FOOTNOTES:

The most unpardonable ignorance was that of most of the travellers. Under Etienne Perlin's pen (1558) Cambridge and Oxford are transmuted intoCambrucheandAuxonne; Dartford becomesDatfordwith Coulon (1654); Payen calls the English coinscrhon,toupens,farden(1666); even sagacious Misson prefers the phonetic formcoacres(quakers) andcoacresses(quakeresses) (1698). Sorbière travelled about England, meeting some eminent men of the time, without knowing a word of English.[79]They have for excuse their extraordinary blindness. Thus Coulon does not hesitate to deliver his opinions on the English language, which he calls "a mixture of German and French, though it is thought that it was formerly theGerman language in its integrity." As for Le Pays, he candidly owns that he would have found London quite to his taste if the inhabitants had all spoken French (1672).

If the travellers, like the ambassadors, were content to glance contemptuously at the strange country, the Huguenots, who were compelled by fate or the royal edicts to live in England, showed more curiosity. On those foreign colonies of London and the southern ports we now possess accurate information.

Let us leave aside Shakespeare's Huguenot friends;[80]we have the evidence of Bochart, minister at Rouen; the Huguenot settlers in England in the first half of the seventeenth century would learn English, attend church services, and receive communion at the hands of the bishops.[81]The earliest translations of English works came from Huguenot pens. In August 1603, Pierre De l'Estoile, the French Evelyn, records how "Du Carroy and his son, together with P. Lebret, were released from prison, where they were confined for printing in Paris theConfession of the King of England(a pamphlet by Jamesi.setting forth his Anglican faith); whence they should have been liberated only to be hanged but for the English ambassador's intercession; so distasteful to the people was that confession, in which mass was termed an abomination."[82]

A glance at theNouvelles ordinaires de Londres, the weekly French gazette published in French during the Commonwealth and the Protectorate,[83]will convince any one that the editor knew English well: in those pages there are no traces of "coacres" for "quakers." Proper names are always spelt correctly, be they ever so numerous. The readers know both languages, otherwise what use would there be to advertise in the gazette a recently-published devotional English work?[84]However, they could not be expected to help their countrymen to read Shakespeare, for they felt the Puritan's dislike for the stage; witness the satisfaction with which is recorded the arrest by Cromwell's musketeers of a company of players "at the Red Bull in St. John's Street."[85]

If the translation ofEikon Basilikéwas due to Porrée and Cailloué, both Huguenots, Milton's reply was translated by a pupil of the Huguenot Academy of Sedan, the Scotsman John Dury.

After the Restoration, the information is still more abundant. In 1662, Mauger writes that "he has seen many Frenchmen in London, able to speak English well."[86]Translations become more plentiful, as theTerm Cataloguestestify. Then there are precise facts: for instance, the first time Evelyn met Allix, the pastor at Charenton, Allix spoke Latin, in order to be understood by ArchbishopSancroft.[87]Three years later, Allix, now an English divine, was able to publish a book in English. M. de Luzancy, an ex-Carmelite, fled to England and abjured the Catholic faith at the Savoy in 1675. Becoming minister at Harwich, he had occasion to write to Pepys, and accordingly penned some excellent English. Another refugee, François de la Motte, was sent to Oxford by Secretary Williamson. A few months later, he was reported as able "to pronounce English better than many strangers who preach there," and, to show that he had not wasted his time, he wrote his benefactor a letter in English, preserved in the Record Office.[88]The quarrel that broke out in 1682 between French artisans living in Soho gave some humble Huguenot the opportunity of proving his knowledge of English.[89]When Saint-Evremond wished to read Asgill the deist's works, he had recourse to his friend Silvestre. Born in Tonneins, in South-Western France, in 1662, Silvestre had studied medicine at Montpellier, then went to Holland, and settled in London in 1688; "the King wished to send him to Flanders, to be an army-surgeon, but he preferred to stay in London, where he had many friends."[90]

After the Revolution, the number of Huguenots in England was so considerable that many of them became English authors: it is enough to quotethe names of Guy Miège, Motteux, and Maittaire. But we now come to the eve of the eighteenth century when England and France, as in the Middle Ages, were brought into close touch. "Whereas foreigners," wrote Miège in 1691, "used to slight English as an insular speech, not worth their taking notice, they are at present great admirers of it."[91]

