. l. i. p. 63, &c.324.De Isid. et Osir.p. 354.325.Plat.in Tim.p. 656.326.Diod. l. i. p. 70.327.Pag. 69.328.Ibid.329.Ibid.330.Ibid.331.Herod. l. ii. c. 136332.This law put the whole sepulchre of the debtor into the power of the creditor, who removed to his own house the body of the father: the debtor refusing to discharge his obligation, was to be deprived of burial, either in his father's sepulchre or any other; and whilst he lived, he was not permitted to bury any person descended from him. Μηδὲ αὐτῷ ἐκείνῳ τελευτήσαντι εἶναι ταφῆς κυρῆσαι—μήτ᾽ ἄλλον μηδένα τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ἀπὸ γενόμενον θάψαι. Herod.—Trans.333.Diod. l. i. p. 71.334.Ibid. p. 72.335.Diod. l. i. p. 22.336.Herod. l. ii. c. 20.337.Gen. xlvii. 26.338.Herod. l. ii. c. 60.339.Ibid. c. 39.340.Diod. l. i. p. 88.341.Plut.de Isid. et Osir.p. 354.342.Plut.Sympos.l. iv. p. 670343.Id.de Isid.p. 355.344.Or Egyptian stork.—Trans.345.De Nat. Deor.l. i. n. 82.Tusc. Quæst.l. v. n. 78.346.Herod. l. ii. c. 65.347.Diod. l. i. p. 74. 75.348.Herod. l. iii. c. 27, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 76. Plin. l. viii. c. 46.349.Pliny affirms, that he was not allowed to exceed a certain term of years; and was drowned in the priests' well. Non est fas eum certos vitæ excedere annos, mersumque in sacerdotum fonte enecant.Nat. Hist.l. viii. c. 46.—Trans.350.Above 11,250l.sterling.—Trans.351.Quis nescit, Volusi Bithynice, qualia demensÆgyptus portenta colat? Crocodilon adoratPars hæc: illa pavet saturam serpentibus Ibin.Effigies sacri nitet aurea Cercopitheci,Dimidio magicæ resonant ubi Memnone chordæ,Atque vetus Thebe centum jacet obruta portis.Illic cœruleos, hic piscem fluminis, illicOppida tota canem venerantur, nemo Dianam.Porrum et cœpe nefas violare, ac frangere morsu.O sanctas gentes, quibus hæc nascuntur in hortisNumina!Juven.Sat.xv.—Trans.352.Diodorus affirms, that in his time, the expense amounted to no less than one hundred thousand crowns, or 22,500l.sterling. Lib. i. p. 76.—Trans.353.Imag.354.Diod. l. i. p. 77, &c.355.Ipsi qui irridentur Ægyptii, nullam belluam nisi ob aliquam utilitatem, quam ex eâ caperent, consecraverunt. Cic. lib. i.De Nat. Deor.n. 101.—Trans.356.Which, according to Herodotus, is more than 17 cubits in length: l. ii. c. 68.—Trans.357.P. 382.358.P. 377 and 378.359.Rom. i. ver. 22, 25.360.Tom. v. pp. 25, 26.361.Herod. l. ii. c. 85, &c.362.About 137l.10s.sterling.—Trans.363.Diod. l. i. p. 81.364.TwelveArouræ. AnEgyptian Arourawas 10,000 square cubits, equal to three roods, two perches, 55-1/4 square feet of our measure.—Trans.365.The Greek is, οἴνου τέσσαρες ἀρυστῆρες, which some have made to signify a determinate quantity of wine, or any other liquid: others, regarding the etymology of the word ἀρυστὴρ, have translated it byhaustrum, a bucket, as Lucretius, lib. v. 51, others byhaustus, a draught or sup. Herodotus says, this allowance was given only to the two thousand guards who attended annually on the kings. Lib. ii. c. 168.—Trans.366.Lib. i. p. 67.367.Herod. l. ii. c. 164, 168.368.Cant. i. 8. Isa. xxxvi. 9.369.Diod. p. 76.370.Ψυχῆς ἰατρεῖον.—Trans.371.It will not seem surprising that the Egyptians, who were the most ancient observers of the celestial motions, should have arrived to this knowledge, when it is considered, that the lunar year, made use of by the Greeks and Romans, though it appears so inconvenient and irregular, supposed nevertheless a knowledge of the solar year, such as Diodorus Siculus ascribes to the Egyptians. It will appear at first sight, by calculating their intercalations, that those who first divided the year in this manner, were not ignorant, that, to three hundred sixty-five days, some hours were to be added, to keep pace with the sun. Their only error lay in the supposition, that only six hours were wanting; whereas an addition of almost eleven minutes more was requisite.—Trans.372.Lib. ii. c. 84.373.Diod. l. i. p. 73.374.Τὴν δὲ μουσικὴν νομίζουειν οὐ μόνον ἄχρηστον ὑπάρχειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βλαβερὰν, ὡς ἄι ἐκθηλύνουσαν τὰς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ψυχάς.—Trans.375.Diod. l. i. pp. 67, 68.376.Or Ham.—Trans.377.Diod. l. i. p. 67.378.Tom. ii. p. 64.379.Lib. x. c. 54.380.Swineherds, in particular, had a general ill name throughout Egypt, as they had the care of so impure an animal. Herodotus (l. ii. c. 47.) tells us, that they were not permitted to enter the Egyptian Temples, nor would any man give them his daughter in marriage.—Trans.381.Xiphilin.in Apophthegm.Tib. Cæs.Κείρεσθαί μου τὰ πρόβατα, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀπαξύρεσθαι βούλομκι.382.Plin. l. xiii. c. 11.383.The Papyrus was divided into thin flakes, (into which it naturally parted,) which being laid on a table, and moistened with the glutinous waters of the Nile, were afterwards pressed together, and dried in the sun.—Trans.384.Posteà promiscuè patuit usus rei, quâ cons ... immortalitas hominum.—Chartæ ... maxime humanitas constat in memoriâ.—Trans.385.Plin. l. xix. c. 1.386.Isa. xiv. 9.387.Exod. ix. 31.388.Plin. lib. xix. c. 1.389.Proximus Byssino mulierum maximè deliciis genito: inventum jam est etiam [scilicet Linum] quod ignibus non absumetur, vivum id vocant, ardentesque in focis conviviorum ex eo vidimus mappas, sordibus exustis splendescentes igni magis, quàm possent aquis:i.e.A flax is now found out, which is proof against the violence of fire; it is called living flax; and we have seen table napkins of it glowing in the fires of our dining rooms; and receiving a lustre and a cleanness from flames, which no water could have given it.—Trans.390.Ezek. xxvii. 7.391.Των δ οστις λωτοιο φαγοι μελιηδεα καρπον,Ουκ ετ απαγγειλαι παλιν ηθελεν, ουδε νεεσθαι.Μη πω τις λωτοιο φαγων, νοστοιο λαθηται.Odyss.ix. ver. 94, 95, 102.—Trans.392.Ægyptus frugum quidem fertilissima, sed ut propè sola iis carere possit, tanta est ciborum ex herbis abundantia. Plin. l. xxi. c. 15.—Trans.393.Numb. xi. 4, 5.394.Exod. xvi. 3.395.Inundatione, id est, ubertate regio fraudata, sic opem Cæsaris invocavit, ut solet amnem suum.—Trans.396.Percrebuerat antiquitùs urbem nostram nisi opibus Ægypti ali sustentarique non posse. Superbiebat ventosa et insolens natio, quòd victorem quidem populum pasceret tamen, quòdque in suo flumine, in suis manibus, vel abundantia nostra vel fames esset. Refudimus Nilo suas copias. Recepit frumenta quæ miserat, deportatasque messes revexit.—Trans.397.Nilus Ægypto quidem sæpe. sed gloriæ nostræ nuaquam largior fluxit.—Trans.398.Ezek. xxix. 3, 9.399.Gen. xii. 10-26.400.Diod. l. i. p. 41.401.An historian of Cyrene.—Trans.402.Sir John Marsham'sCanon Chronic. Father Pezron; the Dissertations of F. Tournemine, and Abbé Sevin, &c.—Trans.403.Or Ham.404.Or Cush, Gen. x. 6.405.The footsteps of its old name (Mesraim) remain to this day among the Arabians, who call it Mesre; by the testimony of Plutarch, it was called χημία, Chemia, by an easy corruption of Chamia, and this for Cham or Ham.—Trans.406.Herod. l. ii. p. 99. Diod. l. i. p. 42.407.Diod. l. i. pp. 44, 45.408.Three thousand two hundred myriads of Minæ.—Trans.409.See Sir Isaac Newton'sChronology, p. 30.410.Diod. p. 46.411.Gen. xii. 10-20.412.Lib. xxxvi. c. 2.413.Justin ascribes this gift of heaven to Joseph's skill in magical arts: Cùm magicas ibi artes (Egypto) solerti ingenio percepisset, &c.—Trans.414.Exod. i. 8.415.Heb. urbes thesaurorum. LXX. urbes munitas. These cities were appointed to preserve, as in a storehouse, the corn, oil, and other products of Egypt. Vatab.—Trans.416.Exod. i. 11, 13, 14.417.This name bears a great resemblance to Pharaoh, which was common to the Egyptian kings.—Trans.418.Lib. iii. p. 74.419.Herod. l. ii. c. 102, 110. Diod. l. i. pp. 48, 54.420.Τὰ νοήματα ἐκμενσώθηναι, lib. xii. c. 4.421.2 Chron. viii. 9. But of the children of Israel did Solomon make no servants for his work.—Trans.422.150 stadia, about 18 miles English.—Trans.423.Tacit.Ann.l. ii. c. 60.424.Legebantur indicta gentibus tributa—haud minùs magnifica quàm nunc vi Parthorum aut potentiâ Romanâ jubentur—Inscribed on pillars, were read the tributes imposed on vanquished nations, which were not inferior to those now paid to the Parthian and Roman powers.—Trans.425.The reader may consult, on this subject, two learned dissertations of Abbé Renaudot, inserted in the second volume ofThe History of the Academy of Inscriptions.—Trans.426.The sixteen letters brought by Cadmus into Greece, are α, β, γ, δ, ε, ι, κ, λ, μ, ν, ο, π, ρ, σ, τ, υ. Palamedes, at the siege of Troy,i.e.upwards of two hundred and fifty years lower than Cadmus, added the four following, ξ, θ, φ, χ; and Simonides, a long time after, invented the four others, namely, η, ω, ζ, ψ.—Trans.427.Herod. l. ii. c. 111. Diod. l. i. p. 54.428.I do not think myself obliged to enter here into a discussion, which would be attended with very perplexing difficulties, should I pretend to reconcile the series, or succession of the kings, as given by Herodotus, with the opinion of archbishop Usher. This last supposes, with many other learned men, that Sesostris is the son of that Egyptian king who was drowned in the Red-Sea, whose reign must consequently have begun in the year of the world 2513, and continued till the year 2547, since it lasted thirty-three years. Should we allow fifty years to the reign of Pheron his son, there would still be an interval of above two hundred years between Pheron and Proteus, who, according to Herodotus, was the immediate successor of the former; since Proteus lived at the time of the siege of Troy, which, according to Usher, was taken An. Mun. 2820. I know not whether his almost total silence on the Egyptian kings after Sesostris, was owing to his sense of this difficulty. I suppose a long interval to have occurred between Pheron and Proteus; accordingly, Diodorus (lib. i. p. liv.) fills it up with a great many kings; and the same must be said of some of the following kings.—Trans.429.Herod. l. ii. c. 112, 120.430.Ὡς τῶν μεγαλων ἀδικημάτον μεγάλαι εἰσὶ καὶ αἱ τιμωρὶαι παρὰ τῶν Θεῶν.—Trans.431.L. ii. c. 121, 123.432.Herod. l. ii. c. 124, 128. Diod. l. i. p. 57.433.Herod. l. ii. p. 139. 140. Diod. p. 58.434.Herod. l. ii. c. 136.435.The remainder of the inscription, as we find it in Herodotus, is—for men plunging long poles down to the bottom of the lake, drew bricks (πλίνθος εἴρυσαν) out of the mud which stuck to them, and gave me this form.—Trans.436.1 Kings iii. 1.437.1 Kings xi. 40. and xii.438.2 Chron. xii. 1-9.439.The English version of the Bible says, The Lubims, the Sukkiims, and the Ethiopians.—Trans.440.Or, of the kingdoms of the earth.—Trans.441.2 Chron. xiv. 9-13.442.Herod. l. ii. c. 137. Diod, l. i. p. 59.443.2 Kings xvii. 4.444.Ἐς ἐμέ τις ὁρέων. εὐσεβης ἔστω—Trans.445.Chap. xvii.446.The Vulgate calls that city Alexandria, to which the Hebrew gives the name of No-Amon, because Alexandria was afterwards built in the place where this stood. Dean Prideaux, after Bochart, thinks that it was Thebes, surnamed Diospolis. Indeed, the Egyptian Amon is the same with Jupiter. But Thebes is not the place where Alexandria was since built. Perhaps there was another city there, which also was called No-Amon.—Trans.447.Nahum iii. 8, 10.448.Herod. l. ii. c. 142.449.Afric. apud Syncel. p. 74. Diod l. i. p. 59.450.Herod. l. ii. c. 147, 152.451.He was one of the twelve.—Trans.452.Herod. l. ii. c. 153, 154.453.This revolution happened about seven years after the captivity of Manasseh, king of Judah.