[15.1]It is well known that no MS. of the Talmud is extant to control the printed editions.[15.2]Jos.,Ant., XX., v. 2.[15.3]Jos.,B.J., II., xvii. 8–10;Vita, 5.[15.4]The comparison of Christianity with the two movements of Judas and Theudas is made by the author of theActshimself. (V. 36.)[15.5]Jos.Ant., XX., v. 1;Acts, u.s. Remark the anachronism inActs.[15.6]Jos.Ant., XVIII., iv. 1, 2.[15.7]Jos.Ant., XX., v. 3, 4;B. J., ii., xii. 1, 2; Tacit.,Ann., xii. 54.[15.8]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 5.[15.9]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 5;B. J., II., xiii. 3.[15.10]Jos.B.J., VII. viii. 1; Mischna,Sanhédrin, ix. 6.[15.11]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 6, 10;B. J., II., xiii. 4.[15.12]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 6;B. J., II., xiii. 5;Actsxxi. 38.[15.13]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 6;B. J., II., xiii. 6.[15.14]See ante, p. 153, note.[15.15]Justin, Apol, 1, 26, 56. It is singular that Josephus, so well informed on Samaritan affairs, does not mention him.[15.16]Actsviii. 9, etc.[15.17]It cannot be considered entirely apocryphal in view of the agreement between the system set forth in it, and what little we learn from theActsconcerning the doctrine of Simon upon miraculous powers.[15.18]Homil. Pseudo-Clem., ii. 22, 24.[15.19]Justin,Apol.1, 26, 56; ii. 15. Dial. cum Tryphone, 120; Iren.Adv. hær. I. xxiii. 2–5; xxvii. 4; II. præf; III. præf; Homiliæ pseudo-clem. i. 15; ii. 22, 25, etc.; Recogn. i. 72; ii. 7, etc.; iii. 47; Philosophumena IV. vii.; VI. i.; X. iv.; Epiph.Adv. hær.hær. xxi.; Orig.Cont. Cels.v. 62; vi. 11; Tertull.De Anima, 34;Constit. apost.vi. 16; S. Jerome,In Matt.xxiv. 5; Theod.Hæret. fab.i.1. It is from the quotations given in thePhilosophumena, and not in the travesties of the Fathers, that an idea may be obtained of “The Great Exposition.”[15.20]Philosophum., IV. vii.; VI. i. 9, 12, 13, 17, 18. Compare Revel. i. 4, 8; iv. 8; xi. 17.[15.21]Philosophum., VI. i. 17.[15.22]Ibid. VI. i. 16.[15.23]Act.viii. 10;Philosophum., VI. i. 18; Homil. Pseudo-Clem., ii. 22.[15.24]Allusion to the adventure of the poet Stesichorus.[15.25]Iren.Adv. hær.I. xxiii. 2–4; Homil. Pseudo-Clem., ii. 23.[15.26]Philosophum. VI. i. 16.[15.27]SeeVie de Jesus, p. 247–249.[15.28]Ibid. p. 247, note 4.[15.29]Chron. Samarit.c. 10 (edit. Juynboll Leyden, 1848). Cf. Reland,De Sam.§ 7;Dissertat. miscell.Part II. Gesenius,Comment de Sam. Theol.(Halle, 1824), p. 24, etc.[15.30]In a quotation given in the Philosophumena, VI. i. 16, is a citation from the synoptical gospels which seems to be given as from the text of the “Great Exposition.” But this may be an error.[15.31]Homil. Pseudo-Clem. II. 23–24.[15.32]Iren.Adv. hær.I. xxiii. 3.Philosophum.VI. i. 19.[15.33]Homil. Pseudo-Clem. ii. 22. Recogn. II. 14.[15.34]Iren.Adv. hær.II. præf. III. præf.[15.35]See the Epistle (probably authentic) of Paul to the Colossians, i. 15, &c.[15.36]Epiph.Adv. hær.L. xxx. 1.[15.37]An argument for the latter hypothesis is, that Simon’s sect soon changed into a school of fortune-tellers, and for the manufacture of philters and charms.Philosoph.VI. i. 20. Tertull. De Anima, 57.[15.38]Philosophum. VI. i. 20. Cf. Orig.Contra Cels.i. 57; vi. 11.[15.39]Hegesip. in Euseb.Hist. Eccl.iv. 22; Clem. Alex.Strom.vii. 17;Constit. apost.vi. 8, 16; xviii. 1, &c. Justin, Apol. i. 26, 56; Iren.Adv. hær.I. xxiii. init. Theod. Hær. fol. I. i. 2. Tertull.De Præscr.47; De Anima, 50.[15.40]The most celebrated is that of Dositheus.[15.41]Act.viii. 9; Iren.Adv. hær.xxiii. 1.[15.42]Philosophum.VI. i. 19–20. The author attributes these perverse doctrines only to Simon’s disciples; but if the disciples entertained them, the master must have shared them in some degree.[15.43]We shall hereafter see what these narrations signify.[15.44]The inscriptionSimoni Deo Sancto, stated by Justin to exist in the island (Apol.I. 26) of the Tiber, and mentioned also by other Fathers, was a Latin inscription to the Sabine deity Semo Sancus,Semoni-Deo-Sanco. There was in fact discovered under Gregory XIII. in the island of St. Bartholomew, an inscription now in the Vatican bearing that dedication. V. Baronius,Ann. Eccl.44; Orelli, Inser. Lat. No. 1860. There was at this spot on the island of the Tiber a college ofbidentalesin honor of Semo-Sancus, with many inscriptions of the same kind. Orelli, No. 1861. (Mommsen, Inscr. Lat. regni Neapol. No. 6770). Comp. Orelli, No. 1859. Henzen, No. 6999; Mabillon,Museum Ital.I. 1st part, p. 84. Orelli, No. 1862, is not to be relied on. (SeeCorp.Inscr. Lat. I. No. 542.)[15.45]This gross blunder could not have been detected without the discovery of thePhilosophumena, which alone contains extracts from theApophasis magna(VI. i. 19). Tyre was celebrated for its courtezans.[15.46]Ἐχθρὸς ἄνθρωπος, ἀντικείμενος See Homil. Pseudo-Clem. hom. xvii. passim.[15.47]Thus in the Pseudo-Clementine literature, the name of Simon the Magician indicates sometimes the apostle Paul, against whom the writer had a spite.[15.48]It may be observed that inActs, he is not treated as an enemy, but only reproached as of low sentiments, and room is left for repentance, (viii, 24). Perhaps Simon was living when those lines were written, and his relations to Christianity had not yet become absolutely hostile.{15.49}{Jos.,Ant., XX, vii., 1.}CHAPTER XVI.[16.1]Actsxii. 1, 25. Remark the context.[16.2]I Peter v. 13; Papias in Euseb.Hist. Acc.iii 39.[16.3]Acts xiii. 2.[16.4]Gal. i. 15, 16; Acts xvii. 15, 21; xxvi. 17–18; I Cor. i 1; Rom. i, 1, 5; xv. 15, etc.[16.5]Acts xiii. 5.[16.6]The author of Acts, being a partisan of the hierarchy and of church-domination, has perhaps inserted this circumstance. Paul knew nothing of any such ordination or consecration. He received his commission from Christ, and did not consider himself any more especially the envoy of the church of Antioch than of that of Jerusalem.[16.7]Actsxiii. 3; xiv. 25.[16.8]In I. Peter v. 13, Babylon means Rome.[16.9]Cic. Pro Archia, 10.[16.10]Jos., B. J., II. xx. 2; VII. iii 3.[16.11]Actsxviii. 24, &c.[16.12]See Philo.De Vita Contempl.passim.[16.13]Pseudo-Hermes.Asclepius, fol. 158, v. 159 r. (Florence Juntes, 15,12.)[16.14]Cic.Pro Flacco, 28; Philo.In Flaccum, § 7; Leg. ad Caium, § 36;Actsii. 5–11; vi. 9; Corp. Inscr. Gr. No. 5361.[16.15]Lex. Wisigoth; lib. xii, tit. ii. and iii in Walter. Corp. jur. German. Antiq. L I. p. 630, &c.[16.16]See Vie de Jésus, p. 137.[16.17]Philo.In Flacc., § 5 and 6; Jos.Ant.XVIII. viii 1; XIX v. 2, B. J. II. xviii. 7, etc.; VII. x. 1. Papyrus printed inNotices et ExtraitsXVIII., 2d part, p. 383, etc.[16.18]Dion Cass., XXXVII. 17; LX 6. Philo.Leg. ad Caium, § 23. Jos.Ant.XIV. x. 8; XVII. xi. 1; XVIII. iii. 5; Hor. Sat. I. iv. 142–143; v. 100; ix. 69, &c; Pers. 5, 179–184; Suet.Lib.36;Claud.25;Domit.12; Juv. iii. 14; vi. 542, &c.[16.19]Pro. Flac.28.[16.20]Jos.Ant.XIV. x.; Suet. Jul. 84.[16.21]Suet.Lib.36; Tac.Ann.ii. 85; Jos.Ant.XVIII. iii. 4, 5.[16.22]Dion Cass. LX. 6.{16.23}{Suétone,Claude, 25;Act., xviii, 2; Dion Cassius, LX, 6.}[16.24]Jos. B. J., VII. iii. 3.[16.25]Seneca, fragment in Aug.De Civ. Dei, vi. 11; Rutilius Numatianus i. 395, &c.; Jos. Contr. Apion, ii. 39; Juv. Sat. vi. 544; xiv: 96, &c.[16.26]Philo.In Flacc.§ 5; Tac.Hist.v. 4, 5, 8; Dion. Cass. xlix. 22; Juv. xiv. 103; Diod. Sic. fragm. 1 of lib. xxxiv. and iii of lib. xl.; Philostr.Vit. Apol.v. 33; I. Thess. ii. 15.