The merchants had to know English even as the refugees. While the French gentlemen at Court had no need to mix with the middle or lower classes, the merchants often had to see in person their English buyers. During the sixteenth century, simple grammars and lists of words were available. The Flanders merchants might learn from Gabriel Meurier, teacher of English in Antwerp, the author of a text-book printed at Rouen in 1563. Pierre De l'Estoile mentions in 1609 one Tourval, an "interpreter of foreign languages," then living in Paris;[92]none other, most probably, than the Loiseau de Tourval who contributed to Cotgrave's famous Dictionary. In 1622, a Paris printer issuedLa Grammaire angloise de George Mason, marchand de Londres.[93]Three years later appearedL'alphabet anglois, contenant la prononciation des lettres avec les déclinaisons et les conjugaisons, andLa grammaire angloise, pour facilement et promptement apprendre la langue angloise. These publications must have found readers.

Information on the French merchants in England is scanty. They did not care to draw attention upon business transactions which a sudden declaration of war might at any time render illicit. But something is known about the printers.

About 1488, Richard Pynson, a native of Normandy and a pupil of the Paris University, settled in England. He became printer to Henryvii.and published some French translations. From the few extant specimens we may conclude that Pynson hardly knew how to write English. But he was the first of a line of French printers in England, the most famous of whom were Thomas Berthelet and the Huguenot Thomas Vautrollier.

As in 1912 an English firm print in England for sale on the Continent our French authors, so in 1503 Antoine Vérard, a Paris printer, published English books. When Coverdale had finished his translation of the Bible, he carried the manuscript over to France and entrusted it to François Regnault. This printer seems to have been an enterprising man, having in London an agency for the sale of the English books that he set up in type in Paris. The printing of the "Great Bible" was a lengthy task. In spite of the French king and the English ambassador Bonner, Regnault got into trouble with the authorities and the clergy. The "lieutenant-criminel" seized the sheets, but, instead of having them burnt by the hangman, as it was his duty to do, the greedy official sold them to a mercer who restored them to Regnault for a consideration.In the meantime presses and type and even workmen had been hurried to London, where the work was completed (1539). Nor must the provincial printers be forgotten, thus from 1516 to 1533 almost the whole York book-trade was in the hands of the Frenchman Jean Gachet.[94]Many books sold by English booksellers came from the presses of Goupil of Rouen or Regnault of Paris.

THE FORTUNE-TELLER after ArnoultTHE FORTUNE-TELLERafter Arnoult

The tradition of French printers in England was continued in the following century by Du Gard, the printer of certain Milton pamphlets and of theNouvelles ordinaires de Londres, and Bureau, "marchand libraire dans le Middle Exchange, dans le Strand," most obnoxious to the French ambassador because a determined opponent of the French Court.

About French artisans and servants the information is, of course, of the most meagre description. There are merely allusions by the contemporary playwrights to the French dancing-master, fencer, or sweep, equally unable to pronounce English correctly, to the great merriment of the "groundlings."[95]However, a French valet, Jean Abbadie, who served many noblemen at the close of the seventeenth century, took the trouble to learn and could even write English.[96]

Now and then a name emerges from the obscure crowd. That, for instance, of "John Puncteus, a Frenchman, professing physick, with ten in hiscompany," licensed "to exercise the quality of playing, for a year, and to sell his drugs";[97]or of Madame Le Croy (De La Croix), the notorious fortune-teller,

"Who draws from lines the calculations,Instead of squares for demonstrations,"

and

"Imposes onThe credulous deluded town,"[98]

and no doubt carried on the dubious trade of her countrywoman "la devineresse," as recorded by Arnoult the engraver. We may fancy Madame La Croix slyly handing the billet-doux to the daughter, under the unsuspecting mother's very eyes.

Lower still we shall reach the criminal classes: adventurers, gamblers, robbers, and murderers. If the notorious poisoner, the Marquise de Brinvilliers, stayed in England but a short time in her chequered career, Claude Du Val the highwayman became famous in his adopted country as well for his daring robberies as for his gallantry to ladies:

"So while the ladies viewed his brighter eyes,And smoother polished face,Their gentle hearts, alas! were taken by surprise."[99]

TheState Trialshave preserved the name of a French gambler, De La Rue, who in 1696 acted as informer at the trial for high treason of Charnock and his accomplices.