—Trans.454.Lib. i. p. 61.455.Herod. l. ii. c. 157.456.Isa. xx. 1.457.Herod. l. i. c. 105.458.Herod. l. ii. c. 2, 3.459.He is called Necho in the English version of the Scriptures.—Trans.460.Herod. l. ii. c. 158.461.Allowing 625 feet (or 125 geometrical paces) to each stadium, the distance will be 118 English miles, and a little above one-third of a mile. Herodotus says, that this design was afterwards put in execution by Darius the Persian, b. ii. c. 158.—Trans.462.Herod. l. iv. c. 42.463.Joseph.Antiq.l. x. c. 6. 2 Kings, xxiii. 29, 30. 2 Chron. xxxv. 20-25.464.2 Kings xxiii. 33, 35. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 1, 4.465.The Hebrew silver talent, according to Dr. Cumberland, is equivalent to 353l.11s.10-1/2d.so that 100 talents, English money, make £35,359 7s.6d.The gold talent, according to the same source, is 5075l.15s.7-1/2d., so the amount of the whole tribute was 40,435l.3s.1-1/2d.—Trans.466.Lib. ii c. 159.467.Megiddo.—Trans.468.From the time that Solomon, by means of his temple, had made Jerusalem the common place of worship to all Israel, it was distinguished from the rest of the cities by the epithetHoly, and in the Old Testament was calledAir Hakkodesh,i.e.the city of holiness, or the holy city. It bore this title upon the coins, and the shekel was inscribedJerusalem Kedusha,i.e.Jerusalem the holy. At length Jerusalem, for brevity's sake, was omitted, and onlyKedushareserved. The Syriac being the prevailing language in Herodotus's time, Kedusha, by a change in that dialect ofshintoth, was made Kedutha; and Herodotus giving it a Greek termination, it was writ Κάδυτις or Cadytis. Prideaux'sConnection of the Old and New Testament, ol. i. part i. p. 80, 81. 8vo. Edit.—Trans.469.Jer. xlvi. 2.470.2 Kings, xxiv. 7.471.A rivo Ægypti.472.This little river of Egypt, so often mentioned in Scripture as the boundary of Palestine towards Egypt, was not the Nile, but a small river, which, running through the desert that lay betwixt those two nations, was anciently the common boundary of both. So far the land, which had been promised to the posterity of Abraham, and divided among them by lot, extended. Gen. xv. 18. Josh. xv. 4.—Trans.473.Herod. l. ii. c. 160.474.Herod. c. 160.475.Jer. xliv. 30.476.Herod. l. ii. c. 161. Diod. l. i. p. 62.477.Ezek. xxix. 3.478.Ezek. xvii. 15.479.Isa. xxxi. 1, 3.480.Ezek. xxix. 2, 3, 4.481.Ezek. xxix. 8, 9.482.Chap. xxix. xxx. xxxi. xxxii.483.Jer. xxxvii. 6, 7.484.Herod. l. ii. c. 161, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 62.485.The baldness of the heads of the Babylonians was owing to the pressure of their helmets; and their peeled shoulders to their carrying baskets of earth, and large pieces of timber, to join Tyre to the continent. Baldness was itself a badge of slavery; and joined to the peeled shoulders, shows that the conqueror's army sustained even the most servile labours in this memorable siege.—Trans.486.For the better understanding of this passage, we are to know that Nabuchodonosor sustained incredible hardships at the siege of Tyre; and that when the Tyrians saw themselves closely attacked, the nobles conveyed themselves and their richest effects on shipboard, and retired into other islands. So that when Nabuchodonosor took the city, he found nothing to recompense the toil which he had undergone in this siege. S. Jerom.—Trans.487.Chap. xxix. 18, 19, 20.488.Jerem. xliii. 12.489.Herod. l. ii. c. 163, 169. Diod. l. i. p. 62.490.Ezek. xxx. 22.491.Ezek. xxx. 24.492.Ezek. xxx. 25.493.Ver. 14, 17.494.I have given the names of these towns as they stand in our English version. In the margin are printed against Zoan, Tanis; against Sin, Pelusium; against Aven, Heliopolis; against Phibeseth, Pubastum, (Bubastus;) and by these last names they are mentioned in the original French of M. Rollin.—Trans.495.Jerem. xliv. 30.496.Ezek. xxx. 13497.Jerem ch. xliii. xliv.498.In Tim.499.Herod. l. ii. c. 172.500.Herod. l. ii. c. 73.501.The cubit is one foot and almost ten inches. Vide supra.—Trans.502.Or, 58,125l.sterling.—Trans.503.Ἐπῆρξε δὲ καὶ Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐν τῆ Ἀσίᾳ, καταβὰς δὲ ἐπὶ Θάλατταν, καὶ Κυπρίωι καὶ Αἰγυπτίων, p. 5. edit. Hutchinsoni.—Trans.504.Bochart, part II. l. ii. c. 16.505.The first scene of the fifth act, translated into Latin by Petit, in the second book of hisMiscellanies.—Trans.506.Herod. l. iii. c. 17-19.507.Polyb. 944. Q. Curt. l. iv. c. 2, 3.508.Liv. l. xxi. n. 1. Ibid. n. 21.509.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 1.510.Lib. vii. p. 502.511.Apolog.c. 23.512.In Psalm xcviii.513.Jer. vii. 18. and xliv. 17-25.514.Plut.de Superstit.p. 171.515.Παρειστήκει δὲ ἡ μήτηρ ἄτεγκτος καὶ ἀστένακτος, &c. The cruel and pitiless mother stood by as an unconcerned spectator; a groan or a tear falling from her,“would have been punished by a fine;”and still the child must have been sacrificed. Plut.de Superstitione.—Trans.516.Tertul.in Apolog.517.Minut. Felix.518.Q. Curt. l. iv. c. 5.519.It appears from Tertullian'sApology, that this barbarous custom prevailed in Africa long after the ruin of Carthage. Infantes penès Africam Saturno immolabantur palàm usque ad proconsulatum Tiberii, qui eosdem sacerdotes in eisdem arboribus templi sui obumbratricibus scelerum votivis crucibus exposuit, teste militiâ patriæ nostræ, quæ id ipsum munus illi proconsuli functa est,i.e.Children were publicly sacrificed to Saturn, down to the proconsulship of Tiberius, who hanged the sacrificing priests themselves on the trees which shaded their temple, as on so many crosses, raised to expiate their crimes, of which the militia of our country are witnesses, who were the actors of this execution at the command of this proconsul. Tertul.Apolog.c. 9. Two learned men are at variance about the proconsul, and the time of his government. Salmasius confesses his ignorance of both; but rejects the authority of Scaliger, who, for proconsulatum, reads proconsulem Tiberii, and thinks Tertullian, when he writ hisApology, had forgot his name. However this be, it is certain that the memory of the incident here related by Tertullian was then recent, and probably the witnesses of it had not been long dead.—Trans.520.Plut.de serâ vindic. deorum, p. 552.521.Herod. l. vii. c. 167.522.In ipsos quos adolebat sese præcipitavit ignes, ut eos vel cruore suo extingueret, quos sibi nihil profuisse cognoverat. S. Amb.—Trans.523.Cûm peste laborarent, cruentâ sacrorum religione et scelere pro remedio usi sunt. Quippe homines ut victimas immolabant, et impuberes (quæ ætas etiam hostium misericordiam provocat) aris admovebant, pacem deorum sanguine eorum exposcentes, pro quorum vitâ dii maximè rogari solent. Justin, l. xviii. c. 6. The Gauls as well as Germans used to sacrifice men, if Dionysius and Tacitus may be credited.—Trans.524.Lib. xx. p. 756.525.De Superstitione, p. 169-171.526.Idem.in Camill.p. 132.527.De Superstitione.528.De Rep.l. ii. c. 11.529.It is entitled,Carthago, sive Carthaginensium Respublica, &c. Francofurti ad Oderam, ann. 1664.—Trans.530.Polyb. l. iv. p. 493.531.This name is derived from a word, which, with the Hebrews and Phœnicians, signifies judges.Shophetim.—Trans.532.Ut Romæ consules, sic Carthagine quotannis annui bini reges creabantur. Corn Nep.in vitâ Annibalis, c. 7. The great Hannibal was one of the Suffetes.—Trans.533.Senatum itaque Suffetes, quod velut consulare imperium apud eos erat, voca verunt. Liv. l. xxx. n. 7.—Trans.534.Cum Suffetes ad jus dicendum consedissent. Id. l. xxxiv. n. 62.—Trans.535.Lib. xxxiii. n. 46, 47.536.Arist. loc. cit.537.Lib. xv. p. 706, 707.538.Polyb. l. vi. p. 494539.Lib. ix. c. 2.540.Justin l. xix.541.Lib. x. p. 824 edit Gionov.542.Lib. xxvi. n. 51. Lib xxx. n. 16.543.M. Rollin might have taken notice of some civil officers who were established at Carthage, with a power like that of the censors of Rome, to inspect the manners of the citizens. The chief of these officers took from Hamilcar, the father of Hannibal, a beautiful youth, named Asdrubal, on a report that Hamilcar was more familiar with this youth than was consistent with modesty. Erat prætereà cum eo [Amilcare] adolescens illustiis et formosus Hasdrubal, quem nonnulli diligi turpiùs quàm par erat, ab Amilcare, loquebantur.—Quo factum est ut à præfecto morum Hasdrubal cum eo vetaretur esse. Corn. Nep.in vitâ Amalcaris.—Trans.544.Παρὰ Καρχηδονίοις οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν τῶν ἀνηκόντων πρὸς κέρδας. Polyb. l. vi. p. 497.—Trans.545.Lib. iv. p. 312, &c.546.Diod. l. iv. p. 312, &c.547.Lib. iii. p. 147548.25,000 drachmas.—An Attic drachma, according to Dr. Bernard=8-1/4d.English money, consequently 25,000=859l.7s.6d.—Trans.549.As Syphax and Masinissa.550.King of the Massylians in Africa.—Trans.551.Nepos,in vitâ Annibalis.552.Cic. l. i.De Orat.n. 249. Plin. l. xviii. c. 3.553.These books were written by Mago in the Punic language, and translated into Greek by Cassius Dionysius of Utica, from whose version, we may probably suppose, the Latin was made.—Trans.554.Voss.de Hist. Gr.l. iv.555.Plut.de fort. Alex.p. 328. Diog. Laërt.in Clitom.556.Clitomachus, homo et acutus ut Pœnus et valdè studiosus ac diligens.Academ. Quæst.l. iv. n. 98.—Trans.557.Tusc. Quæst.l. lii. n. 54.558.Suet.in vit. Terent.559.Factum senatûs consultum ne quis postea Carthaginensis aut literis Græcis aut sermoni studeret; ne aut loqui cum hoste, aut scribere sine interprete posset. Justin, l. xx. c. 5. Justin ascribes the reason of this law to a treasonable correspondence between one Suniatus, a powerful Carthaginian, and Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily; the former, by letters written in Greek, (which afterwards fell into the hands of the Carthaginians,) having informed the tyrant of the war designed against him by his country, out of hatred to Hanno the general, to whom he was an enemy.—Trans.560.Quàm volumus licèt ipsi nos amemus, tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec robore Gallos, nec calliditate Pœnes, &c. sed pietate ac religione, &c. omnes gentes nationesque superavimus.De Arusp. Resp.n. 19.—Trans.561.Carthaginenses fraudulenti et mendaces—multis et variis mercatorum advenarumque sermonibus ad studium fallendi quæstûs cupiditate vocabantur. Cic.Orat. ii. in Rull.n. 94.—Trans.562.Magistratus senatum vocare, populus in curiæ vestibulo fremere, ne tanta ex oculis manibusque amitteretur præda. Consensum est ut, &c. Liv. l. xxx. n. 24.—Trans.563.A mountebank had promised the citizens of Carthage to discover to them their most secret thoughts, in case they would come, on a day appointed, to hear him. Being all met, he told them, they were desirous to buy cheap and sell dear. Every man's conscience pleaded guilty to the charge; and the mountebank was dismissed with applause and laughter. Vili vultis emere, et carè vendere; in quo dicto levissimi scenici omnes tamen conscientias invenerunt suas, eique vera et tamen improvisa dicenti admirabili favore plauserunt. S. August. l. xiii.de Trinit.c. 3.—Trans.564.Plut.de gen. Rep.p. 799.565.Lib. xxii. n. 61.566.Utica et Carthago, ambæ inclytæ, ambæ à Phoenicibus conditæ; illa fato Catonis insignis, hæc suo. Pompon. Mel. c. 67. Utica and Carthage, both famous, and both built by Phoenicians; the first renowned by Cato's fate, the last by its own.