[16.27]Jos.Ant.XIV. x.; XVI. vi.; XX. viii 7; Philo.In Flacc.andLegatio ad Caium.[16.28]Jos.Ant.XVIII. iii. 4, 3 Juv. vi. 543, &c.[16.29]Jos.Contr. Apion, passim; passages above cited from Tacitus and Diodorus Siculus; Trog. Pomp. (Justin) xxxvi 411; Ptolem. Hephestion or Chennus, in Script. Poet. Hist. Græci of Westermann, p. 194. Cf. Quintilian, III. vii. 2.[16.30]Cic.Pro Flacco, 28; Tac. Hist. v. 5; Juv. xiv. 103–104; Diodorus Siculus and Philostratus, u. s.; Rutilius Numatianus i. 383, &c.[16.31]Martial iv. 4; Amm. Marc. xxii. 5.[16.32]Suet.Aug.76; Horace Sat. I. ix. 69, &c; Juv. iii. 13–16, 296; vi. 156–160, 542–547; xiv. 96–107; Martial. Epigr. iv. 4; vii. 29, 34, 54; xi. 95; xii. 57; Rutilius Numat. l. c. Jos.Contra Apion, ii. 13; Philo.Leg. adCaium. § 26–28.[16.33]Martial, Epigr. xii. 57.[16.34]Juvenal, Sat. iii. 14; vi. 542.[16.35]Juvenal, Sat. iii. 296; vi. 543, &c.; Martial, Epigr. i. 42; xii. 57.[16.36]Martial, Epigr. i. 42; xii. 57; Statius Silves, I. vi. 73–74, and Forcellini on wordsulphuratum.[16.37]Horace, Sat. I. v. 100; Juvenal, Sat. vi. 544, &c., xiv. 96, &c; Apul.Florida, i. 6.[16.38]Dion Cass. lxviii. 32.[16.39]Tac. Hist. v. 5, 9; Dion Cass, lxvii 14.[16.40]Hor. Sat. I. ix. 70;JudæusApella, appears to be a joke of the same kind (see the scholiasts Acron and Porphyrion upon Hor. Sat. I. v. 100); compare the passage from S. Anitus,Poemata, v. 364, cited by Forcellini on the word Apella, but which I do not find either in the editions of this Father or in the ancient Latin manuscript, Bibl. Imp. No. 11320, as given by the learned lexicographer; Juv. Sat. xiv. 99, &c.; Martial Epigr. vii. 29, 34, 54; xi. 95.[16.41]Jos. Contr. Apion ii. 39; Tac.Ann.ii. 85, Hist. v. 5; Hor. Sat. I. iv. 142, 143; Juv. xiv. 96, &c.; Dion Cass, xxxvii. 17; lxvii 14.[16.42]Martial, Epigr. i. 42; xii. 57.[16.43]Juv. Sat. vi. 546, &c.[16.44]Jos.Ant.xviii. iii. 5; xx. 11, 4; B. J. II. xx. 2; Act xiii. 50; xvi. 14.[16.45]Loc. cit.[16.46]Jos.Ant., xx. 11, 5; iv. 1.[16.47]Passages already cited. Strabo shows much greater justice and penetration (xvi. 11, 34, &c.) Comp. Dion. Cass, xxxvii. 17, &c.[16.48]Tac. Hist. v. 5.[16.49]Jos. Contr. Apion ii. 39.[16.50]Martial, xii. 57.[16.51]Jos.Ant.xiv. x. 6, 11, 14.[16.52]Eccl. x. 25, 27.[16.53]Rom. i. 24, &c.[16.54]Zach. viii. 23.[16.55]Hor. Sat. I. ix. 69; Pers. v. 179, &c. Juv. Sat. vi. 159; xiv. 96, &c.[16.56]Contr. Apion ii. 39.[16.57]Pers. v. 179–184; Juv. vi. 157–160. The remarkable preoccupation about Judaism which may be observed in the Roman writers of the first century, especially the satirists, arises from this circumstance.[16.58]Juv. Sat. iii. 62, &c.[16.59]Cic.De Prov.consul, 5.[16.60]The children whose appearance had most pleased me on my first visit, I found four years later, ugly, vulgar, and stupid.[16.61]Πατρῷοις θεοῖς a very frequent formula in the inscriptions of the Syrians (Corp. Inscr. Græc. Nos. 4449, 4450, 4451, 4463, 4479, 4480, 6015).[16.62]Corp. Inscr. Græc. Nos. 4474, 4475, 5936;Mission de Phenicie, I. ii c. ii. (in press), inscription of Abeda. Comp. Corpus, Nos. 2271, 5853.[16.63]Ζεύς οὐράνιος, ἐπουράνιος, ὕψιστος, μέγιστος, θεὸς σατράπης, Corpus Inscr. Gr. Nos. 4500, 4501, 4502, 4503, 6012; Lepsius, Denkmæler, t. xii fol. 100. No. 590. Mission de Phenicie, p. 103, 104.[16.64]I have developed this in theJournal Asiatiquefor February 1859, p. 259, &c., and inMission de Phenicie, 1. II. c. ii.[16.65]Syrian code in Land,Anecdota Syriaca, i. p. 152, and different facts which I have witnessed.[16.66]Born in Haran.[16.67]See Forcellini, wordSyrus.This word designates Orientals generally. Leblant,Inscript.Chrét. de la Gaule, i. p. 207, 328, 329.[16.68]Juvenal, iii. 62–63.[16.69]Such is at this day the temperament of the Syrian Christian.[16.70]Inscriptions inMem.de la Soc. des Antiquaires de Fr. t. xxviii. 4, &c. Leblant, Inscript. Chrét. de la Gaule, i. p. cxliv. 207, 324, &c. 353, &c. ii. 259, 459, &c.[16.71]The Maronites colonize still in nearly all the Levant like the Jews, Armenians, and Greeks, though on a smaller scale.[16.72]Cic.De Offic.i. 42; Dion. Hal. ii. 28; ix. 28.[16.73]See the characters of slaves in Plautus and Terence.[16.74]II. Cor. xii. 9.[16.75]Tacit.Ann.ii. 85.CHAPTER XVII.[17.1]Tacit.Ann.i. 2; Florus, iv. 3; Pomponius in the Digest, 1; I. Tit. ii., fr. 2.[17.2]Helicon. Apelles, Euceres, etc. The Oriental kings were considered by the Romans to surpass in tyranny the worst of the emperors. Dion. Cassius lix. 24.[17.3]See inscription of the Parasite of Antony in theComptes Rendus de l'Acad. des Inscr. et B. L., 1864, p. 166, etc. Comp. Tacit.Ann.iv. 55, 56.[17.4]See for example the funeral oration on Turia by her husband, Q. Lucretius Vespillo, of which the complete epigraphic text was first published by Mommsen inMemoires de l'Academie de Berlin, 1863, p. 455, &c. Compare funeral oration on Murdia (Orelli, Inscr. Lat. No. 4860), and on Matilda by the emperor Adrian (Mem. de l'Acad. de Berlin, u. s. 483, &c.). We are too much preoccupied by passages of the Latin satirists in which the vices of women are sharply exposed. It is as if we were to design a general tableau of the morals of the seventeenth century from Mathurin, Regnier, and Boileau.[17.5]Orelli, Nos. 2647, &c., especially 2677, 2742, 4530, 4860; Henzen, Nos. 7382, &c., especially No. 7406; Renier, Inscr. de l'Algerie, No. 1987. They may have been false epithets, but they prove at least the estimation of virtue.[17.6]Plin.Epist.vii. 19; ix. 13; Appian, Bell. Civ. iv. 36. Fannia twice followed to exile her husband, Helvidius Priscus, and was banished a third time after his death.[17.7]The heroism of Arria is well known.[17.8]Suet.Aug.73; Fun. Orat. on Turia, i, line 30.[17.9]Ib. 31.[17.10]The too severe opinion of Paul (Rom. i. 24, &c.) is explicable in the same way. Paul was not acquainted with the higher social life of Rome. Besides, these clerical invectives are not to be taken literally.[17.11]Sen. Ep. xii., xxiv., xxvi., lviii., lxx.; De Ira. iii. 15. De Tranq. anim. 10.[17.12]Apoc. xvii.; Cf. Sen. Ep. xcv. 16, &c.[17.13]Suet.Aug.48.[17.14]The inscriptions contain countless examples.[17.15]Plut. Græc. Ger. Reipubl. xv. 3–4; An seni sit ger. resp., passim.[17.16]Jos. Ant. xiv., x. 22, 23; Comp. Tacit.Ann.iv. 55, 56. Rutilius Numatianus,Itin.i. 63, &c.[17.17]“Immensa romanæ pacis majestas.”Plin.Hist. Nat.xxvii. 1.[17.18]Ælius Arist.Eloge de Rome, passim; Plut.FortunedesRomains; Philo.Leg. ad Caium, § 21, 22, 39, 40.[17.19]Dion. Hal. Antiq. Rom. i., comm.[17.20]Plut. Solon. 20.[17.21]See Athen. xii. 68; Ælian,Var.Hist. ix. 12; Suidas, word Ἐπίκουρος.[17.22]Tacit.Ann.i. 2.[17.23]Study the character of Euthyphron in Plato.[17.24]Diog. Laert. ii. 101, 116; v. 5, 6, 37, 38; ix. 52; Athen. xiii. 92; xv. 52; Ælian,Var. Hist.ii. 23; iii. 36; Plut. Pericles, 32; De Plac. Philos. I, vii. 2; Diod. Sic. XIII., vi. 7; Aristoph. in Aves, 1073.[17.25]Particularly under Vespasian, as in the case of Helvidius Priscus.[17.26]We shall show later that these persecutions, at least until that of Decius, have been much exaggerated.[17.27]The early Christians were in fact very respectful towards Roman authority. Rom. xiii. i., &c.; I. Peter iv. 14, 16. As to St. Luke, see the Introduction to this work.[17.28]Diog. Laert. vii. 1, 32, 33; Euseb. Prepar. Evang. xv. 15, and in general theDe LegibusandDe Officiisof Cicero.