It is difficult to go lower than these infamous men: our inquiry is at end. We shall conclude that if it is an exaggeration to state that the French as a rule learned English in the seventeenth century, it is true that individual instances may be found of Frenchmen learning English, and even speaking and writing it.[100]Though they did not help to spread either English manners or literature in France, they contributed in a most marked manner to make the English familiar with the French language.

FOOTNOTES:[35]Einstein,Italian Renaissance in England, p. 103.[36]Guide des Chemins d'Angleterre, Preface.[37]Jusserand,Shakespeare en France, p. 97.[38]Mémoires et observations faites par un voyageur en Angleterre, 1698.[39]Adv. and Ref. of Mod. Poetry, Ep. dedic.[40]Bibliothèque choisie, xxviii., Preface.[41]"MonsrBoyd ... has forgott, I believe, most of his English."—Original Letters of Locke, etc., p. 229.[42]Description of Britain, bk. i. (1577).[43]Jusserand,Histoire littéraire du peuple anglais, i. p. 149 n.[44]Pantagruel, iii. ch. xlvii.[45]L'honnête homme ou l'art de plaire à la cour.[46]D'Estrades should be excepted. He knew English, so he was sent to the Hague.[47]French Ambassador at the Court of Charles II.[48]See Chap. III.[49]Reyher,Masques, p. 81 sq.[50]Ibid.p. 79.[51]SeeAnglia, xxxii.[52]Mémoires de Mlle de Montpensier, i. pp. 126, 211.[53]Jusserand,French Ambassador, p. 203.[54]Procès de Charles I., traduit de l'anglois, par le Sieur de Marsys, interprète et maistre pour la langue françoise du Roy d'Angleterre.[55]Angliæ Notitia, p. 154.[56]History of England, ch. vi.[57]Cardinal Mazarin employed many secret agents under the Protectorate; he spoke of them as "double-dealing minds, whom no one can trust" (Correspondence, 25th April 1656).[58]Lettres, mémoires et instructions de Colbert, vii. p. 372.[59]Savile,Correspondence, p. 112.[60]A. Villien,L'abbé Renaudot, p. 56.[61]Madame de la Fayette,Histoire de Madame Henriette d'Angleterre, p. 182.[62]Ibid.p. 205.[63]See for details Sir Sidney Lee,French Renaissance.[64]Life of Waller.[65]Lettres sur les François et les Anglois, p. 10.[66]State Papers, Dom., 1667-1668, p. 604.[67]Lettres choisies, ii. p. 737.[68]Essai sur l'Entendement(2nd ed.),Avisby Coste.[69]Clarke and Foxcroft,Life of Burnet, pp. 361-62.[70]The French Littleton, 1566;The French Schoole-Maister, 1573;A Dictionarie, 1584, etc.[71]The French Grammar, 1578.[72]The French Garden, 1605.[73]A French Grammar and Syntax, 1634.[74]A Sure Guide to the French Tongue, 1635.[75]French Grammar, 1662.[76]Dictionary, 1677.[77]Nouvelle Grammaire Angloise, 1678.[78]A New French Grammar, 1675.[79]Relation d'un voyage, pp. 20, 169 (1664).[80]See Chap. VII.[81]Bochart,Lettre à M. Morley, p. 7.[82]Journal de Henri IV., i. p. 354.[83]See Chap. VIII.[84]Nouvelles ordinaires de Londres, p. 1550.[85]Ibid.p. 956.[86]French Grammar, p. 288.[87]Diary, 8th July 1686.[88]See the letters of De la Motte and De Luzancy, printed in Chap. III.[89]See Chap. IX.[90]Saint-Evremond,Works, x. xxiii.[91]New State of England, ii. p. 15.[92]Journal de Henri IV., p. 526.[93]Reprinted by Dr. Brotanek, Halle, 1905.[94]E. Gordon Duff,English Provincial Printers, p. 58.[95]Beaumont and Fletcher,Women Pleased, Activ.Sc. 3.[96]See Chap. III.[97]Gildersleeve,Government Regulations of the Elizabethan Drama, p. 70.[98]Poems on State Affairs, ii. p. 152.[99]Butler,Pindarick Ode to the Happy Memory of the most renowned Du Val.[100]Chap. III.