—Trans.567.Our countryman Howel endeavours to reconcile the three different accounts of the foundation of Carthage, in the following manner. He says, that the town consisted of three parts,viz.Cothon, or the port and buildings adjoining to it, which he supposes to have been first built; Megara, built next, and in respect of Cothon, called the New Town, or Karthada; and Byrsa, or the citadel, built last of all, and probably by Dido.Cothon, to agree with Appian, was built fifty years before the taking of Troy; Megara, to correspond with Eusebius, was built a hundred ninety-four years later; Byrsa, to agree with Menander, (cited by Josephus,) was built a hundred sixty-six years after Megara.—Trans.568.Liv.Epit.l. ii.569.Justin, l. xviii. c. 4-6. App.de bello Pun.p. 1. Strab. l. xvii. p. 832. Paterc. l. i. c. 6.570.120 Stadia. Strab. l. xiv. p. 687.—Trans.571.Some authors say, that Dido put a trick on the natives, by desiring to purchase of them, for her intended settlement, only so much land as an ox's hide would encompass. The request was thought too moderate to be denied. She then cut the hide into the smallest thongs; and, with them, encompassed a large tract of ground, on which she built a citadel called Byrsa, from the hide. But this tale of the hide is generally exploded by the learned; who observe that the Hebrew wordBosra, which signifies a fortification, gave rise to the Greek wordByrsa, which is the name of the citadel of Carthage.—Trans.572.Kartha Hadath or Hadtha.—Trans.573.Effodêre loco signum, quod regia JunoMonstrârat, caput acris equi; nam sic fore belloEgregiam, et facilem victu per secula gentem.Virg.Æn.l. i. ver. 447.The Tyrians landing near this holy ground,And digging here, a prosp'rous omen found:From under earth a courser's head they drew,Their growth and future fortune to foreshew:This fated sign their foundress Juno gave,Of a soil fruitful, and a people brave.Dryden.—Trans.574.The story, as it is told more at large in Justin, (l. xviii. c. 6.) is this—Iarbas, king of the Mauritanians, sending for ten of the principal Carthaginians, demanded Dido in marriage, threatening to declare war against her in case of a refusal: the ambassadors being afraid to deliver the message of Iarbas, told her, (with Punic honesty,)“that he wanted to have some person sent him, who was capable of civilizing and polishing himself and his Africans; but that there was no possibility of finding any Carthaginian, who would be willing to quit his native place and kindred, for the conversation of Barbarians, who were as savage as the wildest beasts.”Here the queen, with indignation, interrupting them, and asking,“if they were not ashamed to refuse living in any manner which might be beneficial to their country, to which they owed even their lives?”they then delivered the king's message; and bid her“set them a pattern, and sacrifice herself to her country's welfare.”Dido being thus ensnared, called on Sichæus with tears and lamentations, and answered,“that she would go where the fate of her city called her.”At the expiration of three months, she ascended the fatal pile; and with her last breath told the spectators, that she was going to her husband, as they had ordered her.—Trans.575.Justin, l. xix. c. 1.576.Justin, l. xix. c. 2.577.Afri compulsi stipendium urbis conditæ Carthageniensibus remittere. Justin, l. xix. c 2.—Trans.578.Sallust.de bello Jugurth.n. 77. Valer. Max. l. v. c. 6.579.These altars were not standing in Strabo's time. Some geographers think Arcadia to be the city which was anciently called Philænorum Aræ; but others believe it was Naina or Tain, situated a little west of Arcadia, in the gulf of Sidra.—Trans.580.Strab. l. v. p. 224. Diod. l. v. p. 296.581.Liv. l. xxviii. n. 37.582.Diod. l. v. p. 298. and l. xix. p. 742. Liv. loco citato.583.Liquescit excussa glans fundâ, et attritu aeris, velut igne, distillat.i.e.The ball, when thrown from the sling, dissolves; and, by the friction of the air, runs as if it was melted by fire. Senec.Nat. Quæst.l. ii. c. 57.—Trans.584.Strab. l. iii. p. 167.585.Bochart derives the name of these islands from two Phoenician words, Baal-jare, or master of the art of slinging. This strengthens the authority of Strabo,viz.that the inhabitants learnt their art from the Phœnicians, who were once their masters. Σφενδονῆται ἄριστοι λέγονται—ἐξότε Φοίνικες κατέσχον τὰς νήσες. And this is still more probable, when we consider that both the Hebrews and Phœnicians excelled in this art. The Balearian slings would annoy an enemy either near at hand, or at a distance. Every slinger carried three of them in war. One hung from the neck, a second from the waist, and a third was carried in the hand. To this, give me leave to add two more observations, (foreign indeed to the present purpose, but relating to these islands,) which I hope will not be unentertaining to the reader. The first is, that these islands were once so infested with rabbits, that the inhabitants of it applied to Rome, either for aid against them, or otherwise desired new habitations, ἐκβάλλεσθαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν ζώων τέτων, those creatures having ejected them out of their old ones. Vide Strab. Plin. l. viii. c. 55. The second observation is, that these islanders were not only expert slingers, but likewise excellent swimmers, which they are to this day, by the testimony of our countryman Biddulph, who, in hisTravels, informs us, that being becalmed near these islands, a woman swam to him out of one of them, with a basket of fruit to sell.—Trans.586.Cluver, l. ii. c. 2.587.Guadalquivir.588.Strab. l. iii. p. 171.589.Strab. l. iii. p. 139-142.590.Seville.591.Duero.592.Guadiana.593.Tarragona.594.Barcelona.595.Ebro.596.Lib. v. p. 312.597.Justin, l. xliv. c. 5. Diod. l. v. p. 300.598.Lib. iii. p. 158.599.Such a division of Britain retarded, and at the same time facilitated, the conquest of it to the Romans. Dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur. Tacit.—Trans.600.Hispania, prima Romanis inita Provinciarum quæ quidem continentis sint, postrema omnium perdomita est. Liv. l. xxviii. p. 12.—Trans.601.Polyb. l. iii. p. 192. l. i. p. 9.602.Passaro.603.Il Faro.604.Cape Boéo.605.Strab. l. vi. p. 267.606.This is Strabo's calculation; but there must be a mistake in the numeral characters, and what he immediately subjoins, is a proof of this mistake. He says, that a man, whose eye-sight was good, might, from the coast of Sicily, count the vessels that came out of the port of Carthage. Is it possible that the eye can carry so far as 60 or 75 leagues? This passage of Strabo, therefore, must be thus corrected. The passage from Lilybæum to Africa, is only 25 leagues.—Trans.607.Polyb. l iii. p. 245, et seq. edit. Gronov.608.The reason of this restraint, according to Polybius, was, the unwillingness of the Carthaginians to let the Romans have any knowledge of the countries which lay more to the south, in order that this enterprising people might not hear of their futility. Polyb. l. iii. p. 247. edit. Gronov.—Trans.609.Idem, p. 246.610.Diod. l. xi. p. 1, 16, & 22.611.This city is called in Latin Panormus.—Trans.612.Besides the 300 Spartans, the Thespians, a people of Bœotia, to the number of 700, fought and died with Leonidas in this memorable battle. Herod. l. vii. c. 202-222.—Trans.613.An Attic silver talent, according to Dr. Bernard, is 206l.5s., consequently 2000 talents is 412,500l.—Trans.614.Diod. l. xiii. p. 169-171. 179-186.615.Diod. l. xiii. p. 201-203. 206-211. 226-231.616.The very sepulchral monuments showed the magnificence and luxury of this city, being adorned with statues of birds and horses. But the wealth and boundless generosity of Gellias, one of its inhabitants, is almost incredible. He entertained the people with spectacles and feasts; and, during a famine, prevented the citizens from dying with hunger: he gave portions to poor maidens, and rescued the unfortunate from want and despair: he had built houses in the city and the country purposely for the accommodation of strangers, whom he usually dismissed with handsome presents. Five hundred shipwrecked citizens of Gela, applying to him, were bountifully relieved; and every man supplied with a cloak and a coat out of his wardrobe. Diod. l. xiii. Valer. Max. l. iv. c. ult. Empedocles the philosopher, born in Agrigentum, has a memorable saying concerning his fellow citizens: That the Agrigentines squandered their money so excessively every day, as if they expected it could never be exhausted; and built with such solidity and magnificence, as if they thought they should live for ever.—Trans.617.This bull, with other spoils here taken, was afterwards restored to the Agrigentines by Scipio, when he took Carthage in the third Punic war. Cic.Orat.iv.in Verrem.c. 33.—Trans.618.The Sicanians and Sicilians were anciently two distinct people.—Trans.619.Diod. l. xiv. p. 268-278.620.Triremes.621.Honos alit artes.622.The curious reader will find a very particular account of it in book xxii. art. ii. sect. ii.—Trans.623.Diod. l. xiv. p. 279-295. Justin, l. xix. c. 2, 3.624.Panormus.—Trans.625.Some authors say but thirty thousand foot, which is the more probable account, as the fleet which blocked up the town by sea was so formidable.—Trans.626.Diodorus.627.About 61,800l.English money.—Trans.628.This Leptines was brother to Dionysius.—Trans.629.About 206,000l.—Trans.630.Justin, l. xx. c. 5.631.Diod. l. xv. p. 344.632.This is the Dionysius who invited Plato to his court; and who, being afterwards offended with his freedom, sold him for a slave. Some philosophers came from Greece to Syracuse in order to redeem their brother, which having done, they sent him home with this useful lesson: That philosophers ought very rarely, or very obligingly, to converse with tyrants. This prince had learning, and affected to pass for a poet: but could not gain that name at the Olympic games, whither he had sent his verses, to be repeated by his brother Thearides. It had been happy for Dionysus, had the Athenians entertained no better an opinion of his poetry; for on their pronouncing him victor, when his poems were repeated in their city, he was raised to such a transport of joy and intemperance, that both together killed him; and thus, perhaps, was verified the prediction of the oracle,viz.that he should die when he had overcome his betters.—Trans.633.Diod. l. xvi. p. 459-472. Polyb. l. iii. p. 178. Plut.in Timol.634.Here he preserved some resemblance of his former tyranny, by turning schoolmaster; and exercising a discipline over boys, when he could no longer tyrannize over men. He had learning, and was once a scholar to Plato, whom he caused to come again into Sicily, notwithstanding the unworthy treatment he had met with from Dionysius's father. Philip, king of Macedon, meeting him in the streets of Corinth, and asking him how he came to lose so considerable a principality as had been left him by his father; he answered, that his father had indeed left him the inheritance, but not the fortune which had preserved both himself and that.—However, fortune did him no great injury in replacing him on the dunghill, from which she had raised his father.—Trans.635.Plut. p. 248-250.636.Plut. p. 248-250.637.This river is not far from Agrigentum. It is called Lycus, by Diodorus and Plutarch; but this is thought a mistake.