[17.29]Terence,Heautont.I. i. 77, Cic. De Finibus Bon. et Mal., v. 23;Partit. Orat., 16, 24: Ovid, Fasti, ii. 684; Lucian vi. 54, &c.; Sen., Epist. xlviii, xcv. 51, &c.; De Ira, i. 5; iii. 43; Arrian. Dissert. Epict. I. ix. 6; ii. v. 26; Plut. Roman. 2; Alexander, i. 8, 9.[17.30]Virg. Eclog. iv.; Sen. Medea, 375, &c.[17.31]Tac.Ann.ii. 85; Suet. Tib. 35; Ovid. Fast. ii. 497–514.[17.32]he inscriptions for women contain the most touching expressions.“Mater omnium hominum, parens omnibus subveniens,”in Renier,Inscr. de l'Algerie, No. 1987, Comp. ibid. No. 2756; Mommsen, Inscr. R. N., No. 1431.“Duobus virtutis et castitatis exemplis.”Not. etMem. de la Soc. de Constantine, 1865, p. 158. See inscription of Urbanilla in Guerin, Voy. Archéol. in Tunis, i. 289, and a beautiful one, Orelli, No. 4648. Some of these texts are subsequent to the first century; but the sentiments they express were not new when they were written.[17.33]Table-Talk I., v. 1; Demosth. 2; the Dialogue on Love, 2; and Consol. ad Uxorem.[17.34]“Caritas generis humani.”Cic.De Finibus, v. 23.“Homo sacra res homini,”Sen. Epist. xcv. 33.[17.35]Sen. Epist. xxxi., xlvii.; De Benef., iii. 18, &c.[17.36]Tac.Ann.xiv. 42, &c.; Suet. Claud. 25; Dion Cass. lx. 29; Plin. Ep. viii. 16; Inscr. Lanuv. col. 2 lines, 1–4 (MommsenDe Coll et Sodal.Rom., ad calcem); Sen. Rhet. Controv. iii. 21; vii. 6; Sen. Phil. Epist. xlvii; De Benef. iii., 18, &c, Columella.De re rustica, i. 8; Plut, the Elder, 5;De Ira, 11.[17.37]Epist. xlvii., 13.[17.38]Cato.De re rustica, 58, 59, 104; Plut. Cato, 4, 5. Compare the severe maxims of Ecclesiasticus xxxiii. 25, &c.[17.39]Tac. Ann. xiv. 60; Dion Cass, xlvii. 10; lx. 16; lxii. 13; lxvi. 14. Suet. Caius, 16; Appia, Bell. Civ. iv., from ch. xvii. (especially ch. xxxvi. &c), to ch. li. Juv. vi. 476, &c., describes the manners of the worst class.[17.40]Hor. Sat. i. vi. 1, &c.; Cic. Epist. iii 7; Sen. Rhet.Controv.i. 6.[17.41]Suet. Caius, 15, 16; Claud. 19, 23, 25; Nero, 16; Dion Cass. lx. 25–29.[17.42]Tac.Ann.vi. 17; comp. iv. 6.[17.43]Tac.Ann.xiii. 50, 51; Suet. Nero, 10.[17.44]Epitaph of the jeweller, Evhodus (hominis boni, misericordis, amatis pauperis).Corp. Inscr. Lat.No. 1027, and inscription of the age of Augustus (Cf. Egger,Mem. d'Histoire et de Phil., p. 351, &c); Perrot,Exploration de la Galatie, &c., p. 118, 119, πτωχοὺς φιλέοντα; Funeral Oration of Matilda by Adrian (Mem. de l'Acad. de Berlinfor 1863, p. 489); Mommsen. Inscr. Regni Neap. Nos. 1431, 2868, 4880; Seneca Rhet.,Controv.I. i.; iii 19; iv. 27, viii. 6; Sen. Phil.De Elem.ii. 5, 6. De Benef. i l; ii. ll; iv. 14; vii. 31. Compare LeblantInscr. Chret. de la Gaule, ii. p. 23, &c; Orelli, No. 4657, FeaFramm de Frasti Consol., p. 90; R. Garrucci,Cimitera degli ant. Ebrei, p. 44.[17.45]Corp. Inscr. Græc, No. 2758.[17.46]Ibid. Nos. 2194 b. 2511, 2759 b.[17.47]It must be borne in mind that Corinth in the Roman epoch was a colony of foreigners, formed upon the site of the ancient city by Cæsar and Augustus.[17.48]Lucian, Demonax, 37.[17.49]Dion Cassius, lxvi. 15.[17.50]See Ælius Aristides, Treatise against Comedy, 751, &c., ed. Dindorf.[17.51]It is worthy of note that in several cities of Asia Minor the remainsof the ancient theatres are at this day haunts of debauchery. Comp. Ov. Amor. i. 89, &c.[17.52]Orelli-Henzen Nos. 1172, 3362, &c., 6669; Guerin, Voy. en Tunisie, 11, p. 59; Borghesi,Œuvres Completes, iv. p. 269, &c.; E. Desjardins.De tabulis alimentariis(Paris 1854); Aurelius Victor. Epitome, Nerva; Plin. Epist. i. 8; vii. 18.[17.53]Inscriptions in Desjardins, op. cit. pars ii. cap. 1.[17.54]Suet.Aug.41, 46; Dion Cass. li. 21; lviii. 2.[17.55]Tac.Ann.ii. 87; vi. 13; xv. Suet. Aug. 41, 42; Claud. 18. Comp. Dion Cass. lxii. 18; Orelli, No. 3358 &c.; Henzen, 6662, &c.; Forcellini, articleTessera frumentaria.[17.56]Odyss. vi. 207.[17.57]Eurip.Suppl.v. 773, &c.; Aristotle Rhetor. II. v. iii. and Nicomachus viii. 1; IX. x. See Stobeus Florilegus xxxvii. cxiii. and in general the fragments of Menander, and the Greek comedians.[17.58]Aristotle Polit. VI. iii. 4. 5.[17.59]Cic. Tusc. iv. 7–8; Sen. De Clem. ii. 5. 6.[17.60]Papyrus at the Louvre, No. 37, col. 1. line 21. Notices et Extraits xviii. 2d part, p. 298.[17.61]V. ante.[17.62]Apoc. xvii. &c.[17.63]Virg. Ec. iv. Georg. i. 463, &c.; Horace Od. I. ii; Tac.Ann.vi. 12; Suet. Aug. 31.[17.64]See for example De Republ. iii. 22, cited and preserved by Lactantius Instit. div. vi. 8.[17.65]See the admirable letter, xxxi. to Lucilius.[17.66]Suet. Vesp. 18; Dion Cass. t. vi. p. 558 (edit. Sturz); Euseb. Chron. A.D. 89. Plin. Epist. i. 8; Henzen, Suppl. to Orelli, p. 124, No. 1172.[17.67]Funeral Oration of Turia, i. lines 30–31.[17.68]See first book of Valerius Maximus; Julius Obsequens on Prodigies; andDiscours Sacrésof Ælius Aristides.[17.69]Augustus (Suet. Aug. 90–92) and even Cæsar, it is said, (but I doubt,) (Plin. Hist. Nat. xxviii. iv. 7) did not escape it.[17.70]Manilius, Hygin. translations from Aratus.[17.71]Cic. Pro Archia, 10.[17.72]Suet. Claud. 25.[17.73]Jos.Ant.XIX. v. 3.[17.74]Bereschith rabbach. lxv. fol. 65b; Du Cange, wordmatricularius.[17.75]Cic.De Legibus, ii. 8; Vopiscus. Aurelian, 19.[17.76]Religio sine superstitione, Orat. fun. Turia i. lines 30–31. See Plu. de Superstit.[17.77]See Melito, Περὶ ἀληθείας, inSpicilegium Syriacumof Cureto, p. 43, orSpicil. Solesmenseof dom Pitra, t. ii. p. xli., to get a good idea of the impression made by it upon the Jews and Christians.[17.78]Suet. Aug. 52; Dion Cass. li. 20; Tac.Ann.i. 10; Aurel. Victor. Ceas, i. Appian. Bell. Civ. v. 132; Jos. B. J., I. xxi. 2, 3, 4, 7. Noris,Cenotaphia Pisana, dissert. i. cap. 4;Kalendarium Cumanum, in Corpus Inscr. Lat. i. p. 310; Eckhel. Doctrina Num. Vet. pars 2d. vol. vi. p. 100, 124, &c.[17.79]Tac.Ann.iv. 55–56. Comp. Valer. Maxim. prol.[17.80]Ante, p. 193, &c.[17.81]Corinth, the only Grecian town which was considerably Christianized during the first century, was no longer at this period a Hellenic city.[17.82]Heracl. Corn. Comp. Cic. De Nat. Deorum, iii. 23, 25, 60, 62, 64.[17.83]Plut. Consol. ad ux. 10;De sera numinis vindicta, 22; Heuzey.Mission de Macedoine, p. 128.Revue Archéologique, April, 1864, p. 282.[17.84]Lucret., i. 63, &c.; Sallust. Catil. 52; Cic. De Nat. Deorum. ii. 24, 28.De Divinat.ii. 33, 35, 57;De Haruspicorum Responsis, passim; Tuscul. i. 16; Juvenal, Sat. ii. 149, 152; Sen. Epist. xxiv. 17.[17.85]Sua cuique civitati religio est, nostra nobis. Cic. Pro Flacco, 28.[17.86]Cic.De Nat. Deorum, i. 30, 42; De Divinat. ii. 12, 33, 35, 72.De Harusp. Resp.6, etc.; Liv. i. 19, Quint. Curt. iv. 10. Plut.De plac. phil.I. vii. 2; Diod. Sic. I. ii. 2. Varro. in Aug.De civit. Dei,iv. 31, 32; vi. 6. Dion. Halic. ii. 20. viii. 5. Valer. Maxim. I. ii.[17.87]Cic. De Divinat. ii. 15; Juvenal, ii. 149, &c.[17.88]Tac.Ann.xi. 15. Plin. Epist. x. 97.sub. fin.Serapin in Plut.De Pythiæ Oraculis. Comp.De EI apud Delphos, init. See also Valer. Maxim I.,passim.[17.89]Juv. Sat. vi. 489, 527, &c. Tac.Ann.xi. 15. Comp. LucianConv. Deorum; Tertull.Apolog.6.[17.90]Jos.Ant.xviii. iii. 4; Tac.Ann.ii. 85; Le Bas,Inscr.part v. No. 395.[17.91]Plut. De Pyth. orac. 25.[17.92]See Lucian,Alexander seu pseudomantisandDe morte Peregrini.[17.93]Sen. Epist. xii. xxiv. lxv. Inscr. Lanuv. 2d col. lines 5–6; Orelli, 4404.[17.94]Dion Cass. lxvi. 13; lxvii. 13; Suet. Domit. 10. Tac.Agricola.2.45; Plin.Epist.III. ii.; Philostr. Vit. Apollon. I. vii. passim. Euseb.Chron.A.D.90.[17.95]Dion Cass. lxii. 29.[17.96]Arrian, Dissert. de Epictet. I. ii. 21.[17.97]Ibid. I. xxv. 22.CHAPTER XVIII.