[35]Einstein,Italian Renaissance in England, p. 103.

[36]Guide des Chemins d'Angleterre, Preface.

[37]Jusserand,Shakespeare en France, p. 97.

[38]Mémoires et observations faites par un voyageur en Angleterre, 1698.

[39]Adv. and Ref. of Mod. Poetry, Ep. dedic.

[40]Bibliothèque choisie, xxviii., Preface.

[41]"MonsrBoyd ... has forgott, I believe, most of his English."—Original Letters of Locke, etc., p. 229.

[42]Description of Britain, bk. i. (1577).

[43]Jusserand,Histoire littéraire du peuple anglais, i. p. 149 n.

[44]Pantagruel, iii. ch. xlvii.

[45]L'honnête homme ou l'art de plaire à la cour.

[46]D'Estrades should be excepted. He knew English, so he was sent to the Hague.

[47]French Ambassador at the Court of Charles II.

[48]See Chap. III.

[49]Reyher,Masques, p. 81 sq.

[50]Ibid.p. 79.

[51]SeeAnglia, xxxii.

[52]Mémoires de Mlle de Montpensier, i. pp. 126, 211.

[53]Jusserand,French Ambassador, p. 203.

[54]Procès de Charles I., traduit de l'anglois, par le Sieur de Marsys, interprète et maistre pour la langue françoise du Roy d'Angleterre.

[55]Angliæ Notitia, p. 154.

[56]History of England, ch. vi.

[57]Cardinal Mazarin employed many secret agents under the Protectorate; he spoke of them as "double-dealing minds, whom no one can trust" (Correspondence, 25th April 1656).

[58]Lettres, mémoires et instructions de Colbert, vii. p. 372.

[59]Savile,Correspondence, p. 112.

[60]A. Villien,L'abbé Renaudot, p. 56.

[61]Madame de la Fayette,Histoire de Madame Henriette d'Angleterre, p. 182.

[62]Ibid.p. 205.

[63]See for details Sir Sidney Lee,French Renaissance.

[64]Life of Waller.

[65]Lettres sur les François et les Anglois, p. 10.

[66]State Papers, Dom., 1667-1668, p. 604.

[67]Lettres choisies, ii. p. 737.

[68]Essai sur l'Entendement(2nd ed.),Avisby Coste.

[69]Clarke and Foxcroft,Life of Burnet, pp. 361-62.

[70]The French Littleton, 1566;The French Schoole-Maister, 1573;A Dictionarie, 1584, etc.

[71]The French Grammar, 1578.

[72]The French Garden, 1605.

[73]A French Grammar and Syntax, 1634.

[74]A Sure Guide to the French Tongue, 1635.

[75]French Grammar, 1662.

[76]Dictionary, 1677.

[77]Nouvelle Grammaire Angloise, 1678.

[78]A New French Grammar, 1675.

[79]Relation d'un voyage, pp. 20, 169 (1664).

[80]See Chap. VII.

[81]Bochart,Lettre à M. Morley, p. 7.

[82]Journal de Henri IV., i. p. 354.

[83]See Chap. VIII.

[84]Nouvelles ordinaires de Londres, p. 1550.

[85]Ibid.p. 956.

[86]French Grammar, p. 288.

[87]Diary, 8th July 1686.

[88]See the letters of De la Motte and De Luzancy, printed in Chap. III.

[89]See Chap. IX.

[90]Saint-Evremond,Works, x. xxiii.

[91]New State of England, ii. p. 15.

[92]Journal de Henri IV., p. 526.

[93]Reprinted by Dr. Brotanek, Halle, 1905.

[94]E. Gordon Duff,English Provincial Printers, p. 58.

[95]Beaumont and Fletcher,Women Pleased, Activ.Sc. 3.

[96]See Chap. III.

[97]Gildersleeve,Government Regulations of the Elizabethan Drama, p. 70.

[98]Poems on State Affairs, ii. p. 152.

[99]Butler,Pindarick Ode to the Happy Memory of the most renowned Du Val.