—Trans.638.Justin, l. xvi. c. 4.639.Diod. l. xix. p. 651-656-710-712-737-743-760. Justin, l. ii. c. 1-6.640.He was, according to most historians, the son of a potter; but all allow him to have worked at the trade. From the obscurity of his birth and condition, Polybius raises an argument to prove his capacity and talents, in opposition to the slanders of Timæus. But his greatest eulogium was the praise of Scipio. That illustrious Roman being asked who, in his opinion, were the most prudent in the conduct of their affairs, and most judiciously bold in the execution of their designs; answered, Agathocles and Dionysius. Polyb. l. xv. p. 1003. edit. Gronov. However, let his capacity have been ever so great, it was exceeded by his cruelties.—Trans.641.The battle was fought near the river and city of Himera.—Trans.642.50,000 French crowns, or 11,250l.sterling.—Trans.643.Agathocles wanting arms for many of his soldiers, provided them with such as were counterfeit, which looked well at a distance. And perceiving the discouragement his forces were under on sight of the enemy's horse, he let fly a great many owls, (privately procured for that purpose,) which his soldiers interpreted as an omen and assurance of victory. Diod. l. xx. p. 754.—Trans.644.Liv. l. xxvii. n. 43.645.Diod. l. xvii. p. 519. Quint. Curt. l. iv. c. 3.646.Τῶν τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν μέρος, some of their wives and children. Diod. l. xvii. p. 519.—Trans.647.And the most forward of all the rest was Antander, the brother of Agathocles, left commander in his absence; who was so terrified with the report, that he was eager for having the city surrendered; and expelled out of it eight thousand inhabitants who were of a contrary opinion.—Trans.648.Diod. p. 767-769.649.He was cruelly tortured till he died, and so met with the fate which his fellow-citizens, offended at his conduct in Sicily, had probably allotted for him at home. He was too formidable to be attacked at the head of his army; and therefore the votes of the senate (whatever they were) being, according to custom, cast into a vessel, it was immediately closed, with an order not to uncover it, till he was returned, and had thrown up his commission. Justin, l. xxii. c. 3.—Trans.650.Diod. p. 779-781. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7.651.It would seem incredible that any man could so far triumph over the pains of the cross, as to talk with any coherence in his discourse; had not Seneca assured us, that some have so far despised and insulted its tortures, that they spit contemptuously upon the spectators. Quidam ex patibulo suos spectatores conspuerunt.De vitâ beatâ, c. 19.—Trans.652.Diod. p. 777-779-791-802. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7, 8653.He was poisoned by one Mænon, whom he had unnaturally abused. His teeth were putrified by the violence of the poison, and his body tortured all over with the most racking pains. Mænon was excited to this deed by Archagathus, grandson of Agathocles, whom he designed to defeat of the succession, in favour of his other son Agathocles. Before his death, he restored the democracy to the people. It is observable, that Justin (or rather Trogus) and Diodorus disagree in all the material part of this tyrant's history.—Trans.654.Justin, l. xxi. c. 6.655.Polyb. l. iii. p. 250. edit. Gronov.656.Justin, l. xviii. c. 2.657.Idem.658.Plut.in Pyrrh.p. 398.659.Οἵαν ἀπολείπομεν, ὦ φίλοι, Καρχηδονίοις καὶ Ῥωμαίοις παλαίστραν. The Greek expression is beautiful. Indeed Sicily was a kind of Palæstra, where the Carthaginians and Romans exercised themselves in war, and for many years seemed to play the part of wrestlers with each other. The English language, as well as the French, has no word to express the Greek term.—Trans.660.Polyb. l. i. p. 8. edit Gronov.661.Polyb. l. i. p. 12-15. edit. Gronov.662.Frontin.663.The Chevalier Folard examines this question in his remarks upon Polybius, l. i. p. 16.—Trans.664.Polyb. l. i. p. 15-19.665.Id. p. 20.666.Polyb. l. i. p. 22.667.Polyb. l. i. p. 22.668.A different person from the great Hannibal.—Trans.669.These pillars were calledRostratæ, from the beaks of ships with which they were adorned;Rostra.—Trans.670.Polyb. l. i. p. 24.671.Polyb l. i. p. 25.672.Id. p. 30.673.Val. Max. l. iv. c. 4.674.Polyb. l. i. p. 31-36.675.In the interval betwixt the departure of Manlius and the taking of Tunis, we are to place the memorable combat of Regulus and his whole army, with a serpent of so prodigious a size, that the fabulous one of Cadmus is hardly comparable to it. The story of this serpent was elegantly written by Livy, but it is now lost. Valerius Maximus, however, partly repairs that loss; and in the last chapter of his first book, gives us this account of this monster from Livy himself.—He [Livy] says, that on the banks of Bragada (an African river) lay a serpent of so enormous a size, that it kept the whole Roman army from coming to the river. Several soldiers had been buried in the wide caverns of its belly, and many pressed to death in the spiral volumes of its tail. Its skin was impenetrable to darts: and it was with repeated endeavours that stones, slung from the military engines, at last killed it. The serpent then exhibited a sight that was more terrible to the Roman cohorts and legions than even Carthage itself. The streams of the river were dyed with its blood, and the stench of its putrified carcass infected the adjacent country, so that the Roman army was forced to decamp. Its skin, one hundred and twenty feet long, was sent to Rome: and, if Pliny may be credited, was to be seen (together with the jaw-bone of the same monster, in the temple where they were first deposited,) as late as the Numantine war.—Trans.676.Δεῖ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἤ νικᾷν, ἤ εἴκειν τοῖς ὑπερέχουσιν. Diod.Eclog.l. xxiii. c. 10.—Trans.677.De Bell. Pun.p. 30.678.This perfidious action, as it is related by Appian, may possibly be true, when we consider the character of the Carthaginians, who were certainly a cruel and treacherous people. But if it be fact, one would wonder why Polybius should reserve for another occasion, the relation of an incident which comes in most properly here, as it finishes at once the character and life of Xanthippus. His silence therefore in this place makes me think, that he intended to bring Xanthippus again upon the stage; and to exhibit him to the reader in a different light from that in which he is placed by Appian. To this let me add, that it showed no great depth of policy in the Carthaginians, to take this method of despatching him, when so many others offered which were less liable to censure. In this scheme formed for his destruction, not only himself, but all his followers, were to be murdered, without the pretence of even a storm, or loss of one single Carthaginian, to cover or excuse the perpetration of so horrid a crime.—Trans.679.Lib. i. p. 36, 37.680.Inter pauca felicitatis virtutisque exempla M. Atilius quondam in hâc eâdem terrâ fuisset, si victor pacem petentibus dedisset patribus nostris. Sed non statuendo tandem felicitati modum, nec cohibendo efferentem se fortunam, quanto altiùs elatus erat, eo fœdiùs corruit. Liv. l. xxx. n. 30.—Trans.681.Ὡς ἕν σοφὸν βούλευμα τὰς πολλὰς χεῖρας νικᾶ. It may not be improper to take notice in this place (as it was forgotten before) of a mistake of the learned Casaubon, in his translation of a passage of Polybius concerning Xanthippus. The passage is this, Ἐν οἷς καὶ Ξάνθιππόν τινα Λακεδαιμόνιον ἄνδρα τὴς Λακωνικῆς ἀγωγῆς μετεχηκότα, καὶ τριβὴν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἔχοντα σύμμετρον. Which is thus rendered by Casaubon: In queis [militibus sc. Græciâ allatis] Xanthippus quidam fuit Lacedæmonius, vir disciplinà Laconicâ imbutus, et qui rei militaris usum mediocrem habebat. Whereas, agreeably with the whole character and conduct of Xanthippus, I take the sense of this passage to be,“a man formed by the Spartan discipline, and proportionably [not moderately] skilful in military affairs.”—Trans.682.This silence of Polybius has prejudiced a great many learned men against many of the stories told of Regulus's barbarous treatment, after he was taken by the Carthaginians. M. Rollin speaks no further of this matter; and therefore I shall give my reader the substance of what is brought against the general belief of the Roman writers, (as well historians as poets,) and of Appian on this subject. First, it is urged, that Polybius was very sensible that the story of these cruelties was false; and therefore, that he might not disoblige the Romans, by contradicting so general a belief, he chose rather to be silent concerning Regulus after he was taken prisoner, than to violate the truth of history, of which he was so strict an observer. This opinion is further strengthened (say the adversaries of this belief) by a fragment of Diodorus, which says, that the wife of Regulus, exasperated at the death of her husband in Carthage, occasioned, as she imagined, by barbarous usage, persuaded her sons to revenge the fate of their father, by the cruel treatment of two Carthaginian captives (thought to be Bostar and Hamilcar) taken in the sea-fight against Sicily, after the misfortune of Regulus, and put into her hands for the redemption of her husband. One of these died by the severity of his imprisonment; and the other, by the care of the senate, who detested the cruelty, survived, and was recovered to health. This treatment of the captives, and the resentment of the senate on that account, form a third argument or presumption against the truth of this story of Regulus, which is thus argued. Regulus dying in his captivity by the usual course of nature, his wife, thus frustrated of her hopes of redeeming him by the exchange of her captives, treated them with the utmost barbarity in consequence of her belief of the ill usage which Regulus had received. The senate being angry with her for it, to give some colour to her cruelties, she gave out among her acquaintance and kindred, that her husband died in the way generally related. This, like all other reports, increased gradually; and, from the national hatred betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans, was easily and generally believed by the latter. How far this is conclusive against the testimonies of two such weighty authors as Cicero and Seneca (to say nothing of the poets) is left to the judgment of the reader.—Trans.683.Appian,de Bella Pun.p. 2, 3. Cic.de Off.l. iii. n. 99, 100. Aul. Gel. l. vi. c. 4. Senec.Ep.99.684.Horat. l. iii.Od.3.685.Polyb. l. i. p. 37.686.Or Clypea.—Trans.687.Polyb. l. i. p. 38-40.688.P. 41, 42.689.Ibid. l. i. p. 44-50.690.Polyb. p. 50.691.Ibid. p. 51.692.Ibid. p. 54-59.693.A city and mountain of Sicily.—Trans.694.Polyb. l. i. p. 59-62.695.These islands are also called Ægates.—Trans.696.This sum amounts to near six millions one hundred and eighty thousand French livres, or 515,000l.English money.697.Polyb. l. iii. p. 182.698.Polyb. l. i. p. 65-89.699.The same year that the first Punic war ended.—Trans.700.And sometimes ξενικὸν, or the war with the mercenaries.—Trans.701.Ibid. p. 66.702.Matho was an African, and free born; but as he had been active in raising the rebellion, an accommodation would have ruined him. He, therefore, despairing of a pardon, embraced the interests of Spendius with more zeal than any of the rebels; and first insinuated to the Africans the danger of concluding a peace, as this would leave them alone, and exposed to the rage of their old masters. Polyb. p. 98. edit. Gronov.