[15.1]It is well known that no MS. of the Talmud is extant to control the printed editions.[15.2]Jos.,Ant., XX., v. 2.[15.3]Jos.,B.J., II., xvii. 8–10;Vita, 5.[15.4]The comparison of Christianity with the two movements of Judas and Theudas is made by the author of theActshimself. (V. 36.)[15.5]Jos.Ant., XX., v. 1;Acts, u.s. Remark the anachronism inActs.[15.6]Jos.Ant., XVIII., iv. 1, 2.[15.7]Jos.Ant., XX., v. 3, 4;B. J., ii., xii. 1, 2; Tacit.,Ann., xii. 54.[15.8]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 5.[15.9]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 5;B. J., II., xiii. 3.[15.10]Jos.B.J., VII. viii. 1; Mischna,Sanhédrin, ix. 6.[15.11]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 6, 10;B. J., II., xiii. 4.[15.12]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 6;B. J., II., xiii. 5;Actsxxi. 38.[15.13]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 6;B. J., II., xiii. 6.[15.14]See ante, p. 153, note.[15.15]Justin, Apol, 1, 26, 56. It is singular that Josephus, so well informed on Samaritan affairs, does not mention him.[15.16]Actsviii. 9, etc.[15.17]It cannot be considered entirely apocryphal in view of the agreement between the system set forth in it, and what little we learn from theActsconcerning the doctrine of Simon upon miraculous powers.[15.18]Homil. Pseudo-Clem., ii. 22, 24.[15.19]Justin,Apol.1, 26, 56; ii. 15. Dial. cum Tryphone, 120; Iren.Adv. hær. I. xxiii. 2–5; xxvii. 4; II. præf; III. præf; Homiliæ pseudo-clem. i. 15; ii. 22, 25, etc.; Recogn. i. 72; ii. 7, etc.; iii. 47; Philosophumena IV. vii.; VI. i.; X. iv.; Epiph.Adv. hær.hær. xxi.; Orig.Cont. Cels.v. 62; vi. 11; Tertull.De Anima, 34;Constit. apost.vi. 16; S. Jerome,In Matt.xxiv. 5; Theod.Hæret. fab.i.1. It is from the quotations given in thePhilosophumena, and not in the travesties of the Fathers, that an idea may be obtained of “The Great Exposition.”[15.20]Philosophum., IV. vii.; VI. i. 9, 12, 13, 17, 18. Compare Revel. i. 4, 8; iv. 8; xi. 17.[15.21]Philosophum., VI. i. 17.[15.22]Ibid. VI. i. 16.[15.23]Act.viii. 10;Philosophum., VI. i. 18; Homil. Pseudo-Clem., ii. 22.[15.24]Allusion to the adventure of the poet Stesichorus.[15.25]Iren.Adv. hær.I. xxiii. 2–4; Homil. Pseudo-Clem., ii. 23.[15.26]Philosophum. VI. i. 16.[15.27]SeeVie de Jesus, p. 247–249.[15.28]Ibid. p. 247, note 4.[15.29]Chron. Samarit.c. 10 (edit. Juynboll Leyden, 1848). Cf. Reland,De Sam.§ 7;Dissertat. miscell.Part II. Gesenius,Comment de Sam. Theol.(Halle, 1824), p. 24, etc.[15.30]In a quotation given in the Philosophumena, VI. i. 16, is a citation from the synoptical gospels which seems to be given as from the text of the “Great Exposition.” But this may be an error.[15.31]Homil. Pseudo-Clem. II. 23–24.[15.32]Iren.Adv. hær.I. xxiii. 3.Philosophum.VI. i. 19.[15.33]Homil. Pseudo-Clem. ii. 22. Recogn. II. 14.[15.34]Iren.Adv. hær.II. præf. III. præf.[15.35]See the Epistle (probably authentic) of Paul to the Colossians, i. 15, &c.[15.36]Epiph.Adv. hær.L. xxx. 1.[15.37]An argument for the latter hypothesis is, that Simon’s sect soon changed into a school of fortune-tellers, and for the manufacture of philters and charms.Philosoph.VI. i. 20. Tertull. De Anima, 57.[15.38]Philosophum. VI. i. 20. Cf. Orig.Contra Cels.i. 57; vi. 11.[15.39]Hegesip. in Euseb.Hist. Eccl.iv. 22; Clem. Alex.Strom.vii. 17;Constit. apost.vi. 8, 16; xviii. 1, &c. Justin, Apol. i. 26, 56; Iren.Adv. hær.I. xxiii. init. Theod. Hær. fol. I. i. 2. Tertull.De Præscr.47; De Anima, 50.[15.40]The most celebrated is that of Dositheus.[15.41]Act.viii. 9; Iren.Adv. hær.xxiii. 1.[15.42]Philosophum.VI. i. 19–20. The author attributes these perverse doctrines only to Simon’s disciples; but if the disciples entertained them, the master must have shared them in some degree.[15.43]We shall hereafter see what these narrations signify.[15.44]The inscriptionSimoni Deo Sancto, stated by Justin to exist in the island (Apol.I. 26) of the Tiber, and mentioned also by other Fathers, was a Latin inscription to the Sabine deity Semo Sancus,Semoni-Deo-Sanco. There was in fact discovered under Gregory XIII. in the island of St. Bartholomew, an inscription now in the Vatican bearing that dedication. V. Baronius,Ann. Eccl.44; Orelli, Inser. Lat. No. 1860. There was at this spot on the island of the Tiber a college ofbidentalesin honor of Semo-Sancus, with many inscriptions of the same kind. Orelli, No. 1861. (Mommsen, Inscr. Lat. regni Neapol. No. 6770). Comp. Orelli, No. 1859. Henzen, No. 6999; Mabillon,Museum Ital.I. 1st part, p. 84. Orelli, No. 1862, is not to be relied on. (SeeCorp.Inscr. Lat. I. No. 542.)[15.45]This gross blunder could not have been detected without the discovery of thePhilosophumena, which alone contains extracts from theApophasis magna(VI. i. 19). Tyre was celebrated for its courtezans.[15.46]Ἐχθρὸς ἄνθρωπος, ἀντικείμενος See Homil. Pseudo-Clem. hom. xvii. passim.[15.47]Thus in the Pseudo-Clementine literature, the name of Simon the Magician indicates sometimes the apostle Paul, against whom the writer had a spite.[15.48]It may be observed that inActs, he is not treated as an enemy, but only reproached as of low sentiments, and room is left for repentance, (viii, 24). Perhaps Simon was living when those lines were written, and his relations to Christianity had not yet become absolutely hostile.{15.49}{Jos.,Ant., XX, vii., 1.}
[15.1]It is well known that no MS. of the Talmud is extant to control the printed editions.
[15.2]Jos.,Ant., XX., v. 2.
[15.3]Jos.,B.J., II., xvii. 8–10;Vita, 5.
[15.4]The comparison of Christianity with the two movements of Judas and Theudas is made by the author of theActshimself. (V. 36.)
[15.5]Jos.Ant., XX., v. 1;Acts, u.s. Remark the anachronism inActs.
[15.6]Jos.Ant., XVIII., iv. 1, 2.
[15.7]Jos.Ant., XX., v. 3, 4;B. J., ii., xii. 1, 2; Tacit.,Ann., xii. 54.
[15.8]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 5.
[15.9]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 5;B. J., II., xiii. 3.
[15.10]Jos.B.J., VII. viii. 1; Mischna,Sanhédrin, ix. 6.
[15.11]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 6, 10;B. J., II., xiii. 4.
[15.12]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 6;B. J., II., xiii. 5;Actsxxi. 38.
[15.13]Jos.Ant., XX., viii. 6;B. J., II., xiii. 6.
[15.14]See ante, p. 153, note.
[15.15]Justin, Apol, 1, 26, 56. It is singular that Josephus, so well informed on Samaritan affairs, does not mention him.
[15.16]Actsviii. 9, etc.
[15.17]It cannot be considered entirely apocryphal in view of the agreement between the system set forth in it, and what little we learn from theActsconcerning the doctrine of Simon upon miraculous powers.
[15.18]Homil. Pseudo-Clem., ii. 22, 24.
[15.19]Justin,Apol.1, 26, 56; ii. 15. Dial. cum Tryphone, 120; Iren.Adv. hær. I. xxiii. 2–5; xxvii. 4; II. præf; III. præf; Homiliæ pseudo-clem. i. 15; ii. 22, 25, etc.; Recogn. i. 72; ii. 7, etc.; iii. 47; Philosophumena IV. vii.; VI. i.; X. iv.; Epiph.Adv. hær.hær. xxi.; Orig.Cont. Cels.v. 62; vi. 11; Tertull.De Anima, 34;Constit. apost.vi. 16; S. Jerome,In Matt.xxiv. 5; Theod.Hæret. fab.i.1. It is from the quotations given in thePhilosophumena, and not in the travesties of the Fathers, that an idea may be obtained of “The Great Exposition.”
