Chapter 7

Henricusdei gracia Rex Anglie et Francie et Dominus HibernieOmnibusad quos presentes Irẽ pˀvenerunt saltmˀInspeximuslitteras patentes domini H. nuper Rˀgis Anglie septum patris nostri precarissimi de confirmacione factas in hec verbaHenricusdei gracia . . . . . . Teste me ip̃o apud Westmonasterium quinto die Decembrˀ Anno regni nr̃i quinto decimo.Nos autemlitteras predictas ac omnia & singula in eisdem contenta rata hentẽs & grata ea pro nobis & heredibus nr̃is quantum in nobis est acceptamus & approbamus ac dilectis ligeis nr̃is Johĩ Peerson Wil̃l̃o Kyrkeby Thome Gybson & Thome Martyn nunc Magistris sive Gubernatoribus mistereBarbitonsorumetSirurgicoruminfra Civitatem nrãm predictam & eorum successoribus per presentes ratificamus & confirmamus sicut lrẽ predicte rõnabiliter testantur.In cujusrei testimonium has lrãs nrãs fieri fecimus patentes.Testeme ip̃o apud Westmonasterium duodecimo die Marcii Anno regni nr̃i tercio.Yong.pro viginti solidis solutis in Hanapˀio.

Yong.pro viginti solidis solutis in Hanapˀio.

The Great Seal, though still pendant, has been considerably damaged.

1525. This year the Company received a Precept from the Mayor, ordering them to provide for the “Midsummer Watch.”

To the Wardens of the Barber Surgeons,We woll and charge you that for the hounour of this Citie ye do ordeyne & pˀpare ageinst the watches to be kept within this Citie in the nightꝭ of the vigilles of Sent John Baptist & Seint Peter nowe next comynge iiij honest & comely pˀsones suche as ye will answere for, wtBowes & arrowes clenely harneysed and arrayed yn Jakettꝭ of whytte, havynge tharmes of this Citie, to waytte and attende uppon us in the said Watches, And to come to Blackwell Hall and there to be, for the not fayllynge hereof as ye tendre the honour of this Citie and also will answere at your pẽlls. Gyven in the Guihall of the said Citie the xiiij day of Junij the xvij year of the Reigne of our Soveraigne lorde King Henry the viijth.

To the Wardens of the Barber Surgeons,

We woll and charge you that for the hounour of this Citie ye do ordeyne & pˀpare ageinst the watches to be kept within this Citie in the nightꝭ of the vigilles of Sent John Baptist & Seint Peter nowe next comynge iiij honest & comely pˀsones suche as ye will answere for, wtBowes & arrowes clenely harneysed and arrayed yn Jakettꝭ of whytte, havynge tharmes of this Citie, to waytte and attende uppon us in the said Watches, And to come to Blackwell Hall and there to be, for the not fayllynge hereof as ye tendre the honour of this Citie and also will answere at your pẽlls. Gyven in the Guihall of the said Citie the xiiij day of Junij the xvij year of the Reigne of our Soveraigne lorde King Henry the viijth.

signature

An Act of Parliament was passed in the 20th Henry VII, which provided that the governing bodies of Guilds should not make any by-laws or ordinances, without the same should be approved by the Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer, and the Chief Justices of the King’s Bench and Common Pleas, or any three of them, etc., and in 1530 our Company, being desirous of settling many points for the government of the mystery, drew up a long set of interesting Ordinances, which were presented to Sir Thomas More the Chancellor, Sir John Fitzjames and Sir Robert Norwiche the Chief Justices, and were signed by them on the 14th May, 1530. The original (with More’s autograph) is at the Hall, and after reciting the Act of 20th Henry VII, ordains the following oaths andarticles:—

The oath of a freeman.The oath of the Masters and Governors with directions as to searches.Ordinance as to attending on summons." " quarterage." " presentation of apprentices." " number of servants to be kept by freemen and liverymen." " wages of servants." " enticing away of servants." " opening shop." " teaching the mystery to any but apprentices." " sueing brother freemen at common law." " “opprobrios condicions or dishonest wordes.”" " refusal to come on the Livery, and admission into the Livery." " Sunday trading." " presenting patients in danger of death." " reading Lectures concerning Surgery." " supplanting another of his patient." " the Dinners." " excess of words in debate." " departing from the Common assembly." " seniority." " Barbers setting up shop.

Sir Thomas More’s Ordinances, as above, will be found in full in theAppendix B, the transcript being made from the original.76

1540. This year is one of the most memorable in the annals of the Barber-Surgeons, as it witnessed the union of the unincorporated Guild of Surgeons, with their more accredited fellow-craftsmen, the incorporated Company of Barbers. It has been suggested by more than one writer that such an union is shrouded in mystery, difficult of explanation, and that in those days, with science advancing (slowly, it is true), it might have been expected that we should read of a divorcement, rather than a combination of two crafts, which then, as now, were dissimilar both in their operations, and in the training and intelligence necessary for their practice.