—Trans.703.Bellis Punicis omnibus, cum sæpe Carthaginenses et in pace et per inducias multa nefanda facinora fecissent, nunquam ipsi per occasionem talia fecere: magis quod se dignum foret, quàm quod in illos jure fieri posset, quærebant. Sallust.in Bell. Gatilin.—Trans.704.Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.705.Lib. iii. p. 162-168.706.Angebant ingentis spiritûs virum Sicilia Sardiniaque amissæ: Nam et Siciliam nimis celeri desperatione rerum concessam; et Sardiniam inter motum Africæ fraude Romanorum, stipendio etiam superimposito, interceptam. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.—Trans.707.Polyb. l. ii. p. 90.708.Polyb. l. iii. p. 167. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.709.Polyb. l. ii. p. 101.710.Polyb. l. ii. p. 123. Liv. l. xxi. n. 2.711.The murder was an effect of the extraordinary fidelity of this Gaul, whose master had fallen by the hand of Asdrubal. It was perpetrated in public; and the murderer being seized by the guards, and put to the torture, expressed so strong a satisfaction in the thoughts of his having executed his revenge so successfully, that he seemed to ridicule all the terror of his torments. Eo fuit habitu oris, ut superante lætitià dolores, ridentis etiam speciem præbuerit. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.—Trans.712.Liv. l. xxi. n. 3, 4.713.Polyb. l. iii. p. 168, 169. Liv. l. xxi. n. 3-5.714.In vit. Annib.c. 7.715.Hic, ut rediit, Prætor factus est, postquam rex fuerat anno secundo et vigesimo.—Trans.716.This city lay on the Carthaginian side of the Iberus, very near the mouth of that river, and in a country where the Carthaginians were allowed to make war, but Saguntum, as an ally of the Romans, was excepted from all hostilities, by virtue of the late treaty.—Trans.717.Ibi largè partiendo prædam, stipendia præterita cum fide exsolvendo, cunctos civium sociorumque animos in se firmavit. Liv. l xxi. n. 5.—Trans.718.Polyb. l. iii. p. 170-173. Liv. l. xxi. n. 6-15.719.Polyb. p. 174, 175. Liv. l. xxi. n. 16, 17.720.Sanctitate disciplinæ, quâ fidem socialem usque ad perniciem suam coluerunt. Liv. l. xxi. n. 7.—Trans.721.Polyb. p. 187. Liv. l. xxi. n. 18, 19.722.Polyb. l. iii. p. 184, 185.723.Polyb. l. iii. p. 187. Liv. l. xxi. n. 21, 22.724.Lib. iii. p. 192, 193.725.275 miles.726.Polybius makes the distance from New Carthage to be 2600 furlongs; consequently, the whole number of furlongs will be 8400, or (allowing 625 feet to the furlong) 944 English miles, and almost one-third. See Polybius, edit. Gronov. p. 267.—Trans.727.Lib. iii. p. 199.728.200 miles.729.200 miles.730.175 miles.731.150 miles.732.1000 miles.733.Polyb. l. iii. p. 188, 189.734.Audierunt præoccupatos jam ab Annibale Gallorum animos esse: sed ne illi quidem ipsi satis mitem gentem fore, ni subinde anro, cujus avidissima gens est, principum animi concilientur. Liv. l. xxi. n. 20.—Trans.735.Polyb. p. 189, 190. Liv. l. xxi. n. 22-24.736.A little above Avignon.—Trans.737.Polyb. l. iii. p. 270-274. edit. Gronov. Liv. l. xxi. ii. 26-28.738.It is thought this was betwixt Roquemaure and Pont St. Esprit.—Trans.739.Polyb. l. iii. p. 200-202, &c. Liv. l. xxi. n. 31, 32.740.Hoc principium simulque omen belli, ut summâ rerum prosperum eventum, ita haud sanè incruentam ancipitisque certaminis victoriam Romanis portendit. Liv. l. xxi. n. 29.—Trans.741.The text of Polybius, as it has been transmitted to us, and that of Livy, place this island at the meeting of the Saone and the Rhone, that is, in that part where the city of Lyons stands. But this is a manifest error. It was Σκώρας in the Greek, instead of which ὁ Ἄραρος has been substituted. J. Gronovius says, that he had read, in a manuscript of Livy,Bisarar, which shows, that we are to readIsara Rhodanusque amnes, instead ofArar Rhodanusque; and, that the island in question is formed by the conflux of the Isere and the Rhone. The situation of the Allobroges, here spoken of, proves this evidently.—Trans.742.In Dauphiné.—Trans.743.Polyb. l. iii. p. 203-208. Liv. l. xxi. n. 32-37.744.Of Piedmont.—Trans.745.Many reject this incident as fictitious. Pliny takes notice of a remarkable quality in vinegar;viz.its being able to break rocks and stones. Saxa rumpit infusum, quæ non ruperit ignis antecedens, l. xxiii. c. 1. He therefore calls it, Succus rerum domitor, l. xxxiii. c 2. Dion, speaking of the siege of Eleutheræ, says, that the walls of it were made to fall by the force of vinegar, l. xxxvi. p. 8. Probably, the circumstance that seems improbable on this occasion, is, the difficulty of Hannibal's procuring, in those mountains, a quantity of vinegar sufficient for this purpose.—Trans.746.Polyb. l. iii. p. 209 & 212-214. Liv. l. xxi. c. 39.747.Taurini.—Trans.748.A small river (now called Tesino) in Lombardy.—Trans.749.Polyb. l. iii. p. 214-218. Liv. l. xxi. n. 39-47.750.These two ill omens were, first, a wolf had stolen into the camp of the Romans, and cruelly mangled some of the soldiers, without receiving the least harm from those who endeavoured to kill it: and secondly, a swarm of bees had pitched upon a tree near the Prætorium or general's tent. Liv. l. xxi. c. 46.—Trans.751.The Numidians used to ride without saddle or bridle.—Trans.752.Polyb. l. iii. p. 220-227. Liv. l. xxi. n. 51-56.753.Polyb. l. iii. pp. 228, 229. Liv. l. xxi. n. 60, 61.754.Or Ebro.—Trans.755.Polyb. p. 229.756.Liv. l. xxi. n. 58.757.Polyb. l. iii. p. 229. Liv. l. xxii. n. 1. Appian.in Bell. Annib.p. 316.758.Polyb. pp. 230, 231. Liv. l. xxii. n. 2.759.Polyb. l. iii. p. 231-238. Liv. l. xxii. n. 3-8.760.Apparebat ferociter omnia ac præpioperè acturum. Quóque pronior esset in sua vitia, agitare eum atque irritare Pœnus parat. Liv. l. xxii. n. 3.—Trans.761.Polyb. l. iii. p. 239-255. Liv. l. xxii. n. 9-30.762.A small town, which gave its name to the Adriatic sea.—Trans.763.Nec Annibalem lefellit suis se artibus peti. Liv.—Trans.764.Satis fidens haudquaquam cum imperii jure artem imperandi æquatam. Liv. l. xxii. n. 26.—Trans.765.Polyb. l. iii. p. 245-250. Liv. l. xxii. n. 19-22.766.Polyb. l. iii. p. 255-268. Liv. l. xxii. n. 34-54.767.Polybius supposes only two hundred horse in each legion: but J. Lipsius thinks that this is a mistake either of the author or transcriber.—Trans.768.A violent burning wind, blowing south-south-east, which, in this flat and sandy country, raised clouds of hot dust, and blinded and choked the Romans.—Trans.769.Livy lessens very much the number of the slain, making them amount but to about forty-three thousand. But Polybius ought rather to be believed.—Trans.770.Duo maximi exercitus cæsi ad hostium satietatem, donec Annibal diceret militi suo: Parce ferro. Flor. l. 1. c. 6.—Trans.771.Tum Maharbal: Non omnia nimirum eidem Dii dedêre. Vincere scis, Annibal, victoriâ uti nescis. Liv. l. xxii. n. 51.—Trans.772.Liv. l. xxii. n. 9. Ibid. l. xxiii. n. 18.773.Casilinum.—Trans.774.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 11-14.775.Pliny, l. xxxiii. c. 1, says, that there were three bushels sent to Carthage. Livy observes, that some authors make them amount to three bushels and a half; but he thinks it most probable that there was but one, l. xxxiii. n. 12. Florus, l. ii. c. 16, makes it two bushels.—Trans.776.De St. Evremond.777.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 4-18.778.Cæterùm quum Græci omnem ferè oram maritimam Coloniis suis, è Græciâ deductis, obsiderent, &c. But after the Greeks had, by their colonies, possessed themselves of almost all the maritime coast, this very country (together with Sicily) was called Græcia Magna, &c. Cluver.Geograph.l. iii. c. 30.—Trans.779.Ibi partem majorem hiemis exercitum in tectis habuit; adversùs omnia humana mala sæpe ac diu durantem, bonis inexpertum atque insuetum. Itaque quos nulla mali vicerat vis, perdidere nimia bona ac voluptates immodicæ, et eo impensiùs quo avidiùs ex insolentiâ ineas se merserant. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 18.—Trans.780.Illa enim cunctatio distulisse modò victoriam videri potuit, hic error vires ademisse ad vincendum. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 18.—Trans.781.Capuam Annibali Cannas fuisse: ibi virtutem bellicam, ibi militarem disciplinam, ibi præteriti temporis famam, ibi spem futuri extinctam. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 45.—Trans.782.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 13.783.Ibid. n. 32.784.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 26-30. and n. 32, 40, 41.785.Not Hannibal's brother.—Trans.786.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 41-46. l. xxv. n. 22. l. xxvi. n. 5-16.787.Flagitiosum esse terreri ac circumagi ad omnes Annibalis comminationes. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 8.—Trans.788.Audita vox Annibalis fertur, Potiundæ sibi urbis Romæ, modò mentem non dari, modò fortunam. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 11.—Trans.789.Feronia was the goddess of groves, and there was one, with a temple in it, dedicated to her, at the foot of the mountain Soracte. Strabo, speaking of the grove where the goddess was worshipped, says, that a sacrifice was offered annually to her in it; and that her votaries, inspired by this goddess, walked unhurt over burning coals. There are still extant some medals of Augustus, in which this goddess is represented with a crown on her head.—Trans.790.Vilius Virius, the chief of this conspiracy, after having represented to the Capuan senate, the severe treatment which his country might expect from the Romans, prevailed with twenty-seven senators to go with him to his own house, where, after eating a plentiful dinner, and heating themselves with wine, they all drank poison. Then taking their last farewell, some withdrew to their own houses, others staid with Virius; and all expired before the gates were opened to the Romans. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 13, 14.—Trans.791.Confessio expressa hosti, quanta vis in Romanis ad expetendas pœnas ab infidelibus sociis, et quàm nihil in Annibale auxilii ad receptos in fidem tuendos esset. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 16.—Trans.792.Liv. xxv. n. 32-39.793.Id quidem cavendum semper Romanis ducibus erit, exemplaque hæc verè pro documentis habenda. Ne ita externis credant auxiliis, ut non plus sui roboris suarumque propriè virium in castris habeant. Liv. n. 33.—Trans.794.He attacked the Carthaginians, who had divided themselves into two camps, and were secure, as they thought, from any immediate attempt of the Romans; killed thirty-seven thousand of them; took one thousand eight hundred prisoners and brought off immense plunder. Liv. l. xxv. n. 39.—Trans.795.Polyb. l. xi. p. 622-625. Liv. l. xxvii. p. 35-51.796.No general was allowed to leave his own province, to go into that of another.—Trans.797.Now called Metaro.—Trans.798.According to Polybius, the loss amounted but to ten thousand men, and that of the Romans to two thousand, l. xi. p. 870, edit. Gronov.—Trans.799.Horace makes him speak thus, in the beautiful ode where this defeat is described:Carthagini jam non ego nuntiosMittara superbos. Occidit, occiditSpes omnis, et fortuna nostriNominis, Asdrubale interempto. Lib. iv.Od.4.—Trans.800.Polyb. l. xi. p. 650. & l. xiv. p. 677-687. & l. xv. p. 689-694. Liv. l. xxviii. n. 1-4. 16. 38. 