[15.20]Philosophum., IV. vii.; VI. i. 9, 12, 13, 17, 18. Compare Revel. i. 4, 8; iv. 8; xi. 17.
[15.21]Philosophum., VI. i. 17.
[15.22]Ibid. VI. i. 16.
[15.23]Act.viii. 10;Philosophum., VI. i. 18; Homil. Pseudo-Clem., ii. 22.
[15.24]Allusion to the adventure of the poet Stesichorus.
[15.25]Iren.Adv. hær.I. xxiii. 2–4; Homil. Pseudo-Clem., ii. 23.
[15.26]Philosophum. VI. i. 16.
[15.27]SeeVie de Jesus, p. 247–249.
[15.28]Ibid. p. 247, note 4.
[15.29]Chron. Samarit.c. 10 (edit. Juynboll Leyden, 1848). Cf. Reland,De Sam.§ 7;Dissertat. miscell.Part II. Gesenius,Comment de Sam. Theol.(Halle, 1824), p. 24, etc.
[15.30]In a quotation given in the Philosophumena, VI. i. 16, is a citation from the synoptical gospels which seems to be given as from the text of the “Great Exposition.” But this may be an error.
[15.31]Homil. Pseudo-Clem. II. 23–24.
[15.32]Iren.Adv. hær.I. xxiii. 3.Philosophum.VI. i. 19.
[15.33]Homil. Pseudo-Clem. ii. 22. Recogn. II. 14.
[15.34]Iren.Adv. hær.II. præf. III. præf.
[15.35]See the Epistle (probably authentic) of Paul to the Colossians, i. 15, &c.
[15.36]Epiph.Adv. hær.L. xxx. 1.
[15.37]An argument for the latter hypothesis is, that Simon’s sect soon changed into a school of fortune-tellers, and for the manufacture of philters and charms.Philosoph.VI. i. 20. Tertull. De Anima, 57.
[15.38]Philosophum. VI. i. 20. Cf. Orig.Contra Cels.i. 57; vi. 11.
[15.39]Hegesip. in Euseb.Hist. Eccl.iv. 22; Clem. Alex.Strom.vii. 17;Constit. apost.vi. 8, 16; xviii. 1, &c. Justin, Apol. i. 26, 56; Iren.Adv. hær.I. xxiii. init. Theod. Hær. fol. I. i. 2. Tertull.De Præscr.47; De Anima, 50.
[15.40]The most celebrated is that of Dositheus.
[15.41]Act.viii. 9; Iren.Adv. hær.xxiii. 1.
[15.42]Philosophum.VI. i. 19–20. The author attributes these perverse doctrines only to Simon’s disciples; but if the disciples entertained them, the master must have shared them in some degree.
[15.43]We shall hereafter see what these narrations signify.
[15.44]The inscriptionSimoni Deo Sancto, stated by Justin to exist in the island (Apol.I. 26) of the Tiber, and mentioned also by other Fathers, was a Latin inscription to the Sabine deity Semo Sancus,Semoni-Deo-Sanco. There was in fact discovered under Gregory XIII. in the island of St. Bartholomew, an inscription now in the Vatican bearing that dedication. V. Baronius,Ann. Eccl.44; Orelli, Inser. Lat. No. 1860. There was at this spot on the island of the Tiber a college ofbidentalesin honor of Semo-Sancus, with many inscriptions of the same kind. Orelli, No. 1861. (Mommsen, Inscr. Lat. regni Neapol. No. 6770). Comp. Orelli, No. 1859. Henzen, No. 6999; Mabillon,Museum Ital.I. 1st part, p. 84. Orelli, No. 1862, is not to be relied on. (SeeCorp.Inscr. Lat. I. No. 542.)
[15.45]This gross blunder could not have been detected without the discovery of thePhilosophumena, which alone contains extracts from theApophasis magna(VI. i. 19). Tyre was celebrated for its courtezans.
[15.46]Ἐχθρὸς ἄνθρωπος, ἀντικείμενος See Homil. Pseudo-Clem. hom. xvii. passim.
[15.47]Thus in the Pseudo-Clementine literature, the name of Simon the Magician indicates sometimes the apostle Paul, against whom the writer had a spite.
[15.48]It may be observed that inActs, he is not treated as an enemy, but only reproached as of low sentiments, and room is left for repentance, (viii, 24). Perhaps Simon was living when those lines were written, and his relations to Christianity had not yet become absolutely hostile.
{15.49}{Jos.,Ant., XX, vii., 1.}
CHAPTER XVI.
[16.1]Actsxii. 1, 25. Remark the context.[16.2]I Peter v. 13; Papias in Euseb.Hist. Acc.iii 39.[16.3]Acts xiii. 2.[16.4]Gal. i. 15, 16; Acts xvii. 15, 21; xxvi. 17–18; I Cor. i 1; Rom. i, 1, 5; xv. 15, etc.[16.5]Acts xiii. 5.[16.6]The author of Acts, being a partisan of the hierarchy and of church-domination, has perhaps inserted this circumstance. Paul knew nothing of any such ordination or consecration. He received his commission from Christ, and did not consider himself any more especially the envoy of the church of Antioch than of that of Jerusalem.[16.7]Actsxiii. 3; xiv. 25.[16.8]In I. Peter v. 13, Babylon means Rome.[16.9]Cic. Pro Archia, 10.[16.10]Jos., B. J., II. xx. 2; VII. iii 3.[16.11]Actsxviii. 24, &c.[16.12]See Philo.De Vita Contempl.passim.[16.13]Pseudo-Hermes.Asclepius, fol. 158, v. 159 r. (Florence Juntes, 15,12.)[16.14]Cic.Pro Flacco, 28; Philo.In Flaccum, § 7; Leg. ad Caium, § 36;Actsii. 5–11; vi. 9; Corp. Inscr. Gr. No. 5361.[16.15]Lex. Wisigoth; lib. xii, tit. ii. and iii in Walter. Corp. jur. German. Antiq. L I. p. 630, &c.[16.16]See Vie de Jésus, p. 137.[16.17]Philo.In Flacc., § 5 and 6; Jos.Ant.XVIII. viii 1; XIX v. 2, B. J. II. xviii. 7, etc.; VII. x. 1. Papyrus printed inNotices et ExtraitsXVIII., 2d part, p. 383, etc.[16.18]Dion Cass., XXXVII. 17; LX 6. Philo.Leg. ad Caium, § 23. Jos.Ant.XIV. x. 8; XVII. xi. 1; XVIII. iii. 5; Hor. Sat. I. iv. 142–143; v. 100; ix. 69, &c; Pers. 5, 179–184; Suet.Lib.36;Claud.25;Domit.12; Juv. iii. 14; vi. 542, &c.[16.19]Pro. Flac.28.[16.20]Jos.Ant.XIV. x.; Suet. Jul. 84.[16.21]Suet.Lib.36; Tac.Ann.ii. 85; Jos.Ant.XVIII. iii. 4, 5.[16.22]Dion Cass. LX. 6.{16.23}{Suétone,Claude, 25;Act., xviii, 2; Dion Cassius, LX, 6.}[16.24]Jos. B. J., VII. iii. 3.[16.25]Seneca, fragment in Aug.De Civ. Dei, vi. 11; Rutilius Numatianus i. 395, &c.; Jos. Contr. Apion, ii. 39; Juv. Sat. vi. 544; xiv: 96, &c.[16.26]Philo.In Flacc.§ 5; Tac.Hist.v. 4, 5, 8; Dion. Cass. xlix. 22; Juv. xiv. 103; Diod. Sic. fragm. 1 of lib. xxxiv. and iii of lib. xl.; Philostr.Vit. Apol.v. 33; I. Thess. ii. 15.[16.27]Jos.Ant.XIV. x.; XVI. vi.; XX. viii 7; Philo.In Flacc.andLegatio ad Caium.[16.28]Jos.Ant.XVIII. iii. 4, 3 Juv. vi. 543, &c.[16.29]Jos.Contr. Apion, passim; passages above cited from Tacitus and Diodorus Siculus; Trog. Pomp. (Justin) xxxvi 411; Ptolem. Hephestion or Chennus, in Script. Poet. Hist. Græci of Westermann, p. 194. Cf. Quintilian, III. vii. 2.[16.30]Cic.Pro Flacco, 28; Tac. Hist. v. 5; Juv. xiv. 103–104; Diodorus Siculus and Philostratus, u. s.; Rutilius Numatianus i. 383, &c.[16.31]Martial iv. 4; Amm. Marc. xxii. 5.[16.32]Suet.Aug.76; Horace Sat. I. ix. 69, &c; Juv. iii. 13–16, 296; vi. 156–160, 542–547; xiv. 96–107; Martial. Epigr. iv. 4; vii. 29, 34, 54; xi. 95; xii. 57; Rutilius Numat. l. c. Jos.Contra Apion, ii. 13; Philo.Leg. adCaium. § 26–28.[16.33]Martial, Epigr. xii. 57.[16.34]Juvenal, Sat. iii. 14; vi. 542.[16.35]Juvenal, Sat. iii. 296; vi. 543, &c.; Martial, Epigr. i. 42; xii. 57.[16.36]Martial, Epigr. i. 42; xii. 57; Statius Silves, I. vi. 73–74, and Forcellini on wordsulphuratum.[16.37]Horace, Sat. I. v. 100; Juvenal, Sat. vi. 544, &c., xiv. 96, &c; Apul.Florida, i. 6.[16.38]Dion Cass. lxviii. 32.[16.39]Tac. Hist. v. 5, 9; Dion Cass, lxvii 14.