[100]Chap. III.

The chiefest subject of this booke is, the vanity of the world and all worldly things, as wealth, honour, life, etc., and the end and scope of it, to teach a man how to submit himselfe wholly to God's providence, and to live content and thankfull in what estate or calling soever. But the booke, I doubt not, will sufficiently commend itselfe, to them who shall be able to read it with any judgement, and to compare it with all others of the same subject, written either by Christians or Heathens: so that it be remembered that it was written by a Heathen; that is, one that had no other knowledge of any God, then such as was grounded upon naturall reasons meerely; no certaine assurance of the Immortality of the soule; no other light whereby hee might knowwhat was good or bad, right or wrong, but the light of nature, and humane reason.... As for the Booke itselfe, to let it speake for itselfe; In the Author of it two maine things I conceive very considerable, which because by the knowledge of them, the use and benefit of the Booke may be much the greater then otherwise it would be, I would not have any ignorant of. The things are these: first, that he was a very great man, one that had good experience of what he spake; and secondly, that he was a very good man, one that lived as he did write, and exactly (as farre as was possible to a naturall man) performed what he exhorted others unto.

(Marcus Aurelius, His Meditations, translated out of the Originall Greeke, with Notes.London. 1635. Preface.)

I think that man that can enjoy his natural wit and reason with sobriety, and doth affect such raptures and alienations of mind, hath attained to a good degree of madnesse, without rapture, which makes him so much to undervalue the highest gift of God, Grace excepted, sound Reason. It made Aristotle deny that any divination, either by dreams or otherwise, was from God, because not ignorant only, but wicked men also were observed to have a greater share in such, then those that were noted for either learning or piety. And truly I think itis not without some providence of God that it should be so; that those whom God hath blessed with wisdome, and a discerning spirit, might the better content themselves with their share, and be the more heartily thankfull. And in very deed, sound Reason and a discerning spirit is a perpetual kind of divination: as also it is somewhere called in the Scriptures.

(A Treatise concerning Enthusiasme, London, 1655, pp. 46-47.)

[Born in Geneva, in 1599, Méric Casaubon was educated in Sedan, followed his father Isaac to the Court of James I. and settled in England where he became prebendary of Canterbury.]

Deare Charles,—Having reseauved a lettre from the King[102]I have dispatch this berear, Dudley Wiatt to you, with the copie of the lettre, by which you may see the King's command to you and to me. I make no doubt that you will obey it, and suddeyneley; for sertainly your coming hither is the securitie of the King your father. Therfor make all the hast you can to showe yourself a dutifull sonne, and a carefull one, to doe all that is in your power to serve him: otherwise you may ruine the King and yourself.

Now that the King is gonne from Oxford, whether to the Scotch or to Irland, the Parliament will, with alle ther power, force you to come to them. Ther is no time to be lost, therfor loose none, but come speedeley. I have writt more at large to Milord Culpepper, to show it to your Counsell. Ile say no more to you, hoping to see you shortley. I would have send you Harry Jermin but he is goinge to the Court with some commands from the King to the Queen-Regente.

Ile adde no more to this but that I am your most affectionat mother,

Henriette Marie R.

For me dearest Sonne.[103]

Courteous English reader, I need not to commend you this work, having already received such a general approbation in this noble country that in eight years of time it hath been printed foure times, and so many thousands at once. Only I thank you kindly if any of my countrymen, jealous of the credit that you have given it amongst yourselves, will speak against it, he doth himselfe more harm than to me, to be alone against thecommon voice of such a learned and heroical a Nation. Many think I beg of you. First of all be pleased to excuse me, if my English phrase do not sound well to your delicate ears. I am a learner of your tongue, and not a master; what I undertake 'tis to explain my French expressions; secondly, if any Frenchman (especially one that professeth to be a master of the Language) dispiseth it unto you, do not believe him, or if any other critical man will find faults where there are none, desire him to repair to the author, and you shall have the sport to see him shamefully convinced for some small errours of printing (although it is very exactly corrected, that cannot be hope if there be any, none but ignorants will take any advantage of them). I have added abundance of new short dialogue concerning for the most part the Triumphs of England, and a new State of France, as it is now governed, since Cardinal Mazarin's death, with two sheets, viz. the first and the last of the most necessary things belonging to the Learner, and so I desire you to make an acceptance of it. Farewell.