But it is essential to bear in mind that though the Charter of Edward IV was ostensibly to the Barbers, it really was granted to a fraternity, which to a great extent practised as Barber-Surgeons, some of whom were Surgeons pure and simple, others combined both branches, while others still carried on the more humble craft of Shavers and Hair-Dressers; those of the Company who practised Surgery did no doubt consider it a reproach to be dubbed “Barbers,” and for distinction sake called themselves and were well known as “Barber-Surgeons,” indeed they had so far established this title tothemselves and to their Company, as to get it recognised and so named in the Inspeximus Charter of Henry VII (less than forty years after their original Charter as “Barbers” had been granted to them). This is to a great extent confirmed by the words of the Act now about to be referred to, which distinctly says that there was then a Company of “Surgeons occupyinge and exercisynge the sayde scyence and faculty of surgery . . . . . . commonly called the Barbours of London.”

The Union therefore was not a joining of Barbers with Surgeons (THAThad existed from the earliest times), but was the consolidation of the “Guild of Surgeons” with another body of Surgeons who were incorporated, and practised under the name of “Barbers” in conjunction with actual working Barbers; and, as the Act provided what the Surgeons should and should not do, and the like as to actual Barbers, limiting their operations also, most if not all difficulty and apparent incongruity in the union seems to vanish.

The Act (32 Hen. VIII, cap. 42) which will well repay perusal, settled the Barber-Surgeons in their corporate capacity for many a long year; under it the old rival society disappeared, it being declared that the two Companies should be united, so that by their assembling together, the science of Surgery might be fostered and improved; whereupon it was enacted that they should be incorporated under the style of “The Maisters or Governours of the Mystery and Comminalte of Barbours and Surgeons of London.” The property of the old Company of Barbers was handed over to the new Corporation (the Guild of Surgeons are not said to have had any property to bring into the new concern). The usual grant of a common seal, of power to plead and to be impleaded, to hold lands, etc., will be seen at large in the Act. The Surgeons of the Company were to be exempt from bearing armour or being put into watches and inquests.The dead bodies of four malefactors were assigned to the Company yearly for dissections. And, inasmuch as various persons exercising the faculty of Surgery used to take into their houses for cure, people afflicted with the pestilence and other contagious diseases and “do use or exercise barbari, as washynge or shavyng and other feates thereunto belonging,”77the same was declared “veraie perillous,” and it was enacted that no one using the faculty of Surgery should practise Barbery, and that no Barber should practise any point in Surgery, the drawing of teeth only excepted. The Surgeons were to exhibit a sign in front of their houses, and no Barber was to exercise his calling unless free of the Company. Four Masters were to rule the Company, whereof two were to be Barbers and two Surgeons. A penalty was named for offenders against the articles, all were to pay scot and lot, and private persons might keep their own Barber or Surgeon, without interference by the Company.

The Act was passed on the 24th July, 1540, and will be found inAppendix C. being taken from the original Black-letter copy in the Author’s possession.

We now refer to the Company’s chief treasure, the Holbein picture, and are at once met with a difficulty; does it represent thegranting of a Charterto the Company? if so, the year was 1512; or does it illustrate the union of the Barbers and Surgeons byAct of Parliament? if so, the year was 1540.

The picture exhibits a Charter with the Great Seal pendant, and has always been popularly known and described as the “granting of the Charter to the Barber-Surgeons.” On the other hand, however, the King was but 21 years of age in 1512 and 49 years in 1540, which latter age accords with the picture; moreover, Vicary,Ayleff, Harman, and the others represented, were members of the Court in the latter year, but not in 1512. These considerations are sufficient to demolish the “Charter” theory, and point to the hypothesis that it is the Union of the Barbers’ Company with the Guild of Surgeons, accomplished by Act of Parliament in 1540, which iscommemorated, but then we must admit a licence on the part of Holbein (which deceived no one at the time), when he indulged his artist’s fancy by putting into the King’s hand a Charter with seal pendant, instead of an Act of Parliament, which latter would not indeed have been the King’s function to hand to the Company, and would probably, if represented, have been depicted as a mere roll, and not therefore so artistic or effective as a Charter with a Seal in the King’s hand.

The Act received the Royal Assent 25th July, 1540; this would be towards the close of the year of John Pen’s mastership. Vicary, who is receiving the Instrument, was Master from September, 1541, to September, 1542; there is every probability that the painting was executed during his year of office, and that is why Holbein paid him the compliment of putting him in the chief position in the painting, which after all was intended, not as a strictly historical, but rather as a commemorative picture.