40-46. l. xxix. n. 24-36. l. xxx. n. 20-28.801.Rarò quenquam alium patriam exilii causâ relinquentem magis mœstum abiisse ferunt, quàm Annibalem hostium terrà excedentem. Respexisse sæpe Italiæ littora, et deos hominesque accusantem, in se quoque ac suum ipsius caput execratum. Quòd non cruentum ab Cannensi victorià militem Romam duxisset. Liv. l. xxx. n. 20.—Trans.802.Livy supposes, however, that this delay was a capital error in Hannibal, which he himself afterwards regretted.—Trans.803.Ἐσκοπεῖτο παρ᾽ αὐτῷ συλλογιζόμενος, οὐχ οὕτω τί δέον παθεῖν Καρχηδονίους, ὡς τί δέον ἦν πράξει Ῥωμαίους. Polyb. l. xv. p. 965. edit. Gronov.Quibus Scipio. Etsi nou induciarum modò fides, sed etiam jus gentium in legatis violatum esset; tamen se nihil nec institutis populi Romani nec suis moribus indignum in iis facturum esse. Liv. l. xxx. n. 25.—Trans.804.Polyb l. xv. p. 694-703. Liv. l. xxx. n. 29-35.805.Celsus hæc corpore, vultuque ita læto, ut vicisse jam crederes, dicebat. Liv. l. xxx. n. 32.—Trans.806.Polyb. l. xv. p. 704-707. Liv. l. xxx. n. 36-44.807.Ten thousand Attic talents make thirty millions French money. Ten thousand Euboic talents make something more than twenty-eight millions, thirty-three thousand livres; because, according to Budæus, the Euboic talent is equivalent but to fifty-six minæ and something more, whereas the Attic talent is worth sixty minæ.Or otherwise thus calculated in English money:According to Budæus, the Euboic talent is 56 Minæ56 Minæ reduced to English money is 175l.Consequently, 10,000 Euboic talents make 1,750,000l.So that the Carthaginians paid annually 35,000l.This calculation is as near the truth as it can well be brought; the Euboic talent being something more than 56 minæ.—Trans.808.Rarò simul hominibus bonam fortunam bonamque mentem dari. Populum Romanum eo invictum esse, quòd in secundis rebus sapere et consulere meminerit. Et herclè mirandum fuisse si aliter facerent. Ex insolentiâ, quibus nova bona fortuna sit, impotentes lætitiæ insanire: populo Romano usitata ac propè obsoleta ex victoriâ gaudia esse; ac plus penè parcendo victis, quàm vincendo, imnerium auxisse. Liv. l. xxx n. 42.—Trans.809.Lib. vi. p. 493, 494.810.Liv. l. xxiv. n. 8, 9.811.Quilibet nautarum rectorumque tranquillo mari gubernare potest: Ubi sæva orta tempestas est, ac turbato mari rapitur vento navis, tum viro et gubernatore opus est. Non tranquillo navigamus, sed jam aliquot procellis submersi penè sumus. Itaque quis ad gubernacula sedeat, summâ curâ providendum ac præcavendum nubis est.—Trans.812.Corn. Nep.in Annib.c. 7.813.Liv. l. xxxiii. n. 46.814.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 46, 47.815.Tum verò isti quos paverat per aliquot annos publicus peculatus, velut bonis ereptis, non furto eorum manibus extorto, infensi et irati, Romanos in Annibaleim, et ipsos causam odii quærentes, instigabant. Liv.—Trans.816.Liv. l. xxiii. n. 45-49.817.It is probable that we should readsuos.—Trans.818.Cic.de Orat.l. ii. n. 75, 76.819.Hìc Pœnus liberè respondisse fertur, multos se deliros senes sæpe vidisse: Sed qui magis quàm Phormio deliraret vidisse neminem. Stobæus,Serm.lii. gives the following account of this matter: Ἀννίβας ἀκούσας Στοικοῦ τίνος ἐπιχειροῦντος, ὅτι ὁ σοφὸς μόνος στρατηγὸς ἐστὶν, ἐγέλασε, νομίζων ἀδύνατον εἶναι ἐκτὸς τῆς δι᾽ ἔργων ἐμπειρίας τὴν ἐν τούτοις ἑπιστήμην ἔχειν.i.e.Hannibal hearing a Stoic philosopher undertake to prove that the wise man was the only general, laughed, as thinking it impossible for a man to have any skill in war without having long practised it.—Trans.820.They did more, for they sent two ships to pursue Hannibal, and bring him back; they sold off his goods, rased his house; and, by a public decree, declared him an exile. Such was the gratitude the Carthaginians showed to the greatest general they ever had. Corn. Nep.in vitâ Hannib.c. 7.—Trans.821.Liv. l. xxxiv. n. 60.822.Ib. n. 61.823.Liv. l. xxxv. n. 14. Polyb. l. iii. p. 166, 167.824.Polybius represents this application of Villius to Hannibal, as a premeditated design, in order to render him suspected to Antiochus, because of his intimacy with a Roman. Livy owns, that the affair succeeded as if it had been designed; but, at the same time, he gives, for a very obvious reason, another turn to this conversation, and says, that no more was intended by it, than to sound Hannibal, and to remove any fears or apprehensions he might be under from the Romans.—Trans.825.Liv. l. xxxv. n. 14. Plut.in vitâ Flamin.&c.826.Plut.in Pyrrho, p. 687.827.Liv. l. xxxv. n. 19.828.Liv. l. xxxv. n. 42, 43.829.Nulla ingenia tam prona ad invidiam sunt, quàm eorum qui genus ac fortunam suam animis non æquant: Quia virtutem et bonum alienum oderunt. Methinks it is better to read ut bonum alienum.—Trans.830.Ib. l. xxxvi. n. 7.831.Liv. l. xxxvi. n. 41.832.Corn. Nep.in Annib.c. 9, 10. Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4.833.These statues were thrown out by him, in a place of public resort, as things of little value. Corn. Nep.—Trans.834.Corn. Nep.in Annib.c. 10, 11. Justin, l. xxxiii c. 4.835.Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4. Corn. Nep.in vit. Annib.836.Liv. l. xxxix. n. 51.837.Plutarch, according to his custom, assigns him three different deaths. Some, says he, relate,“that having wrapped his cloak about his neck, he ordered his servant to fix his knees against his buttocks, and not to leave twisting till he had strangled him.”Others say, that, in imitation of Themistocles and Midas, he drank bull's blood. Livy tells us, that Hannibal drank a poison which he always carried about him; and taking the cup into his hands, cried,“Let us free,”&c. Invitâ Flaminini.—Trans.838.Of the Method of Studying and Teaching the Belles Lettres, vol. ii.—Trans.839.Quintil.—Trans.840.Atque hic tantus vir, tantisque bellis districtus, nonnibil temporis tribuit litteris, &c. Corn. Nepin vitá Annib.cap. 13.—Trans.841.Lib. xxi. n, 4.842.Excerpt. èPolyb. p. 33.843.Excerpt. èDiod. p. 282. Liv. l. xxv. n. 17.844.Lib. xxxii. c. 4.845.Cibi potionisque, desiderio naturali, non voluptate, modus finitus. Liv. l. xxi. n. 4.Constat Annibalem, nec tum cùm Romano tonantem bello Italia contremuit, nec cùm reversus Carthaginem summum imperium tenuit, aut cubantem cœnâsse, aut plus quàm sextario vini indulsisse. Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4.—Trans.846.Except éPolyb. p. 34 & 37.847.Æn.l. iv. ver. 41.—Trans.848.Liv. l. xxiv. n. 48, 49.849.Id. l. xxix. n. 29-34.850.Id. l. xxix. n. 23.851.Id. l. xxx n. 11, 12.852.Liv. l. xxx. n. 44.853.Id. l. xxxiv. n. 62.854.Id. l. xl. n. 17.855.Id. l. xlii. n. 23, 24.856.Polyb. p. 951.857.App.de bell. Pun.p. 37.858.App. p. 38.859.App.de bell. Pun.40.860.Emporium, or Emporia, was a country of Africa, on the Lesser Syrtis, in which Leptis stood. No part of the Carthaginian dominions was more fruitful than this. Polybius, l. i. says, that the revenue that arose from this place was so considerable, that all their hopes were almost founded on it, ἐν ἁῖς (viz.their revenues from Emporia) εἶχον τὰς μεγίστας ἔλπιδας. To this was owing their care and state-jealousy above mentioned, lest the Romans should sail beyond the Fair Promontory, that lay before Carthage; and become acquainted with a country which might induce them to attempt the conquest of it.—Trans.861.App.de bell. Pun.40.862.Ils furent tous passés sous le joug: Sub jugum missi; a kind of gallows (made by two forked sticks, standing upright) was erected, and a spear laid across, under which vanquished enemies were obliged to pass. Festus.—Trans.863.Appian, p. 41, 42.864.The foreign forces were commanded by leaders of their respective nations, who were all under the command of a Carthaginian officer, called by Appian Βοήθαρχος.—Trans.865.Plut.in vit. Cat.p. 352.866.Plin. l. xv. c. 18.867.Plut. ibid.in vitâ Cat.868.Ubi Carthago, et æmula imperii Romani ab stirpe interiit, Fortuna sævire ac miscere omnia cœpit. Sallust.in bell. Catilin.Ante Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus Romanus placidè modestéque inter se Remp. tractabant.—Metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat. Sed ubi formido illa mentibus decessit, illicet ea, quæ secundæ res amant, lascivia atquæ superbia incessere. Idemin bello Jugurthino.—Trans.869.Potentiæ Romanorum prior Scipio viam aperuerat, luxuriæ posterior aperuit. Quippe remoto Carthaginis metu, sublatàque imperii æmulà, non gradu, sed præcipiti cursu à virtute descitum, ad vitia transcursum. Vel. Paterc. l. ii. c. 1.—Trans.870.App. p. 42.871.Ibid.872.Polyb.excerpt. legat.. p. 972873.To the Romans.—Trans.874.Polyb.excerpt. legat.p. 972.875.Polyb. p. 975. Appian, p. 44-46.876.Appian, p. 46.877.Balistæ or Catapultæ.—Trans.878.Four leagues, or twelve miles.—Trans.879.Appian, p. 46-53.880.Appian, p. 53, 54.881.Polyb. l. xiii. p. 671, 672.882.Appian, p. 55. Strabo, l. xvii. p. 833.883.Appian, p. 55.884.Appian, p. 55-63.885.Appian, p. 63.886.Appian, p. 65.887.Page 66.888.Andriscus.—Trans.889.Page 68.890.Appian, p. 69.891.Page 70.892.A sort of movable bridge.—Trans.893.Appian, p. 56, 57. Strabo, l. xvii. p. 832.894.Νεωσοίκους, Strabo.—Trans.895.Boch. in Phal. p. 512.896.Appian, p. 72.897.It was he who had first commanded without the city, but having caused the other Asdrubal, Masinissa's grandson, to be put to death, he got the command of the troops within the walls.—Trans.898.Page 73.899.Four miles and three quarters.—Trans.900.Appian, p. 74.901.Appian, p. 75.902.Ibid. p. 78.903.Appian, p. 79.904.Ibid. p. 81.905.Appian, p. 82.906.Ecclus, x. 8.907.Appian, p. 83.908.Ibid.909.Quem taurum Scipio cùm redderet Agrigentinis, dixisse dicitur, æquum esse illos cogitare utrum esset Siculis utilius, suisne servire, au populo R. obtemperare, cùm idem monumentum et domesticæ crudelitatis, et nostræ mansuetudinis haberent. Cicer.Verr.vi. n. 73.—Trans.910.Ibid.911.Appian, p. 84.912.We may guess at the dimensions of this famous city, by what Florus says,viz.that it was seventeen days on fire, before it could be all consumed. Quanta urbs deleta sit, ut de cæteris taceam, vel ignium morâ probari potest: quippe per continuos decem et septem dies vix potuit incendium extingui. Lib. ii. c. 15.—Trans.913.Neque se Roma, jam terrarum orbe superato, securam speravit fore, si nomen usquam maneret Carthaginis. Adeo odium certaminibus ortum, ultra metum durat, et ne in victis quidem deponitur, neque antè invisum esse desinit, quàm esse desiit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 12.—Trans.914.Ut ipse locus eorum, qui cum hâc urbe de imperio certârunt, vestigia calamitatis ostenderet. Cic.Agrar.ii. n. 50.—Trans.915.Ibid.916.Appian, p. 85. Plut.in vit. Gracchp. 839.917.Marius cursum in Africam direxit, inopemque vitam in tugurio ruinarum Carthaginensium toleravit: cùm Marius aspiciens Carthaginem, illa intuens Marium, alter alteri possent esse solatio. Vel. Paterc. l. ii c. 19.—Trans.918.Appian, p. 85.919.Strabo, l. xvii. p. 833.920.Ibid. 831.921.Page 733.922.Scipio Æmilianus, vir avitis P. Africani paternisque L. Pauli virtutibus simillimus, omnibus belli ac togæ dotibus, ingeniique ac studiorum eminentissimus seculi sui, qui nihil in vitâ nisi laudandum aut fecit aut dixit aut seusit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 12.—Trans.923.Neque enim quisquam hoc Scipione elegantiùs intervalla negotiorum otio dispunxit: semperque aut belli aut pacis serviit artibus, semper inter arma ac studia versatus, aut corpus periculis, aut animum disciplinis exercuit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 13.