[16.40]Hor. Sat. I. ix. 70;JudæusApella, appears to be a joke of the same kind (see the scholiasts Acron and Porphyrion upon Hor. Sat. I. v. 100); compare the passage from S. Anitus,Poemata, v. 364, cited by Forcellini on the word Apella, but which I do not find either in the editions of this Father or in the ancient Latin manuscript, Bibl. Imp. No. 11320, as given by the learned lexicographer; Juv. Sat. xiv. 99, &c.; Martial Epigr. vii. 29, 34, 54; xi. 95.[16.41]Jos. Contr. Apion ii. 39; Tac.Ann.ii. 85, Hist. v. 5; Hor. Sat. I. iv. 142, 143; Juv. xiv. 96, &c.; Dion Cass, xxxvii. 17; lxvii 14.[16.42]Martial, Epigr. i. 42; xii. 57.[16.43]Juv. Sat. vi. 546, &c.[16.44]Jos.Ant.xviii. iii. 5; xx. 11, 4; B. J. II. xx. 2; Act xiii. 50; xvi. 14.[16.45]Loc. cit.[16.46]Jos.Ant., xx. 11, 5; iv. 1.[16.47]Passages already cited. Strabo shows much greater justice and penetration (xvi. 11, 34, &c.) Comp. Dion. Cass, xxxvii. 17, &c.[16.48]Tac. Hist. v. 5.[16.49]Jos. Contr. Apion ii. 39.[16.50]Martial, xii. 57.[16.51]Jos.Ant.xiv. x. 6, 11, 14.[16.52]Eccl. x. 25, 27.[16.53]Rom. i. 24, &c.[16.54]Zach. viii. 23.[16.55]Hor. Sat. I. ix. 69; Pers. v. 179, &c. Juv. Sat. vi. 159; xiv. 96, &c.[16.56]Contr. Apion ii. 39.[16.57]Pers. v. 179–184; Juv. vi. 157–160. The remarkable preoccupation about Judaism which may be observed in the Roman writers of the first century, especially the satirists, arises from this circumstance.[16.58]Juv. Sat. iii. 62, &c.[16.59]Cic.De Prov.consul, 5.[16.60]The children whose appearance had most pleased me on my first visit, I found four years later, ugly, vulgar, and stupid.[16.61]Πατρῷοις θεοῖς a very frequent formula in the inscriptions of the Syrians (Corp. Inscr. Græc. Nos. 4449, 4450, 4451, 4463, 4479, 4480, 6015).[16.62]Corp. Inscr. Græc. Nos. 4474, 4475, 5936;Mission de Phenicie, I. ii c. ii. (in press), inscription of Abeda. Comp. Corpus, Nos. 2271, 5853.[16.63]Ζεύς οὐράνιος, ἐπουράνιος, ὕψιστος, μέγιστος, θεὸς σατράπης, Corpus Inscr. Gr. Nos. 4500, 4501, 4502, 4503, 6012; Lepsius, Denkmæler, t. xii fol. 100. No. 590. Mission de Phenicie, p. 103, 104.[16.64]I have developed this in theJournal Asiatiquefor February 1859, p. 259, &c., and inMission de Phenicie, 1. II. c. ii.[16.65]Syrian code in Land,Anecdota Syriaca, i. p. 152, and different facts which I have witnessed.[16.66]Born in Haran.[16.67]See Forcellini, wordSyrus.This word designates Orientals generally. Leblant,Inscript.Chrét. de la Gaule, i. p. 207, 328, 329.[16.68]Juvenal, iii. 62–63.[16.69]Such is at this day the temperament of the Syrian Christian.[16.70]Inscriptions inMem.de la Soc. des Antiquaires de Fr. t. xxviii. 4, &c. Leblant, Inscript. Chrét. de la Gaule, i. p. cxliv. 207, 324, &c. 353, &c. ii. 259, 459, &c.[16.71]The Maronites colonize still in nearly all the Levant like the Jews, Armenians, and Greeks, though on a smaller scale.[16.72]Cic.De Offic.i. 42; Dion. Hal. ii. 28; ix. 28.[16.73]See the characters of slaves in Plautus and Terence.[16.74]II. Cor. xii. 9.[16.75]Tacit.Ann.ii. 85.
[16.1]Actsxii. 1, 25. Remark the context.
[16.2]I Peter v. 13; Papias in Euseb.Hist. Acc.iii 39.
[16.3]Acts xiii. 2.
[16.4]Gal. i. 15, 16; Acts xvii. 15, 21; xxvi. 17–18; I Cor. i 1; Rom. i, 1, 5; xv. 15, etc.
[16.5]Acts xiii. 5.
[16.6]The author of Acts, being a partisan of the hierarchy and of church-domination, has perhaps inserted this circumstance. Paul knew nothing of any such ordination or consecration. He received his commission from Christ, and did not consider himself any more especially the envoy of the church of Antioch than of that of Jerusalem.
[16.7]Actsxiii. 3; xiv. 25.
[16.8]In I. Peter v. 13, Babylon means Rome.
[16.9]Cic. Pro Archia, 10.
[16.10]Jos., B. J., II. xx. 2; VII. iii 3.
[16.11]Actsxviii. 24, &c.
[16.12]See Philo.De Vita Contempl.passim.
[16.13]Pseudo-Hermes.Asclepius, fol. 158, v. 159 r. (Florence Juntes, 15,12.)
[16.14]Cic.Pro Flacco, 28; Philo.In Flaccum, § 7; Leg. ad Caium, § 36;Actsii. 5–11; vi. 9; Corp. Inscr. Gr. No. 5361.
[16.15]Lex. Wisigoth; lib. xii, tit. ii. and iii in Walter. Corp. jur. German. Antiq. L I. p. 630, &c.
[16.16]See Vie de Jésus, p. 137.
[16.17]Philo.In Flacc., § 5 and 6; Jos.Ant.XVIII. viii 1; XIX v. 2, B. J. II. xviii. 7, etc.; VII. x. 1. Papyrus printed inNotices et ExtraitsXVIII., 2d part, p. 383, etc.
[16.18]Dion Cass., XXXVII. 17; LX 6. Philo.Leg. ad Caium, § 23. Jos.Ant.XIV. x. 8; XVII. xi. 1; XVIII. iii. 5; Hor. Sat. I. iv. 142–143; v. 100; ix. 69, &c; Pers. 5, 179–184; Suet.Lib.36;Claud.25;Domit.12; Juv. iii. 14; vi. 542, &c.
[16.19]Pro. Flac.28.
[16.20]Jos.Ant.XIV. x.; Suet. Jul. 84.
[16.21]Suet.Lib.36; Tac.Ann.ii. 85; Jos.Ant.XVIII. iii. 4, 5.
[16.22]Dion Cass. LX. 6.
{16.23}{Suétone,Claude, 25;Act., xviii, 2; Dion Cassius, LX, 6.}
[16.24]Jos. B. J., VII. iii. 3.
[16.25]Seneca, fragment in Aug.De Civ. Dei, vi. 11; Rutilius Numatianus i. 395, &c.; Jos. Contr. Apion, ii. 39; Juv. Sat. vi. 544; xiv: 96, &c.
[16.26]Philo.In Flacc.§ 5; Tac.Hist.v. 4, 5, 8; Dion. Cass. xlix. 22; Juv. xiv. 103; Diod. Sic. fragm. 1 of lib. xxxiv. and iii of lib. xl.; Philostr.Vit. Apol.v. 33; I. Thess. ii. 15.
[16.27]Jos.Ant.XIV. x.; XVI. vi.; XX. viii 7; Philo.In Flacc.andLegatio ad Caium.
[16.28]Jos.Ant.XVIII. iii. 4, 3 Juv. vi. 543, &c.
[16.29]Jos.Contr. Apion, passim; passages above cited from Tacitus and Diodorus Siculus; Trog. Pomp. (Justin) xxxvi 411; Ptolem. Hephestion or Chennus, in Script. Poet. Hist. Græci of Westermann, p. 194. Cf. Quintilian, III. vii. 2.
[16.30]Cic.Pro Flacco, 28; Tac. Hist. v. 5; Juv. xiv. 103–104; Diodorus Siculus and Philostratus, u. s.; Rutilius Numatianus i. 383, &c.
[16.31]Martial iv. 4; Amm. Marc. xxii. 5.
[16.32]Suet.Aug.76; Horace Sat. I. ix. 69, &c; Juv. iii. 13–16, 296; vi. 156–160, 542–547; xiv. 96–107; Martial. Epigr. iv. 4; vii. 29, 34, 54; xi. 95; xii. 57; Rutilius Numat. l. c. Jos.Contra Apion, ii. 13; Philo.Leg. adCaium. § 26–28.
[16.33]Martial, Epigr. xii. 57.
[16.34]Juvenal, Sat. iii. 14; vi. 542.
[16.35]Juvenal, Sat. iii. 296; vi. 543, &c.; Martial, Epigr. i. 42; xii. 57.
[16.36]Martial, Epigr. i. 42; xii. 57; Statius Silves, I. vi. 73–74, and Forcellini on wordsulphuratum.
[16.37]Horace, Sat. I. v. 100; Juvenal, Sat. vi. 544, &c., xiv. 96, &c; Apul.Florida, i. 6.
[16.38]Dion Cass. lxviii. 32.
[16.39]Tac. Hist. v. 5, 9; Dion Cass, lxvii 14.
[16.40]Hor. Sat. I. ix. 70;JudæusApella, appears to be a joke of the same kind (see the scholiasts Acron and Porphyrion upon Hor. Sat. I. v. 100); compare the passage from S. Anitus,Poemata, v. 364, cited by Forcellini on the word Apella, but which I do not find either in the editions of this Father or in the ancient Latin manuscript, Bibl. Imp. No. 11320, as given by the learned lexicographer; Juv. Sat. xiv. 99, &c.; Martial Epigr. vii. 29, 34, 54; xi. 95.
[16.41]Jos. Contr. Apion ii. 39; Tac.Ann.ii. 85, Hist. v. 5; Hor. Sat. I. iv. 142, 143; Juv. xiv. 96, &c.; Dion Cass, xxxvii. 17; lxvii 14.
[16.42]Martial, Epigr. i. 42; xii. 57.