The picture is 10 feet 2 inches long by 5 feet 11 inches high, painted on oak panel and contains nineteen figures; it represents a room in the palace (said to have been Bridewell), which is hung with beautiful tapestry and appears to have been gilded; the King is seated on a throne, his age apparently about fifty, the complexion florid, the hair sandy, the eyes small but animated and restless; the expression on the countenance is impatience, and he seems thrusting the document hastily into the hand of Thomas Vicary, who receives it kneeling, onhis left; the face altogether might be pronounced handsome, were it not for the low forehead and contracted eyebrows; he has on his left thumb a signet ring, and other rings on the first and fourth fingers of his right hand with which he holds a sword of state resting on his knee; on his head is a jewelled crown; on his left leg the garter, and round his neck the collar of the Order; the mantle is short and of crimson velvet; all these ornaments are most beautifully executed and are as fine as miniature painting; every hair of his head is distinct, and the texture of his robe is finely given; his impatience seems to have warmed him, and the rising colour flushing over his face is most admirably painted. On the King’s right are three grave and closely shaved personages on their knees. The first is Dr. John Chambre, one of the Royal Physicians, he is represented in a skull cap and furred gown, the sleeves very large and in which his hands are enwrapped; from the expression of his countenance it would seem that he was anything but pleased with the provisions of the Act, as the face has a sullen and discontented look; next to him is the celebrated Dr. William Butts, also one of Henry’s Physicians, and behind him is Thomas Alsop, the Royal Apothecary, his hair is long and lank, and features coarse and hard.

On the King’s left are fifteen members of the Court on their knees, and in livery gowns, evidently specially sumptuous for the occasion, being of brocaded or damask silk, trimmed with fur, and each man wears a livery hood of red and black upon his shoulder. The first of these is Thomas Vicary, Serjeant-Surgeon, who wears a gold chain; next comes Sir John Ayleff, Surgeon to the King, also with a gold chain and a ring on his finger, the next is Nicholas Simpson, King’s Barber, who, like Vicary and Ayleff, wears a skull cap, all the others have their heads bare. Then comes Edmund Harman, King’s Barber, and one of the Witnesses to Henry’s Will, he wears a goldchain; next him is James Monforde, King’s Surgeon, then John Pen, the King’s Barber, and Nicholas Alcocke; the expression on the countenances of all these men is grave and solemn; the next, Richard Ferris, who has a somewhat merrier face, and was also King’s Surgeon, completes the front row. The moustaches and beards of the whole, including the King, would appear as if they had had great care and attention bestowed upon them. Of the remaining seven figures in the back row, the names of but two have been preserved, viz., Christopher Salmond and William Tilley.

This picture of Holbein’s is not surpassed, if indeed it is equalled, by any other of that master, every part is most elaborately and delicately finished; the position of none of the figures is constrained, and there is no attempt at theatrical effect, yet every person represented is in action, the colouring is chaste, and kept down, nor is there any of that hardness and stiffness often observed in Holbein’s pictures. Its reputation has been truly said to be world-wide, whilst it has been eulogistically described by some one to be “as glowing as a Titian, and minutely faithful as a Gerard Dow.”78

The names of the persons represented have been somewhat rudely affixed to their effigies, probably a few years after the picture was painted, and whilst we cannot but deplore the disfigurement, it is more than compensated for, as the means of identification of so many of our illustrious predecessors. The tablet, with inscription, has been said to be of later date than Holbein’s work, and to have been painted over a window, through which was once seen the old church of St. Bride; this, however,is most improbable, as it is personally dedicatory to Henry. The inscription is asfollows:—

HENRICO OCTAVO OPT MAX: REGI ANGLIÆ FRANCIÆET HIBERNIÆ FIDEI DEFENSORI AC ANGLICANÆ HIBERNICÆQECCLESIÆ PROXIME A CHRISTO SVPREMO CAPITI SOCIETASCHIRVRGORVM COMMVNIBVS VOTIS HÆC CONSECRAT.

TRISTIOR ANGLORVM PESTIS VIOLAVERAT ORBEMINFESTANS ANIMOS CORPORIBVSQVE SEDENSHANC DEVS INSIGNEM CLADEM MISERATVS AB ALTOTE MEDICI MVNVS JVSSIT OBIRE BONILVMEN EVANGELII FVLVIS CIRCVMVOLAT ALISPHARMACON AD FECTIS MENTIBVS ILLVD ERITCONSILIOQ TVO CELEBRANT MONVMENTA GALENIET CELERI MORBVS PELLITVR OMNIS OPENOS IGITVR SVPPLEX MEDICORVM TVRBA TVORVMHANC TIBI SACRAMVS RELIGIONE DOMVMMVNERIS ET MEMORES QVO NOS HENRICE BEASTIIMPERIO OPTAMVS MAXIMA QVE QVE TVO.

TRANSLATION.