If anybody be pleased to find me out, he may enquire at theBellin St. Pauls-Church-Yard, or else in Long-acre, at the signe of theFrench-armesat Mr. l'Anneau.

[Little is known of Claude Mauger, one of the numerous and obscure teachers of French who took refuge in London in the seventeenth century.]

My angry Antagonist, to make me angry also, giveth many attacks to the French Protestants ... he saith that they hadMilton'sBook against our precious King and Holy Martyr in great veneration. That they will deny. But it is no extraordinary thing that wicked Books which say with a witty malice all that can be said for a bad cause, with a fluent and florid stile, are esteemed even by them that condemn them. Upon those termsMilton'swicked Book was entertained by Friends and Foes, that were Lovers of Human Learning, both inEnglandandFrance. I had for my part such a jealousie to see that Traytour praised for his Language that I writ against himClamor Regii Sanguinis ad Cœlum.

That some of the Regicides were taken in the Congregations of the French Protestants is no disgrace to them. The Churches doors are open to all commers; false Brethren and Spies enter into it. But how much they detested their act, they exprest both in their Conversation and in printed Books, as much as the English Royalists.

His Lordship supposeth that they had a kindness forCromwell, upon this ground, thatCromwellhad a kindness for them. Had his Lordship had any ground for that assertion by any act of theirs,he would have been sure to have told us of it. It is true thatCromwelldid them that kindness by his interest withMazarinto make them injoy the benefits of the Edicts made in their favour. He knew that it was the interest of the King ofEngland(which he would have been) to oblige his Protestant Neighbours, and to shew himself the Head of the Protestant Cause.

(A Reply to a Person of Honour, London, 1675, pp. 39-41.)

[Eldest son to Pierre Du Moulin, pastor at Charenton, Peter Du Moulin studied at Sedan and Leyden, was tutor to Richard Boyle, took orders, threw in his lot with the royalists, and became in 1660 prebendary of Canterbury.]

Since I live here[104]on the gracious effects of your liberality I think I am obliged to give you an account of my behaviour and studies, and I do it in English, though I am not ignorant you know French better than I do. I do what lies in me to be not altogether useless in the Church of England. I have got that tongue already well enough to peruse the English books and to read prayers which I have done in several churches and I have made three sermons I am ready to preach in a fortnight.Some scholars I have showed them to, have found but very few faults in my expressions. I hope to do better in a short time, for I pronounce English well enough to be understood by the people, and have a great facility to write it, having perused to that end many of your best English divines, so I hope in three months to be able to preach every week. I hope your Lordship will make good my troubling you with this letter, considering I am in a manner obliged to do so to acknowledge the exceeding charity you have showed me which makes me offer every day my humble prayers to God for your prosperity.

[François de la Motte, an ex-Carmelite, came over to England, was befriended by Secretary Williamson, and owing to the latter's patronage entered the Church. The above letter is printed inCal. State Papers, Dom., 1676-1677, p. 235. There are still extant a few sermons of this preacher.]

I think myself here obliged to add an Apology as to my own Account, for what I have said as to the Independant Churches. I do imagine I shall be accused at first for having made the description of the Congregational way, not according as it is in effect, but in that manner as Xenophon did theCyropædiato be the perfect model of a Prince. They will say that any other interest than thatof the inward knowledge I have of the goodness, truth, and holiness of the Congregational way, ought to have excited me to commend it as I have done. That I commend what I do not approve in the bottome of my heart, since I do not joyn my self to it.... To which, I answer that though I should joyn my self to their Assemblies, it would be no argument that I should approve of all the things they did, and all they believed, as they cannot conclude by my not joyning to their Congregations, that I have not the Congregational way in greater and higher esteem than any other. As I am aFrenchman, and by the grace of God of the Reformed Church, I joyn to the Church of my own Nation, to which I am so much the more strongly invited by the holiness of the Doctrines, and lives of our excellent Pastors,Monsieur MussardandMonsieur Primerose, and because they administer the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper in the same manner asJesus Christdid it with His Disciples; not having anything to give me offence in their conduct, unless that they are not absolutely undeceived of the practice of our Pastors inFrance, of excommunicating in the name and authority ofJesus Christ, and of interposing the same sacred Name, and the same sacred Authority to excommunicate asSt. Paulmade use of to deliver theIncestuousperson over to Satan....