[16.43]Juv. Sat. vi. 546, &c.
[16.44]Jos.Ant.xviii. iii. 5; xx. 11, 4; B. J. II. xx. 2; Act xiii. 50; xvi. 14.
[16.45]Loc. cit.
[16.46]Jos.Ant., xx. 11, 5; iv. 1.
[16.47]Passages already cited. Strabo shows much greater justice and penetration (xvi. 11, 34, &c.) Comp. Dion. Cass, xxxvii. 17, &c.
[16.48]Tac. Hist. v. 5.
[16.49]Jos. Contr. Apion ii. 39.
[16.50]Martial, xii. 57.
[16.51]Jos.Ant.xiv. x. 6, 11, 14.
[16.52]Eccl. x. 25, 27.
[16.53]Rom. i. 24, &c.
[16.54]Zach. viii. 23.
[16.55]Hor. Sat. I. ix. 69; Pers. v. 179, &c. Juv. Sat. vi. 159; xiv. 96, &c.
[16.56]Contr. Apion ii. 39.
[16.57]Pers. v. 179–184; Juv. vi. 157–160. The remarkable preoccupation about Judaism which may be observed in the Roman writers of the first century, especially the satirists, arises from this circumstance.
[16.58]Juv. Sat. iii. 62, &c.
[16.59]Cic.De Prov.consul, 5.
[16.60]The children whose appearance had most pleased me on my first visit, I found four years later, ugly, vulgar, and stupid.
[16.61]Πατρῷοις θεοῖς a very frequent formula in the inscriptions of the Syrians (Corp. Inscr. Græc. Nos. 4449, 4450, 4451, 4463, 4479, 4480, 6015).
[16.62]Corp. Inscr. Græc. Nos. 4474, 4475, 5936;Mission de Phenicie, I. ii c. ii. (in press), inscription of Abeda. Comp. Corpus, Nos. 2271, 5853.
[16.63]Ζεύς οὐράνιος, ἐπουράνιος, ὕψιστος, μέγιστος, θεὸς σατράπης, Corpus Inscr. Gr. Nos. 4500, 4501, 4502, 4503, 6012; Lepsius, Denkmæler, t. xii fol. 100. No. 590. Mission de Phenicie, p. 103, 104.
[16.64]I have developed this in theJournal Asiatiquefor February 1859, p. 259, &c., and inMission de Phenicie, 1. II. c. ii.
[16.65]Syrian code in Land,Anecdota Syriaca, i. p. 152, and different facts which I have witnessed.
[16.66]Born in Haran.
[16.67]See Forcellini, wordSyrus.This word designates Orientals generally. Leblant,Inscript.Chrét. de la Gaule, i. p. 207, 328, 329.
[16.68]Juvenal, iii. 62–63.
[16.69]Such is at this day the temperament of the Syrian Christian.
[16.70]Inscriptions inMem.de la Soc. des Antiquaires de Fr. t. xxviii. 4, &c. Leblant, Inscript. Chrét. de la Gaule, i. p. cxliv. 207, 324, &c. 353, &c. ii. 259, 459, &c.
[16.71]The Maronites colonize still in nearly all the Levant like the Jews, Armenians, and Greeks, though on a smaller scale.
[16.72]Cic.De Offic.i. 42; Dion. Hal. ii. 28; ix. 28.
[16.73]See the characters of slaves in Plautus and Terence.
[16.74]II. Cor. xii. 9.
[16.75]Tacit.Ann.ii. 85.
CHAPTER XVII.
[17.1]Tacit.Ann.i. 2; Florus, iv. 3; Pomponius in the Digest, 1; I. Tit. ii., fr. 2.[17.2]Helicon. Apelles, Euceres, etc. The Oriental kings were considered by the Romans to surpass in tyranny the worst of the emperors. Dion. Cassius lix. 24.[17.3]See inscription of the Parasite of Antony in theComptes Rendus de l'Acad. des Inscr. et B. L., 1864, p. 166, etc. Comp. Tacit.Ann.iv. 55, 56.[17.4]See for example the funeral oration on Turia by her husband, Q. Lucretius Vespillo, of which the complete epigraphic text was first published by Mommsen inMemoires de l'Academie de Berlin, 1863, p. 455, &c. Compare funeral oration on Murdia (Orelli, Inscr. Lat. No. 4860), and on Matilda by the emperor Adrian (Mem. de l'Acad. de Berlin, u. s. 483, &c.). We are too much preoccupied by passages of the Latin satirists in which the vices of women are sharply exposed. It is as if we were to design a general tableau of the morals of the seventeenth century from Mathurin, Regnier, and Boileau.[17.5]Orelli, Nos. 2647, &c., especially 2677, 2742, 4530, 4860; Henzen, Nos. 7382, &c., especially No. 7406; Renier, Inscr. de l'Algerie, No. 1987. They may have been false epithets, but they prove at least the estimation of virtue.[17.6]Plin.Epist.vii. 19; ix. 13; Appian, Bell. Civ. iv. 36. Fannia twice followed to exile her husband, Helvidius Priscus, and was banished a third time after his death.[17.7]The heroism of Arria is well known.[17.8]Suet.Aug.73; Fun. Orat. on Turia, i, line 30.[17.9]Ib. 31.[17.10]The too severe opinion of Paul (Rom. i. 24, &c.) is explicable in the same way. Paul was not acquainted with the higher social life of Rome. Besides, these clerical invectives are not to be taken literally.[17.11]Sen. Ep. xii., xxiv., xxvi., lviii., lxx.; De Ira. iii. 15. De Tranq. anim. 10.[17.12]Apoc. xvii.; Cf. Sen. Ep. xcv. 16, &c.[17.13]Suet.Aug.48.[17.14]The inscriptions contain countless examples.[17.15]Plut. Græc. Ger. Reipubl. xv. 3–4; An seni sit ger. resp., passim.[17.16]Jos. Ant. xiv., x. 22, 23; Comp. Tacit.Ann.iv. 55, 56. Rutilius Numatianus,Itin.i. 63, &c.[17.17]“Immensa romanæ pacis majestas.”Plin.Hist. Nat.xxvii. 1.[17.18]Ælius Arist.Eloge de Rome, passim; Plut.FortunedesRomains; Philo.Leg. ad Caium, § 21, 22, 39, 40.[17.19]Dion. Hal. Antiq. Rom. i., comm.[17.20]Plut. Solon. 20.[17.21]See Athen. xii. 68; Ælian,Var.Hist. ix. 12; Suidas, word Ἐπίκουρος.[17.22]Tacit.Ann.i. 2.[17.23]Study the character of Euthyphron in Plato.[17.24]Diog. Laert. ii. 101, 116; v. 5, 6, 37, 38; ix. 52; Athen. xiii. 92; xv. 52; Ælian,Var. Hist.ii. 23; iii. 36; Plut. Pericles, 32; De Plac. Philos. I, vii. 2; Diod. Sic. XIII., vi. 7; Aristoph. in Aves, 1073.[17.25]Particularly under Vespasian, as in the case of Helvidius Priscus.[17.26]We shall show later that these persecutions, at least until that of Decius, have been much exaggerated.[17.27]The early Christians were in fact very respectful towards Roman authority. Rom. xiii. i., &c.; I. Peter iv. 14, 16. As to St. Luke, see the Introduction to this work.[17.28]Diog. Laert. vii. 1, 32, 33; Euseb. Prepar. Evang. xv. 15, and in general theDe LegibusandDe Officiisof Cicero.[17.29]Terence,Heautont.I. i. 77, Cic. De Finibus Bon. et Mal., v. 23;Partit. Orat., 16, 24: Ovid, Fasti, ii. 684; Lucian vi. 54, &c.; Sen., Epist. xlviii, xcv. 51, &c.; De Ira, i. 5; iii. 43; Arrian. Dissert. Epict. I. ix. 6; ii. v. 26; Plut. Roman. 2; Alexander, i. 8, 9.[17.30]Virg. Eclog. iv.; Sen. Medea, 375, &c.[17.31]Tac.Ann.ii. 85; Suet. Tib. 35; Ovid. Fast. ii. 497–514.[17.32]he inscriptions for women contain the most touching expressions.“Mater omnium hominum, parens omnibus subveniens,”in Renier,Inscr. de l'Algerie, No. 1987, Comp. ibid. No. 2756; Mommsen, Inscr. R. N., No. 1431.“Duobus virtutis et castitatis exemplis.”Not. etMem. de la Soc. de Constantine, 1865, p. 158. See inscription of Urbanilla in Guerin, Voy. Archéol. in Tunis, i. 289, and a beautiful one, Orelli, No. 4648. Some of these texts are subsequent to the first century; but the sentiments they express were not new when they were written.[17.33]Table-Talk I., v. 1; Demosth. 2; the Dialogue on Love, 2; and Consol. ad Uxorem.[17.34]“Caritas generis humani.”Cic.De Finibus, v. 23.“Homo sacra res homini,”Sen. Epist. xcv. 33.[17.35]Sen. Epist. xxxi., xlvii.; De Benef., iii. 18, &c.[17.36]Tac.Ann.xiv. 42, &c.; Suet. Claud. 25; Dion Cass. lx. 29; Plin. Ep. viii. 16; Inscr. Lanuv. col. 2 lines, 1–4 (MommsenDe Coll et Sodal.Rom., ad calcem); Sen. Rhet. Controv. iii. 21; vii. 6; Sen. Phil. Epist. xlvii; De Benef. iii., 18, &c, Columella.De re rustica, i. 8; Plut, the Elder, 5;De Ira, 11.[17.37]Epist. xlvii., 13.