To Henry the Eighth, the best and greatest King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and next to Christ, supreme head of the Church of England and Ireland, the Company of Surgeons dedicate these, with their united prayers.A grievous plague had ravaged the region of England,Afflicting man’s spirits and penetrating his frame;God, pitying from on high this remarkable scourgeCommanded thee to perform the office of a good physician.The light of the gospel flies around on glowing wings,This will be the balm to enfeebled minds:Whilst the disciples of Galen meet to raise a monument to thee,And all disease is swiftly dispelled by thy power.We, therefore, a suppliant band of thy Physicians,Solemnly dedicate this house to thee,And mindful of the favour with which thou, O Henry, hast blessed us,Invoke the greatest blessings on thy rule.

A grievous plague had ravaged the region of England,Afflicting man’s spirits and penetrating his frame;God, pitying from on high this remarkable scourgeCommanded thee to perform the office of a good physician.The light of the gospel flies around on glowing wings,This will be the balm to enfeebled minds:Whilst the disciples of Galen meet to raise a monument to thee,And all disease is swiftly dispelled by thy power.We, therefore, a suppliant band of thy Physicians,Solemnly dedicate this house to thee,And mindful of the favour with which thou, O Henry, hast blessed us,Invoke the greatest blessings on thy rule.

The following fragmentary notices of the persons represented in the picture, will be found of some interest.

The first figure to the left is Thomas Alsop; he was the King’s Apothecary, and Henry VIII, by his will, left him 100 marks.

Next to him is Dr. William Butts, one of the King’s physicians, ever famous for his memorable interference with the King on behalf of Archbishop Cranmer in 1544, when the Roman Catholic party in the Council endeavoured to procure Cranmer’s committal to the Tower. A full account of this incident will be found in Strype’s Memorials of Cranmer (Oxford Ed., 1812, pp. 177–181), and Shakespeare in his play of Henry VIII (act v., sc. 2) has also graphically described it. Cranmer’s Secretary, aware of Butts’ great influence with the King, sent for the Doctor, and acquainted him with the slight which had been put upon the Archbishop by keeping him standing in the ante-room of the Council Chamber among lacqueys and servingmen, upon which Butts immediately repaired to the King, andsaid:—

“I’ll show your Grace the strangest sight,The high promotion of his Grace of Canterbury:Who holds his State at door, ’mongst pursuivants,Pages and foot boys.”

whereupon Henryreplies,—

“Ha! ’tis he indeed!Is this the honour they do one another?’Tis well there’s one above them. Yet, I had thoughtThey had parted so much honesty among ‘em(At least good manners) as not thus to sufferA man of his place and so near our favour,To dance attendance on their lordships’ pleasures,And at the door too, like a post with packets,By Holy Mary! Butts, there’s knavery.Let them alone, and drawn the curtain close:We shall hear more anon.”

Henry spoke his mind so freely to the Council, that they one and all shook hands with the Archbishop, and, as Strype says, “Never more durst any man spurn him during King Henry’s life.”

Dr. Butts must have had the best practice of any man of his time; there are several references to him among the State papers at the Record Office, of which the following are a few examples, and indicate that his patients were the aristocracy of the day.

25th May, 1524. Among the funeral expenses of Sir Thomas Lovell, K.G., is this item:—“To John Hewson, riding to Cambridge, to fetch Dr. Buttes when my master was sick, 4s.8d.”28th April, 1525. The Duke of Norfolk, writing to Cardinal Wolsey, says that last night at 7 o’clock the Lord Marney was “drawyng the draghts of deth, and Mr. Butts determyned he shuld not lyve after 5 owrys” (hours).14th October, 1525. A warrant was signed by Wolsey, directed to Sir Andrew Windsor, for delivery to Dr. Butts, who had been appointed physician to my lady Princess, of a livery in blue and green, in damask for himself, and in cloth for his two servants.17th May, 1528. In a letter from the Duke of Norfolk to Wolsey, the Duke says that Mr. Butts had come to him from the King, without whose aid he thought that he should not have recovered from his sickness.23rd June, 1528. In a letter from Brian Tuke (to Cardinal Wolsey) he speaks of an infection which had been much about of late, and how the King told him that Mistress Ann Boleyn and my lord Rochford both have had it; what jeopardy they have been in, by the turning in of the sweat before the time; of the endeavour of Mr. Buttes who hath been with them in his return; and finally of their perfect recovery.19th January, 1530. A letter from De Augustinis, written from the palace at Esher, to Cromwell, desires that Dr. Butts or Dr. Walter Cromer may be sent to the Cardinal and requesting that Balthazar the physician, may be spoken to, to obtain some leeches; no time was to be lost and the doctors were to bring with them some vomitive electuary.

25th May, 1524. Among the funeral expenses of Sir Thomas Lovell, K.G., is this item:—“To John Hewson, riding to Cambridge, to fetch Dr. Buttes when my master was sick, 4s.8d.”

28th April, 1525. The Duke of Norfolk, writing to Cardinal Wolsey, says that last night at 7 o’clock the Lord Marney was “drawyng the draghts of deth, and Mr. Butts determyned he shuld not lyve after 5 owrys” (hours).