—Trans.924.Africanus semper Socraticum Xenophontem in manibus habebat.Tusc. Quæst.l. ii. n. 62.—Trans.925.Plut.in vit. Æmil. Paul.p. 258.926.Excerpt. èPolyb. p. 147-163.927.She was sister of Paulus Æmilius, father of the second Scipio Africanus.—Trans.928.Or, 11,250l.sterling.—Trans.929.Κατεγνωκότες τῆς αὐτῶν μικρολογίας.—Trans.930.Or, 13,500l.sterling.—Trans.931.Or, 5375l.sterling.—Trans.932.Pausan.in Arcad.l. xiii. p. 505.933.Appian, p. 65. Val. Max. l. v. c. 2.934.Appian, p. 65.935.Cicero introduces Cato, speaking as follows of Masinissa's vigorous constitution: Arbitror te audire, Scipio, hospes tuus Masinissa quæ faciat hodie nonaginta annos natus; cùm ingressus iter pedibus sit, in equum omnino non ascendere; cùm equo, ex equo non descendere; nullo imbre, nullo frigore adduci, ut capite operto sit; summam esse in eo corporis siccitatem. Itaque exequi omnia regis officia et munera.De Senectute.—Trans.936.An seni gerenda sit Resp. p. 791.937.Appian ibid. Val. Max. l. v. c. 2.938.All this history of Jugurtha is extracted from Sallust.—Trans.939.Terrebat eum natura mortalium avida imperii, et præceps ad explendam animi cupidinem: præterea opportunitas suæ liberorumque ætatis, quæ etiam mediocres viros spe prædæ transversos agit.Sallust.—Trans.940.Ac sanè, quod difficillimum imprimis est, et prælio strenuus erat, et bonus consilio: quorum alterum ex providentiâ timorem, alterum ex audacià temeritatem adferre plerumque solet.—Trans.941.Non exercitus, neque thesauri, præsidia regni sunt, verùm amici: Quos neque armis cogere, neque auro parare queas; officio et fide pariuntur. Quis autem amicior quàm frater fratri? aut quem alienum fidum invenies, si tuis hostis fueris?—Trans.942.He chose two of the nimblest of those who had followed him into Cirtha; and these, induced by the great rewards he promised them, and pitying his unhappy circumstances, undertook to pass through the enemy's camp, in the night, to the neighbouring shore, and from thence to Rome. Ex iis qui unâ Cirtam profugerant, duos maximè impigros delegit: eos, multa pollicendo, ac miserando casum suum, confirmat, ubi per hostium munitiones noctu ad proximum mare, dein Romam pergerent. Sallust.—Trans.943.Multæ bonæque artes animi et corporis erant, quas omnes avaritia præpediebat.—Trans.944.Magnitudine pecuniæ à bono honestoque in pravum abstractus est.—Trans.945.Postquam Româ egressus est, fertur sæpe tacitus eò respiciens, postremò dixisse. Urbem venalem et maturè perituram, si emptorem invenerit.—Trans.946.For electing magistrates. Sal.—Trans.947.In Numidiam proficiscitur, magmâ spe civium, cùm propter artes bonas, tum maximè quòd adversùm divitias invictum animum gerebat.—Trans.948.Quibus rebus supra bonum atque honestum perculsus, neque lacrymas tenere, neque moderari linguam: vir egregius in aliis artibus, nimis molliter ægritudinem pati.—Trans.949.Now comprehending Fez, Morocco, &c.—Trans.950.Plut.in vit. Marii.951.Οἶα νέος φιλότιμος, ἄρτι δόξης γεγευμένος, οὐκ ἤνεγκε μετρίως τό εὐτύχημα. Plut.Præcept. reip. gerend.p. 806.—Trans.952.Plut.in vit. Marii.953.In voce Ἰόβας.—Trans.954.Vol. IV of theMemoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres, p. 457.—Trans.955.They that are curious to make deeper researches into this matter, may read the dissertations of Abbé Banier and M. Freret upon the Assyrian empire, in theMemoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres; for the first, see tome 3, and for the other, tome 5; as also what Father Tournemine has written upon this subject in his edition of Menochius.—Trans.956.Porphyr. apud Simplic. in l. ii.de cœlo.957.Here I depart from the opinion of Archbishop Usher, my ordinary guide, with respect to the duration of the Assyrian empire, which he supposes, with Herodotus, to have lasted but 520 years; but the time when Nimrod lived and Sardanapalus died I take from him.—Trans.958.Belus or Baal signifies Lord.—Trans.959.Gen. x. 9.960.Lib. ii. p. 90.961.Ibid.962.Gen. x. 10.963.Semiramis eam condiderat, vel, ut plerique tradidere, Belus, enjus regia ostenditar. Q. Curt. l. v. c. 1.—Trans.964.Gen. xi. 4.965.Hist. Jud.l. i. c. 4.966.Lib. i. c. 181.967.Gen. x. 11.968.Mic. v. 6.969.Gen. x. 11, 12.970.Diod. l. ii. p. 90.971.Fecerunt civitates duas amores duo: terrenam scilicet amor sui usque ad contemptum Dei; cœlestem verò amor Dei usque ad contemptum sui. S. Aug.de Civ. Dei, l. xiv. c. 28.—Trans.972.Diod. l. ii. p. 90-95.973.Diodorus says it was on the bank of the Euphrates, and speaks of it as if it was so, in many places; but he is mistaken.—Trans.974.Jon. iii. 3.975.It is hard to believe that Diodorus does not speak of the extent of Nineveh with some exaggeration; therefore some learned men have reduced the stadium to little more than one half, and reckon fifteen of them to the Roman mile instead of eight, the usual computation.—Trans.976.Plut.in Mor.p. 753.977.Diod. l. ii. p. 95.978.We are not to wonder, if we find the founding of a city ascribed to different persons. It is common, even among the profane writers, to say, Such a prince built such a city, whether he was the person that first founded it, or that only embellished or enlarged it.—Trans.979.Herod. l. i. c. 178, 180. Diod. l. ii. p. 95, 96. Q. Curt. l. v. c. 1.980.I relate things as I find them in the ancient authors, which Dean Prideaux has also done; but I cannot help believing that great abatements are to be made in what they say as to the immense extent of Babylon and Nineveh.—Trans.981.Isa. xlv. 2.982.Quint. Curt. l. v. c. 1.983.Herod. l. i. c. 180 and 186. Diod. l. ii. p. 96.984.Diodorus says, this bridge was five furlongs in length, which can hardly be true, since the Euphrates was but one furlong broad. Strab. l. xvi. p 738.—Trans.985.Strab. l. xvi. p. 740. Plin. l. v. c. 26.986.Abyd. ap Eus.Prœp. Evang.l. ix.987.Abyd. ib. Herod. l. i. c. 185.988.The author follows Herodotus, who makes it four hundred and twenty furlongs, or fifty-two miles square; but I choose to follow Dean Prideaux, who prefers the account of Megasthenes.—Trans.989.Diod. l. ii. p. 96, 97.990.Ibid. p. 98, 99. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738. Quint. Curt. l. v. c. 1.991.Beros. ap. Jos.cont. App.l. i. c. 6.992.Herod. l. i. c. 181. Diod. l. ii. p. 98. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738.993.Phalpart. 1 l. i. c. 9.994.Herod. l. i. c. 183. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738. Arrian, l. vii. p. 480.995.Diod. l. ii. p. 100-108.996.Val. Max. l. ix. c. 3.997.Indus.—Trans.998.Vol. iii. p. 343, &c.999.Lib. i. c. 2.1000.Lib. v.de Rep.451-457.1001.Ἐπείτερ ἀρετὴν ἀντὶ ἱματίων ἁμφιέσονται.1002.De cura rei fam.l. i. c. 3.1003.De administr. dom.p. 839.1004.Diod. l. ii. p. 108.1005.De Leg.l. iii. p 685.1006.2 Kings xv. 19.1007.Diod. l. ii. p. 109-115. Athen. l. xii. p. 529, 530. Just. l. i. c. 3.1008.Κεῖν᾽ ἔχω ὅσσ᾽ ἔφαγον, καὶ ἐφύβρισα, καὶ μετ᾽ ἔρωτοςΤέρπν᾽ ἔπαθον; τὰ δὲ πολλὰ καὶ ὄλβια πάντα λέλειπται.Quid aliud, inquit Aristoteles, in bovis, non in regis sepulchro, inscriberes? Hæc habere se mortuum dicit, quæ ne vivus quidem diutiùs habebat, quàm fruebatur. Cic.Tusc. Quæst.l. v. n. 101.—Trans.1009.Two miles and a half.—Trans.1010.About fourteen hundred millions sterling.—Trans.1011.Pag. 335, 336.1012.Ἔσθις, πῖνε, ἀφροδισίαζε; τ᾽ ἄλλα δὲ ἐδέν.1013.2 Kings xx. 12.1014.Ibid.1015.Can. Ptol.1016.Lib. xii.hist. anim.c. 21. Castor apud Euseb.Chron.p. 49.1017.2 Kings xvi. 7, &c.1018.Is. viii. 4. Am. i. 5.1019.2 Kings xvii.1020.Tob. 1.1021.Is. xx. 1. 2 Kings xviii. and xix.1022.2 Kings xix. 9.1023.2 Kings xx. 2 Chron. xxxii. 24-311024.2 Kings xix. 35-57.1025.Tobit i. 18-241026.2 Kings xix. 37.1027.Can. Ptol.1028.Is. vii. 8.1029.2 Chron. xxxiii. 11, 13.1030.2 Kings xvii. 25-41.1031.Tobit xiv. 5-13.1032.Judith i. 5, 6.1033.Alex. Polyhist.1034.Pag.70.1035.Beros. apud Joseph.Antiq.l. x. c. 11. &con. Ap.l. i.1036.Jer. xlvi. 2. 2 Kings xxiv. 7.1037.Dan. i. 1-7. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6, 7.1038.Some imagine him to have been eighteen years of age at this time.—Trans.1039.Can. Ptol. Beros. apud Joseph.Antiq.l. x. c. 11. &con. Ap.l. x.1040.Dan. ii.1041.2 Kings xxiv. 1, 2.1042.Al. Jehoiakim. 2 Kings xxiv. 6-18.—Trans.1043.2 Kings xxiv. 17-20. and xxv. 1-10.1044.Dan. iii.1045.Ninety feet.—Trans.1046.Ezek. xxvi. and xxvii. Is. xxiii. 8. Just. l. xviii. c. 3.1047.Is. xxiii. 12.1048.Jos.Ant.l. x. c. 11 &con. Ap.l. i.1049.Ezek. xxix. 18, 19.1050.Ibid. 18-20.1051.Page84.1052.Antiq.l. x. 11.1053.Dan. iv.1054.2 Kings xxv. 27-30.1055.Beros. Megasthen.1056.Cyrop. l. i.1057.Jer. xxvii. 7.1058.Herod. l. i. c. 185, &c.1059.Dan. vii.1060.Ibid. viii.1061.Ibid. v.1062.Herod. l. i. c. 95.1063.Rom. xiii. 1, 2.1064.Herod. l. i. c. 96-101.1065.major ex[pg 356]longinquo reverentia, Tacit.1066.Herod. c. 102.1067.He is called so by Eusebius,Chron. Græcand by Geor. Syncel.—Trans.1068.Judith, i. 1.1069.Ἐπωκοδόμησε ἐπὶ Ἐκβατάνοις. Judith, text Gr.1070.Herod. l. i. c. 102.1071.The Greek text places these embassies before the battle.—Trans.1072.Herod. l. i. c. 103-106.1073.Herod. l. i. c. 74.1074.In Herodotus he is called Labynetus.—Trans.1075.Herod. l. i. c. 106.1076.Nahum iii. 1.1077.ii. 1, 2.1078.iii. 2, 3.1079.ii. 3, 4.1080.i. 2, 5, 6.1081.Nahum, iii. 5.1082.ii. 9, 10.1083.The author in this place renders it, Her temple is destroyed to the foundations. But I have chosen to follow our English Bible, though in the Latin it iscamplum.—Trans.1084.ii. 6.1085.iii. 3.1086.ii. 11, 12.1087.This is a noble image of the cruel avarice of the Assyrian kings, who pillaged and plundered all their neighbouring nations, especially Judea, and carried away the spoils of them to Nineveh.—Trans.1088.Zephan. ii. 13-15.1089.Herod. l. i. c. 7-13.1090.Non contentus voluptatum suarum tacitâ conscientiâ—proisus quasi silentium damnum pulchritudinis esset. Justin, l. i. c. 7.—Trans.1091.Nostro quidem more cum parentibus puberes filii, cum soceris generi, non lavantur. Retinenda est igitur hujus generis verecundia, præsertim naturâ ipsâ magistrâ et duce. Cic. l. i.de offic.n. 129.Nadare se nefas esse credebatur. Val. Max. l. ii. c. 1.—Trans.1092.Platode Rep.l. ii. p. 359.1093.Hunc ipsum annulum si habeat sapiens, nihilo plus sibi licere putet peccare, quàm si non haberet. Honesta enim bonis viris, non occulta quæruntur. Lib. iii,de offic.n. 38.—Trans.1094.Herod. l. i. c. 13, 14.1095.Ibid. l. i. c. 15.1096.Herod. l. i. c. 16, 22.1097.Ibid. c. 21, 22.1098.Strab. l. xiii. p. 625. & l. xiv. p. 680.1099.Herod. l. i. c. 26-28.1100.Ibid. l. i. c. 29-33. Plut.in Sol.p. 93, 94.1101.Φιλαδελφοὺς καὶ φιλομήτορας διαφερόντως ἄνδρας.—Trans.1102.The fatigue of drawing the chariot might be the cause of it.—Trans.1103.Λυπήσας μὲν, οὐ νουθετήσας δὲ τὸν Κροίσον.—Trans.1104.Ὦ Σόλων (ἔφη) τοῖς βασιλεῦσι δεῖ ὡς ἥκιστα ἤ ὡς ἥδιστα ὁμιλεῖν. Καὶ ό Σόλων, Μὴ Δί (εἶπεν) ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἥκιστα ἥ ὡς ἄριστα. The jingle of the words ὡς ἥκιστα ἥ ὡς ἄριστα, which is a beauty in the original, because it is founded in the sense, cannot be rendered into any other language.—Trans.1105.Plenas aures adulationibus aliquando vera vox intret: da consilium utile. Quæris, quid felici præstare possis? Effice, ne felicitati suæ credat. Parum in illum contuleris, si illi semel stultam fiduciam permansuræ semper potentiæ excusseris, docuerisque mobilia esse quæ dedit casus; ac sæpe inter fortunam maximam et ultimam nihil interesse. Sen.de benef.l. vi. c. 33.—Trans.1106.Herod. l. i. c. 34-45.1107.Ibid. 46-50.1108.Herod. l. i. c. 71.