(Conformity of the Discipline and Government of the Independants to that of the Primitive Church, London, 1680, p. 54.)

[Second son to Pierre Du Moulin, Louis Du Moulin came to England with his father, and followed the fortunes of the Independents. He was seventy-four when he published the above work. He died three years after, at Westminster, confessing his errors, according to Bishop Burnet, whose zeal in this case got the better of his discretion.]

I should not presume to take up any part of that time, which your Grace so happily employs in the Government and Conservation of a whole Nation; nor to divert the rest of this honourable Board from those important Affairs, which usually call your Lordships hither; were I not under an Obligation both of Gratitude and Duty, to be an Interpreter for those poor Protestants, lately come out ofFrance, to take Sanctuary with you: and to express for them and in their names, as they have earnestly desired me, a part of that grateful sense, which they have, and will for ever preserve, of your Lordships' Christian Charity and Generosity towards them: This they have often, I assure you, acknowledg'd to Heav'n in their Pray'rs, but cou'd not be satisfied, till they had made their solemn and publick Acknowledgments to their Noble Benefactors.

(A Speech made to His Grace the Duke of Ormond, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and to the Lords of the Privy Council, Dublin.)

[Pierre Drelincourt was the sixth son of Charles Drelincourt, the author of the famousConsolations, translated into English 1675, and to a later edition of which Defoe was to append the story of the ghost of Mrs. Veal. Pierre studied in Geneva, went over to England, took Orders and became Dean of Armagh. The Doctor Drelincourt of whom Coste speaks (see Chapter X.) was Pierre's brother.]

Sir,—I have bin desired by your friends to send you the inclos'd paper, by which you may easily be made sensible how we are overrun with pride, heat, and faction; and unjust to ourselves of the greatest honor and advantage which we could ever attain to, in the choice of so great and so good a man as you are. Had reason had the least place amongst us, or any love for ourselves, we had certainly carried it for you. Yet, if we are not by this late defection altogether become unworthy of you, I dare almost be confident, that an earlier application of the appearing of yourself or Sir Anthony Deane, will put the thing out of doubt against the next Parlement. A conventicle set up here since this unhappy Liberty of Conscience has bin the cause of all this. In the meantime, my poor endeavours shall not be wanting, and though my stedfastness to your interests these tenyears has almost ruined me, yet I shall continue as long as I live,

Your most humble and most obedient Servant,

De Luzancy,Minister of Harwich.(Corr. of Samuel Pepys, p. 740.)

[De Luzancy, an ex-monk, came over to England and became minister to the French congregation in Harwich. The above letter refers to an election at Harwich, when Pepys was not returned.]

As the country is temperate and moist, so the English have naturally the advantages of a clear complexion; not sindged as in hot climates, nor weather-beaten as in cold regions. The generality, of a comely stature, graceful countenance, well-featured, gray-eyed, and brown-haired. But for talness and strength the Western people exceed all the rest.

The women generally more handsome than in other places, and without sophistications, sufficiently indowed with natural beauties. In an absolute woman, say the Italians, are required the parts of a Dutch woman from the waste downwards, of a French woman from the waste up to the shoulders; and over them an English face.

In short there is no country in Europe where youth is generally so charming, men so proper and well proportioned, and women so beautiful.

The truth is, this happiness is not only to be attributed to the clemency of the air. Their easy life under the best of governments, which saves them from the drudgery and hardships of other nations, has a great hand in it.

For merchandizing and navigation, no people can compare with them but the Hollanders. For literature, especially since the Reformation, there is no nation in the world so generally knowing. And, as experimental philosophy, so divinity, both scholastick and practical, has been improved here beyond all other places. Which makes foreign divines, and the best sort of them, so conversant with the learned works of those famous lights of the Church, our best English divines.

In short, the English genius is for close speaking and writing, and always to the point.... The gawdy part and pomp of Rhetorick, so much affected by the French, is slighted by the English; who, like men of reason, stick chiefly to Logick.

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