14th October, 1525. A warrant was signed by Wolsey, directed to Sir Andrew Windsor, for delivery to Dr. Butts, who had been appointed physician to my lady Princess, of a livery in blue and green, in damask for himself, and in cloth for his two servants.

17th May, 1528. In a letter from the Duke of Norfolk to Wolsey, the Duke says that Mr. Butts had come to him from the King, without whose aid he thought that he should not have recovered from his sickness.

23rd June, 1528. In a letter from Brian Tuke (to Cardinal Wolsey) he speaks of an infection which had been much about of late, and how the King told him that Mistress Ann Boleyn and my lord Rochford both have had it; what jeopardy they have been in, by the turning in of the sweat before the time; of the endeavour of Mr. Buttes who hath been with them in his return; and finally of their perfect recovery.

19th January, 1530. A letter from De Augustinis, written from the palace at Esher, to Cromwell, desires that Dr. Butts or Dr. Walter Cromer may be sent to the Cardinal and requesting that Balthazar the physician, may be spoken to, to obtain some leeches; no time was to be lost and the doctors were to bring with them some vomitive electuary.

Dr. Butts was a personal friend of Henry’s, who, in 1537, granted him the manor and advowson of Thornage, in Norfolk. Hedied 17th November, 1545, and lies buried in Fulham Church, where there is (or was) a monument to his memory.

Next to Butts, and immediately to the King’s right, is Dr. John Chambre; he was physician to and a great favorite of Henry’s, holding several clerical preferments as well. He was a Fellow and Warden of Merton College, Oxon, where he was admitted Doctor of Physic, 29th October, 1531. In the list of persons to whom Wolsey, in 1526, assigned lodgings at the King’s house, when they should repair thither, occurs the name of Dr. Chambre. There is also a catalogue of the King’s new year’s gifts, in 1528, by which it appears that the Doctor had a piece of plate weighing 243⁄8ozs., at the same time the Cardinal’s gift was 401⁄4ozs., and that of the Archbishop 31 ozs.

In Brian Tuke’s letter (23rd June, 1528), before referred to, he tells Wolsey that when he called on the King with his letters, he found him in “secret communication with his physician, Mr. Chambre, in a tower, where he sometimes sups apart.”

Dr. Chambre was Dean of St. Stephen’s Chapel, Westminster, Canon of Windsor, Archdeacon of Bedford, Prebendary of Comb and Harnham in Salisbury Cathedral, Treasurer of Wells Cathedral, and beneficed in Somersetshire and Yorkshire. Truly the lines had fallen unto him in pleasant places!

He was one of the physicians in attendance on Queen Jane, at the birth of Edward VI, and in a letter written by him to the Privy Council, concerning the Queen’s critical state, he signs himself “priest.” He was also in attendance on Anne Boleyn, in her confinement with Elizabeth. His name is mentioned with that of Linacre and three others, in the Charter to the College of Physicians, in 1518.

Sir William Compton, K.G., in 1522, nominated Dr. Chambre one of his executors, in conjunction with the Bishop of Exeter, and Sir Henry Marney, Lord Privy Seal.

Dr. Chambre built a “very curious cloyster,” in St. Stephen’s Chapel, which cost him 11,000 marks, and he gave the canons of that chapel some lands. He died in 1549.

On the King’s left is, first, Thomas Vicary (sometimes Vicars and Vyccary), Master of the Barbers in 1530, and of the Barber-Surgeons in 1541, 1546, 1548 and 1557. He was a man of great eminence in his profession, having been Surgeon to St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, and Serjeant-Surgeon to Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary and Elizabeth. He was the author of “The Profitable Treatise of Anatomy” in “The Englishman’s Treasure, with the true Anatomie of Man’s Body.” An account of Vicary will be found in D’Arcy Power, pp. 102, etc., and several particulars relating to his connection with St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, are recorded in a paper by Dr. Norman Moore (Hospital Reports, vol. xviii, pp. 333–358); see also Dr. Furnivall’s exhaustive account (Early English Text Society).

Next comes Sir John Ayleff (Aylif, Aylyff, etc.). He was Master of the Barbers in 1538, and Surgeon to the King, with whom he was doubtless on terms of friendship, as Henry bequeathed him 100 marks. Ayleff treated Henry for fistula and cured him, at Brinkworth in Wilts, for which the King bestowed upon him a great estate there in gratification. He subsequently became a Merchant of Blackwell Hall, Sheriff of London in 1548, and Alderman of Bridge Without in 1550.

17th July, 1550. In the Repertories of the Court of Aldermen is a Record that the Court of the Barber-Surgeons gave their assentto the Translation of Sir John from theirs to the Grocers’ Company, of which Company he was crowned Upper Warden 9th June, 1556.