Thus saith the Lord to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before him and I will loose the loins of kings to open before him the two-leaved gates, and the gates shall not be shut.

I will go before thee, and make the crooked places straight: will break in pieces the gates of brass, and cut in sunder the bars of iron.

And I will give thee the treasures of darkness, and hidden riches of secret places, that thou mayest know, that I the Lord which shall calltheeby thy name,amthe God of Israel. Isa. xlv. 1-3.—Trans.

Multa eximia divinaque videntur Athenæ tuæ peperisse, atque in vitam hominum attulisse; tum nihil melius illis mysteriis, quibus ex agresti immanique vitâ, exculti ad humanitatem et mitigati sumus, initiaque ut appellautur, ita re vera principia vitæ cognovimus. Cic. 1. ii.de leg.n. 36.

Teque Ceres, et Libera, quarum sacra, sicut opiniones hominum ac religiones ferunt, longè maximis atque occultissimis ceremoniis continentur: à quibus initia vitæ atque victùs, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exempla hominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse dicuntur. Cic.in Verr. de supplic.n. 186.—Trans.

Est et fideli tuta silentioMerces. Vetabo, qui Cereris sacrumVulgârit arcana, sub iisdemSit trabibus, fragilemque mecumSolvat phaselum.

Hor.Od.2. l. iii.

Safe is the silent tongue, which none can blameThe faithful secret merit fame;Beneath one roof ne'er let him rest with me,Who“Ceres' mysteries”reveals;In one frail bark ne'er let us put to sea,Nor tempt the jarring winds with spreading sails.

—Trans.

Tardaque Eleusinæ matris volventia plaustra.

Virg.Georg.l. i. ver. 163.

The Eleusinian mother's mystic car Slow rolling——

—Trans.

——Cui talia fantiAnte fores, subitò non vultus, non color unus,Non comptæ mansere comæ: sed pectus anhelum,Et rabie fera corda tument; majorque videri,Nec mortale sonans: afflata est numine quandoJam propiore dei.

Virg.Æn.l. vi. v. 46-51.—Trans.

——Palmaque nobilisTerrarum dominos evehit ad deos.

Od.i. l. i.

Sive quos Elea domum reducitPalma cœlestes

Od.ii. l. i.—Trans.

——Tunc ritè citatosExplorant, acuuntque gradus, variasque per artesInstimulant docto languentia membra tumultu.Poplite nunc flexo sidunt, nunc lubrica fortiPectora collidunt plausu; nunc ignea tolluntCrura, brevemque fugam nec opino fine reponunt.

Stat.Theb.l. vi v. 587, &c.

They try, they rouse their speed, with various arts;Their languid limbs they prompt to act their parts.Now with bent hams, amidst the practis'd crowd,They sit; now strain their lungs, and shout aloudNow a short flight with fiery steps they trace,And with a sudden stop abridge the mimic race.

—Trans.

Metaque fervidis Evitata rotis. Horat.Od.i. 1. i.

The goal shunn'd by the burning wheels.

—Trans.

Ignotum tragicæ genus invenisse camœnæDicitur, et plaustris vexisse poëmata Thespis,Quæ canerent agerentque peruncti fæcibus ora.

Hor.de Art. Poët.

When Thespis first expos'd the tragic Muse,Rude were the actors, and a cart the scene,Where ghastly faces, smear'd with lees of wine,Frighted the children, and amus'd the crowd.

Roscom.Art of Poet.

—Trans.

Post hunc personæ pallæque repertor honestæÆschylus, et modicis instravit pulpita tignis,Et docuit magnumque loqui, nitique cothurno.

Hor.de Art. Poët.

This, Æschylus (with indignation) saw,And built a stage, found out a decent dress,Brought vizards in (a civiler disguise),And taught men how to speak and how to act.

Roscom.Art of Poet.—Trans.

Actoris partes chorus officiumque virileDefendat, neu quid medios intercinat actus,Quod non proposito conducat, et hæreat apté.Ille bonis faveatque, et concilietur amicis,Et regat iratos, et amet peccare timentes.Ille dapes laudet mensæ brevis; ille salubremJustitiam, legesque, et apertis otia portis.Ille tegat commissa, deosque precetur et oret,Ut redeat miseris, abeat fortuna superbis.

Hor.de Art. Poët.

The chorus should supply what action wants,And hath a generous and manly part; Bridles wild rage, loves rigid honesty,And strict observance of impartial laws,Sobriety, security, and peace,And begs the gods to turn blind Fortune's wheel,To raise the wretched, and pull down the proud;But nothing must be sung between the acts,But what someway conduces to the plot.

Roscom.Art of Poet. translat.—Trans.

Ipse autem socer (Cæsar) in ore semper Græcos versus Euripidis de Phœnissis habebat, quos dicam ut potero, inconditè fortasse, sed tamen ut res possit intelligi:

Nam, si violandum est jus, regnandi gratiàViolandum est; aliis rebus pietatem colas.

Capitalis Eteocles, vel potiùs Euripides, qui id unum, quod omnium sceleratissimum fuerat, exceperit.Offic.l. iii. n. 82.—Trans.

Eupolis, atque Cratinus, Aristophanesque poëtæ,Atque alii, quorum comœdia prisca virorum est,Si quis erat dignus describi, quòd malus, aut fur,Quòd mœchus foret, aut sicarius, aut alioquiFamosus; multâ cum libertate notabant.

Hor.Sat.iv. l. i.

With Aristophanes' satiric rage,When ancient comedy amus'd the age,Or Eupolis's or Cratinus' wit,And others that all-licens'd poem writ;None, worthy to be shown, escap'd the scene,No public knave, or thief of lofty mien;The loose adult'rer was drawn forth to sight;The secret murd'rer trembling lurk'd the night;Vice play'd itself, and each ambitious spark;All boldly branded with the poet's mark.

—Trans.

O ingratifici Argivi, inanes Graii, immemores beneficii,Exulare sivistis, sivistis pelli, pulsum patimini.

—Trans.

Tyrtæusque mares animos in martia bellaVersibus exacuit.

Hor.in Art. Poët.—Trans.

Quis nescit, Volusi Bithynice, qualia demensÆgyptus portenta colat? Crocodilon adoratPars hæc: illa pavet saturam serpentibus Ibin.Effigies sacri nitet aurea Cercopitheci,Dimidio magicæ resonant ubi Memnone chordæ,Atque vetus Thebe centum jacet obruta portis.Illic cœruleos, hic piscem fluminis, illicOppida tota canem venerantur, nemo Dianam.Porrum et cœpe nefas violare, ac frangere morsu.O sanctas gentes, quibus hæc nascuntur in hortisNumina!

Juven.Sat.xv.—Trans.

Των δ οστις λωτοιο φαγοι μελιηδεα καρπον,Ουκ ετ απαγγειλαι παλιν ηθελεν, ουδε νεεσθαι.Μη πω τις λωτοιο φαγων, νοστοιο λαθηται.

Odyss.ix. ver. 94, 95, 102.

—Trans.

Our countryman Howel endeavours to reconcile the three different accounts of the foundation of Carthage, in the following manner. He says, that the town consisted of three parts,viz.Cothon, or the port and buildings adjoining to it, which he supposes to have been first built; Megara, built next, and in respect of Cothon, called the New Town, or Karthada; and Byrsa, or the citadel, built last of all, and probably by Dido.

Cothon, to agree with Appian, was built fifty years before the taking of Troy; Megara, to correspond with Eusebius, was built a hundred ninety-four years later; Byrsa, to agree with Menander, (cited by Josephus,) was built a hundred sixty-six years after Megara.—Trans.

Effodêre loco signum, quod regia JunoMonstrârat, caput acris equi; nam sic fore belloEgregiam, et facilem victu per secula gentem.

Virg.Æn.l. i. ver. 447.

The Tyrians landing near this holy ground,And digging here, a prosp'rous omen found:From under earth a courser's head they drew,Their growth and future fortune to foreshew:This fated sign their foundress Juno gave,Of a soil fruitful, and a people brave.

Dryden.—Trans.

Horace makes him speak thus, in the beautiful ode where this defeat is described:

Carthagini jam non ego nuntiosMittara superbos. Occidit, occiditSpes omnis, et fortuna nostriNominis, Asdrubale interempto. Lib. iv.Od.4.—Trans.

Ἐσκοπεῖτο παρ᾽ αὐτῷ συλλογιζόμενος, οὐχ οὕτω τί δέον παθεῖν Καρχηδονίους, ὡς τί δέον ἦν πράξει Ῥωμαίους. Polyb. l. xv. p. 965. edit. Gronov.

Quibus Scipio. Etsi nou induciarum modò fides, sed etiam jus gentium in legatis violatum esset; tamen se nihil nec institutis populi Romani nec suis moribus indignum in iis facturum esse. Liv. l. xxx. n. 25.—Trans.

Ten thousand Attic talents make thirty millions French money. Ten thousand Euboic talents make something more than twenty-eight millions, thirty-three thousand livres; because, according to Budæus, the Euboic talent is equivalent but to fifty-six minæ and something more, whereas the Attic talent is worth sixty minæ.

Or otherwise thus calculated in English money:

According to Budæus, the Euboic talent is 56 Minæ56 Minæ reduced to English money is 175l.Consequently, 10,000 Euboic talents make 1,750,000l.So that the Carthaginians paid annually 35,000l.

This calculation is as near the truth as it can well be brought; the Euboic talent being something more than 56 minæ.—Trans.

Cibi potionisque, desiderio naturali, non voluptate, modus finitus. Liv. l. xxi. n. 4.

Constat Annibalem, nec tum cùm Romano tonantem bello Italia contremuit, nec cùm reversus Carthaginem summum imperium tenuit, aut cubantem cœnâsse, aut plus quàm sextario vini indulsisse. Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4.—Trans.

Ubi Carthago, et æmula imperii Romani ab stirpe interiit, Fortuna sævire ac miscere omnia cœpit. Sallust.in bell. Catilin.

Ante Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus Romanus placidè modestéque inter se Remp. tractabant.—Metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat. Sed ubi formido illa mentibus decessit, illicet ea, quæ secundæ res amant, lascivia atquæ superbia incessere. Idemin bello Jugurthino.—Trans.

Κεῖν᾽ ἔχω ὅσσ᾽ ἔφαγον, καὶ ἐφύβρισα, καὶ μετ᾽ ἔρωτοςΤέρπν᾽ ἔπαθον; τὰ δὲ πολλὰ καὶ ὄλβια πάντα λέλειπται.

Quid aliud, inquit Aristoteles, in bovis, non in regis sepulchro, inscriberes? Hæc habere se mortuum dicit, quæ ne vivus quidem diutiùs habebat, quàm fruebatur. Cic.Tusc. Quæst.l. v. n. 101.—Trans.

Nostro quidem more cum parentibus puberes filii, cum soceris generi, non lavantur. Retinenda est igitur hujus generis verecundia, præsertim naturâ ipsâ magistrâ et duce. Cic. l. i.de offic.n. 129.

Nadare se nefas esse credebatur. Val. Max. l. ii. c. 1.—Trans.

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