Sir John Ayleff was buried 20th October, 1556, in the Church of St. Michael Bassishaw, where there was formerly a marble tomb with this inscriptionthereon—

In Chirurgery brought up in youth,A Knight here lyeth dead;A Knight and eke a Surgeon suchAs England seld hath bred.For which so soveraigne Gift of GodWherein he did excell,King Henry VIII call’d him to Court,Who lov’d him dearly well.God gave the Gift, the King gave Goods,The Gift of God t’enhance;Where God and such a Prince do joyne,Such Man hath happy Chance.King Edward for his service sake,Bade him rise up a Knight,A name of Praise and ever sinceHe, Sir John Ailiffe hight,Right Worshipful, in name and chargeIn London lived he than,In Blackwell Hall the merchant chiefeFirst Sheriffe, then Alderman.The Hospitals bewaile his deathThe Orphan children mone,The chiefe Erector being deadAnd Benefactor gone.Dame Isabel who lived with him,His faithful Wife and Mate,With him (as dearest after death)Doth not her Knight forsakeThe Knight the2479of October.Yeelded up his breath,And she soon after followedTo live with him in death.

Right Worshipful, in name and chargeIn London lived he than,In Blackwell Hall the merchant chiefeFirst Sheriffe, then Alderman.The Hospitals bewaile his deathThe Orphan children mone,The chiefe Erector being deadAnd Benefactor gone.Dame Isabel who lived with him,His faithful Wife and Mate,With him (as dearest after death)Doth not her Knight forsakeThe Knight the2479of October.Yeelded up his breath,And she soon after followedTo live with him in death.

19 April, 1558. My lady Aylyff gave a fyne table cloth of damaske worcke to sr̃ve for the uppermost table in the hawle the wchof her jentyllness she gave frely unto this hawle.

John Ayleff (son of the Knight) was admitted to the freedom of the Barber-Surgeons, 3rd June, 1552.

Next to Sir John Ayleff, is Nicholas Simpson, concerning whom nothing is known to me, but that he was “King’s Barber,” and Master of the Barbers in 1537.

Edmund Harman, “King’s Barber,” follows next; he was admitted to the freedom in 1530, and served Master in 1540. Henry VIII bequeathed him 200 marks, and he was one of the attesting witnesses to the King’s will. There are several references to him among the State Papers and Household Ordinances. His dignified bearing and expression in the picture are very striking.

James Monforde (or Mumford), “King’s Surgeon,” is next; he was Upper Warden in 1540 and again in 1543, but never served as Master. He gave the Company their silver hammer, still used by the Masters in presiding at Courts.

Then comes John Pen (Penn or Penne), “King’s Barber,” and Groom of the Privy Chamber; he was admitted to the freedom in 1527 and was Master 1539. He married Lucy, daughter and heiress of Edmond Chevall, of Coddicote, Herts, by whom he had a good estate and seven children (videHarl. Soc. Pub. xxii., 82 & 116).

In Liber Niger Domus Regis (Harl. MS. 642) among the orders made for the regulation of the Household of Henry VIII was one, that none but fifteen persons whose names are specified should be allowed to enter the Privy Chamber, and one of these is John Penne.

The following quaint regulation, concerning the King’s Barber, is to be found in the sameMS.—

Item. It is alsoe ordeyned that the Kingꝭ Barbor shalbe daylie by the Kingꝭ upriseinge readdye and attendant in the Kingꝭ Privye Chamber there haveinge in reddynesse his Water Basons Knyvesꝭ Combes scissourꝭ and such other stuffe as to his Roome doth appertaine for trymminge and dressinge of the Kingꝭ heade and bearde. And that the sayd Barbour take a speciall regarde to the pure and cleane keepinge of his owne p’son and apparrell useinge himselfe allwayes honestlye in his conversationne withoute resortinge to the Companye of vile personnes or of misguided woemen inavoydeinge such daunger as by that meanes hee might doe unto the Kingꝭ most Royall person not fayling thus to doe uppon payne of looseinge his Roome and farther punnishement at the Kingꝭ pleasure.

In this MS. is also to be found an earlier order, of the time of Edward IV touching the King’s Barber, which is curious, as indicating that Saturday night was then (as still it is with many) “tub night” with the King; and we may also infer from the expression “ifit please the King to cleanse his head, legs or feet,” that it wasnota fixed rule for him to do soeverySaturday night.

A Barbourfor the Kingis most highe and drad p’son to be taken in this Court, after that he standeth in degree gentleman yoman or groome. It hath bin much accustomed to one or two well knowne officers of the Ewrie in housold Daily of such as bene for the monthe Sergeant or othir. Also we finde how this hath bene used amonge by a weele betrusted yoman of chambre ffor lacke of cunning of these other men. It is accustomed that a knight of the Chambre or elles squire of the bodie or both be p’sent every time when the Kinge wolle shave. This Barbour shall have every satterday night if it please the Kinge to cleanse his head leggꝭ or feete and for his shaveing twolovis80one pitcher wine. And the usher of chambre ought to testifie if this be necessary dispensed or not.

It is said that the portrait of Pen was greatly admired by Sir Robert Peel, who frequently came to the Hall to look at it, and who is reported to have offered the Company £2,000 for the head, if it might be cut from the picture, he undertaking to make good the damage! He is also alleged to have said at one of his visits, that he should like to sleep on the table at the Hall, so that the first thing he would see on waking in the morning might be Pen’s head. Had Sir Robert known thelegend81of thetablehe would perhaps have suggested a different bed. Henry VIII left, by his Will, 100 marks to Pen.

Concerning the next man, Nicholas Alcocke, nothing is known beyond that he was Surgeon to Edward VI, and was admitted to thefreedom in 1523. He was doubtless a member of the Court, though he never served as Warden.

The last on the front row is Richard Ferris (or Ferrers), Master in 1563 and Serjeant-Surgeon to Elizabeth. Like others of his brethren, he also benefited under Henry’s will, to the extent of 100 marks, and was one of the King’s Surgeons.

In the back row are seven figures, but of these the names of only two survive, viz., William Tylley, Upper Warden 1546, and Christopher Samon (Salmon, Sammond), admitted to the freedom in 1528, and Master in 1553. By Domestic Papers, Henry VIII, vol. 5, p. 690, it appears that one Christopher Samon was living in Lombard Street in 1532: this might be the same man.

29 August, 1668. Dear old Samuel Pepys visited us this day, and thus records his intentions and opinion concerning thepicture—

And at noon comes by appointment Harris to dine with me: and after dinner he and I to Chyrurgeons Hall, where they are building it new, very fine; and there to see their theatre, which stood all the fire, and which was our business, their great picture of Holben’s, thinking to have bought it by the help of Mr. Pierce,82for a little money: I did think to give £200 for it, it being said to be worth £1,000; but it is so spoiled that I have no mind to it, and is not a pleasant, though a good picture.

James I seems to have entertained a high opinion of this picture, and borrowed it of us to be copied: his letter applying for it is preserved at the Hall, and is as follows.

James R.Trustie and welbeloved Wee greete you well. Where we are informed of a Table of painting in yorHall wherein is the Picture of orPredecessorof famous memorie K. Henry the 8th, together with diverse of yorCompanie, wchbeing both like him, andwell done, Wee are desirous to have copyed. Wherfore orpleasure is that you presently deliver it unto this bearer Our Welbeloved Servant SrLionell Cranfield Knight, One of Our Maisters of Requests, whome Wee have commaunded to receave it of you and to see it wthall expedition copied and redelivered safely; and so Wee bid you farewell. Given at Our Court at Newmarket the 13thday of Januarie 1617.83

James R.

Trustie and welbeloved Wee greete you well. Where we are informed of a Table of painting in yorHall wherein is the Picture of orPredecessorof famous memorie K. Henry the 8th, together with diverse of yorCompanie, wchbeing both like him, andwell done, Wee are desirous to have copyed. Wherfore orpleasure is that you presently deliver it unto this bearer Our Welbeloved Servant SrLionell Cranfield Knight, One of Our Maisters of Requests, whome Wee have commaunded to receave it of you and to see it wthall expedition copied and redelivered safely; and so Wee bid you farewell. Given at Our Court at Newmarket the 13thday of Januarie 1617.83

The Court of course agreed to lend the picture, though doubtless with some misgivings; contrary however to the practice of the time when money was “lent” to the King, it found its way back to the Hall.

In 1627, Charles I, a more suspicious borrower than his father, had it to Whitehall, but here again we fortunately had it returned.

The Royal College of Surgeons possess some Cartoons, from which, it has been said, this picture was painted; this is, however, very doubtful. Some particulars as to these Cartoons may be seen in Mr. D’Arcy Power’s book, p. 96.

In 1734 the Company agreed with Mr. Bernard Baron for him to engrave the picture for 150 guineas, and several details relating thereto are recorded in the Minutes. It was published in 1736, and is a faithful reproduction, much sought after by collectors. Baron has however copied the picture, exactly as he saw it on to the copperplate, so that when the impressions were struck off, everything was reversed. His original study, a red crayon, beautifully executed, is preserved in the Court Room, and the copperplate is still used, each Assistant on his election being presented with a copy of the engraving. The Company also possess a rather rough proof before letters.

The print is dedicated to the Earl of Burlington, with a Latin inscription, of which the following is a translation.

“To the Most Noble Lord Richard Boyle, Earl of Burlington and Cork, &c., Knight of the Most Illustrious Order of the Garter. For the restoration, with the greatest liberality, at his own costs, of the Anatomical Theatre built a hundred years before, with the greatest skill, by the very celebrated Architect Inigo Jones, and decayed by lapse of time. This painting of Holbein representing the granting of a Charter given with his own hand by Henry VIII, King of England, &c., to the Society of Surgeons in London and preserved in their Hall, is by the Society of Surgeons of London humbly dedicated.”

This inscription, written at a time when the relations between the Barbers and the Surgeons of the Company were becoming strained, was evidently drawn by a Surgeon, who coolly ignored the Barbers throughout.

A very good pen and ink drawing of the picture was made by Austin Travers Young (aged 16) in 1883, and presented by him to the Company, for which he received the thanks of the Court.

1537. In “Chapter House Book” B. 1. (at the Record Office) is a list of the freemen of the several Companies of London at this date, which gives the names of 2,468 freemen in 39 Companies (an average of about 63 to each). The Barbers outstripped in numbers all the others, having a roll of 185 members; next to them came the Skinners with 151, then the Haberdashers with 120, so on down to the Bowyers, who mustered but 19. The premier Company, the Mercers, numbered but 55, whilst the ancient Weavers had only 30 members.

The following is the list of our freemen, the first twenty-six being members of the Court, and Nicholas Symson, Master that year.

Nicholas Symson.John Raven.Thomas Wilson.Willm Kyrckby.Robert Hutton.John Smythe.Thomas Vycars.84Henry Pemberton.Willm Hiller.John Bankꝭ.Willm Shirborne.Richard Tholmod.85John Potter.George Genne.John Awcetter.Thomas Twyn.Thomas Johnson.John Johnson.Robert Spegnall.86Richard Sermond.John Holland.Richard Boll.87Hugh Lyncocke.Willm Rewe.Nacholas Alcoke.John Bordman.John Aylyff.Willm. Tylley.Rauf Stek.Edmond Harman.John Northcote.Henry Hogekynson.John Peñ.Willm. Wetyngton.John Tomson.Richard Tayler.Henry Yong.Hugh Dier.Harry Carrier.88Cristofer Samond.Edward ffreman.Rauf Garland.Robert Waterford.Thomas Mone.John Enderbye.Henry Atkyn.Willm Yenson.Peter Devismand.89Christofer Bolling.John Banester.Robert Postell.Robert Stocdale.Willm Trewise.John Bird.Mathiewe Johnson.Christofer Hungate.James Tomson.Davy Sambroke.John Hutton.Willm. Kydd.John Atkynson.John Browne.John Yong.Thomas Waryn.John Grene.Thomas Sutton.Robert Grove.John Tymber.Charles Wyght.Robert Brownhill.John Shrene.John Newman.Willm Spencer.Thomas Staynton.Thomas Grome.Thomas Butfilane.90Thomas Pays.Robert fforster.Thomas Mede.Willm Higgꝭ.Edmond Tyrell.John Anger.John Dene.John Philpott.Thomas Worseley.Thomas Surbutt.John Thowlmod.91John Gilberd.Willm Billing.Edward Ingalby.92Cristofer Haynes.Willm. Lyghthed.Richard Elyott.Willm. Smythe.John Mosseley.Willm. Downham.John Smerthwaite.Willm. Hill.Rogier Skynner.John Lybbe.George Wenyard.John Gerard.George More.John Barker.Richard Rogiers.Thomas Burnett.Willm. Barker.Thomas Dicson.John Hamlyn.James Wod.Thomas Gylman.Richard Child.John Stere.Thomas Dester.Thomas Baily.Willm Hetherley.Edward Hewett.George Vaughan.Olyver Wilson.John Dormot.Thomas Wetyngh’m.Willm. Grene.George Batman.John Bonair.Henry Rawshold.Thomas Vivian.Richard Cokerell.Bartilmewe Dobynson.George Brightwelton.Willm. Walton.Henry Patterson.John Waren.Geferey ffraunceis.Philip Pegott.John Greenway.Thomas ffayles.Robert Downys.John Bell.John Edlyn.Antony Barowes.Laurens Mollyners.John Samond.James Hogeson.John Cobbold.Henry Bodeley.Robert Wevir.Willm. Draper.Thomas Stanbrige.John Surbut.Richard Smythe.Willm. Borrell.Willm Sewell.Robert Ledꝭ.Richard Nicols.John Denys.John Gamlyn.Edward Hughbank.John Page.Thomas Cutbert.John Charterane.Robert Dodwell.Robert Chamber.Henry Wotton.John Cutberd.Lewis Bromefeld.Robert Hastyngꝭ.John Gray.Richard Worseley.Alex Mason.Willm. Dauntese.John Oskyn.Thomas Darker.Thomas Appilton.John Robynson.Thomas ffyshe.John Cragell.Richard Coley.Edward Rollesley.Thomas Arundell.John West.John Braswell.Willm. Johnson.Willm. Welfed.Willm. Symsyn.Henr’. Adam.

The forty-two names following the Court and ending at John Awcetter were Liverymen, the remaining hundred and seventeen being Yeomanry.

1543. A few years previously the King had set the example of wearing his hair and beard short, and now the City seems to havediscountenanced long beards, as I find the following inLetter Book Q. 87. (10th July, 35 Henry viij.)

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