[17.38]Cato.De re rustica, 58, 59, 104; Plut. Cato, 4, 5. Compare the severe maxims of Ecclesiasticus xxxiii. 25, &c.[17.39]Tac. Ann. xiv. 60; Dion Cass, xlvii. 10; lx. 16; lxii. 13; lxvi. 14. Suet. Caius, 16; Appia, Bell. Civ. iv., from ch. xvii. (especially ch. xxxvi. &c), to ch. li. Juv. vi. 476, &c., describes the manners of the worst class.[17.40]Hor. Sat. i. vi. 1, &c.; Cic. Epist. iii 7; Sen. Rhet.Controv.i. 6.[17.41]Suet. Caius, 15, 16; Claud. 19, 23, 25; Nero, 16; Dion Cass. lx. 25–29.[17.42]Tac.Ann.vi. 17; comp. iv. 6.[17.43]Tac.Ann.xiii. 50, 51; Suet. Nero, 10.[17.44]Epitaph of the jeweller, Evhodus (hominis boni, misericordis, amatis pauperis).Corp. Inscr. Lat.No. 1027, and inscription of the age of Augustus (Cf. Egger,Mem. d'Histoire et de Phil., p. 351, &c); Perrot,Exploration de la Galatie, &c., p. 118, 119, πτωχοὺς φιλέοντα; Funeral Oration of Matilda by Adrian (Mem. de l'Acad. de Berlinfor 1863, p. 489); Mommsen. Inscr. Regni Neap. Nos. 1431, 2868, 4880; Seneca Rhet.,Controv.I. i.; iii 19; iv. 27, viii. 6; Sen. Phil.De Elem.ii. 5, 6. De Benef. i l; ii. ll; iv. 14; vii. 31. Compare LeblantInscr. Chret. de la Gaule, ii. p. 23, &c; Orelli, No. 4657, FeaFramm de Frasti Consol., p. 90; R. Garrucci,Cimitera degli ant. Ebrei, p. 44.[17.45]Corp. Inscr. Græc, No. 2758.[17.46]Ibid. Nos. 2194 b. 2511, 2759 b.[17.47]It must be borne in mind that Corinth in the Roman epoch was a colony of foreigners, formed upon the site of the ancient city by Cæsar and Augustus.[17.48]Lucian, Demonax, 37.[17.49]Dion Cassius, lxvi. 15.[17.50]See Ælius Aristides, Treatise against Comedy, 751, &c., ed. Dindorf.[17.51]It is worthy of note that in several cities of Asia Minor the remainsof the ancient theatres are at this day haunts of debauchery. Comp. Ov. Amor. i. 89, &c.[17.52]Orelli-Henzen Nos. 1172, 3362, &c., 6669; Guerin, Voy. en Tunisie, 11, p. 59; Borghesi,Œuvres Completes, iv. p. 269, &c.; E. Desjardins.De tabulis alimentariis(Paris 1854); Aurelius Victor. Epitome, Nerva; Plin. Epist. i. 8; vii. 18.[17.53]Inscriptions in Desjardins, op. cit. pars ii. cap. 1.[17.54]Suet.Aug.41, 46; Dion Cass. li. 21; lviii. 2.[17.55]Tac.Ann.ii. 87; vi. 13; xv. Suet. Aug. 41, 42; Claud. 18. Comp. Dion Cass. lxii. 18; Orelli, No. 3358 &c.; Henzen, 6662, &c.; Forcellini, articleTessera frumentaria.[17.56]Odyss. vi. 207.[17.57]Eurip.Suppl.v. 773, &c.; Aristotle Rhetor. II. v. iii. and Nicomachus viii. 1; IX. x. See Stobeus Florilegus xxxvii. cxiii. and in general the fragments of Menander, and the Greek comedians.[17.58]Aristotle Polit. VI. iii. 4. 5.[17.59]Cic. Tusc. iv. 7–8; Sen. De Clem. ii. 5. 6.[17.60]Papyrus at the Louvre, No. 37, col. 1. line 21. Notices et Extraits xviii. 2d part, p. 298.[17.61]V. ante.[17.62]Apoc. xvii. &c.[17.63]Virg. Ec. iv. Georg. i. 463, &c.; Horace Od. I. ii; Tac.Ann.vi. 12; Suet. Aug. 31.[17.64]See for example De Republ. iii. 22, cited and preserved by Lactantius Instit. div. vi. 8.[17.65]See the admirable letter, xxxi. to Lucilius.[17.66]Suet. Vesp. 18; Dion Cass. t. vi. p. 558 (edit. Sturz); Euseb. Chron. A.D. 89. Plin. Epist. i. 8; Henzen, Suppl. to Orelli, p. 124, No. 1172.[17.67]Funeral Oration of Turia, i. lines 30–31.[17.68]See first book of Valerius Maximus; Julius Obsequens on Prodigies; andDiscours Sacrésof Ælius Aristides.[17.69]Augustus (Suet. Aug. 90–92) and even Cæsar, it is said, (but I doubt,) (Plin. Hist. Nat. xxviii. iv. 7) did not escape it.[17.70]Manilius, Hygin. translations from Aratus.[17.71]Cic. Pro Archia, 10.[17.72]Suet. Claud. 25.[17.73]Jos.Ant.XIX. v. 3.[17.74]Bereschith rabbach. lxv. fol. 65b; Du Cange, wordmatricularius.[17.75]Cic.De Legibus, ii. 8; Vopiscus. Aurelian, 19.[17.76]Religio sine superstitione, Orat. fun. Turia i. lines 30–31. See Plu. de Superstit.[17.77]See Melito, Περὶ ἀληθείας, inSpicilegium Syriacumof Cureto, p. 43, orSpicil. Solesmenseof dom Pitra, t. ii. p. xli., to get a good idea of the impression made by it upon the Jews and Christians.[17.78]Suet. Aug. 52; Dion Cass. li. 20; Tac.Ann.i. 10; Aurel. Victor. Ceas, i. Appian. Bell. Civ. v. 132; Jos. B. J., I. xxi. 2, 3, 4, 7. Noris,Cenotaphia Pisana, dissert. i. cap. 4;Kalendarium Cumanum, in Corpus Inscr. Lat. i. p. 310; Eckhel. Doctrina Num. Vet. pars 2d. vol. vi. p. 100, 124, &c.[17.79]Tac.Ann.iv. 55–56. Comp. Valer. Maxim. prol.[17.80]Ante, p. 193, &c.[17.81]Corinth, the only Grecian town which was considerably Christianized during the first century, was no longer at this period a Hellenic city.[17.82]Heracl. Corn. Comp. Cic. De Nat. Deorum, iii. 23, 25, 60, 62, 64.[17.83]Plut. Consol. ad ux. 10;De sera numinis vindicta, 22; Heuzey.Mission de Macedoine, p. 128.Revue Archéologique, April, 1864, p. 282.[17.84]Lucret., i. 63, &c.; Sallust. Catil. 52; Cic. De Nat. Deorum. ii. 24, 28.De Divinat.ii. 33, 35, 57;De Haruspicorum Responsis, passim; Tuscul. i. 16; Juvenal, Sat. ii. 149, 152; Sen. Epist. xxiv. 17.[17.85]Sua cuique civitati religio est, nostra nobis. Cic. Pro Flacco, 28.[17.86]Cic.De Nat. Deorum, i. 30, 42; De Divinat. ii. 12, 33, 35, 72.De Harusp. Resp.6, etc.; Liv. i. 19, Quint. Curt. iv. 10. Plut.De plac. phil.I. vii. 2; Diod. Sic. I. ii. 2. Varro. in Aug.De civit. Dei,iv. 31, 32; vi. 6. Dion. Halic. ii. 20. viii. 5. Valer. Maxim. I. ii.[17.87]Cic. De Divinat. ii. 15; Juvenal, ii. 149, &c.[17.88]Tac.Ann.xi. 15. Plin. Epist. x. 97.sub. fin.Serapin in Plut.De Pythiæ Oraculis. Comp.De EI apud Delphos, init. See also Valer. Maxim I.,passim.[17.89]Juv. Sat. vi. 489, 527, &c. Tac.Ann.xi. 15. Comp. LucianConv. Deorum; Tertull.Apolog.6.[17.90]Jos.Ant.xviii. iii. 4; Tac.Ann.ii. 85; Le Bas,Inscr.part v. No. 395.[17.91]Plut. De Pyth. orac. 25.[17.92]See Lucian,Alexander seu pseudomantisandDe morte Peregrini.[17.93]Sen. Epist. xii. xxiv. lxv. Inscr. Lanuv. 2d col. lines 5–6; Orelli, 4404.[17.94]Dion Cass. lxvi. 13; lxvii. 13; Suet. Domit. 10. Tac.Agricola.2.45; Plin.Epist.III. ii.; Philostr. Vit. Apollon. I. vii. passim. Euseb.Chron.A.D.90.[17.95]Dion Cass. lxii. 29.[17.96]Arrian, Dissert. de Epictet. I. ii. 21.[17.97]Ibid. I. xxv. 22.
[17.1]Tacit.Ann.i. 2; Florus, iv. 3; Pomponius in the Digest, 1; I. Tit. ii., fr. 2.
[17.2]Helicon. Apelles, Euceres, etc. The Oriental kings were considered by the Romans to surpass in tyranny the worst of the emperors. Dion. Cassius lix. 24.
[17.3]See inscription of the Parasite of Antony in theComptes Rendus de l'Acad. des Inscr. et B. L., 1864, p. 166, etc. Comp. Tacit.Ann.iv. 55, 56.
[17.4]See for example the funeral oration on Turia by her husband, Q. Lucretius Vespillo, of which the complete epigraphic text was first published by Mommsen inMemoires de l'Academie de Berlin, 1863, p. 455, &c. Compare funeral oration on Murdia (Orelli, Inscr. Lat. No. 4860), and on Matilda by the emperor Adrian (Mem. de l'Acad. de Berlin, u. s. 483, &c.). We are too much preoccupied by passages of the Latin satirists in which the vices of women are sharply exposed. It is as if we were to design a general tableau of the morals of the seventeenth century from Mathurin, Regnier, and Boileau.
[17.5]Orelli, Nos. 2647, &c., especially 2677, 2742, 4530, 4860; Henzen, Nos. 7382, &c., especially No. 7406; Renier, Inscr. de l'Algerie, No. 1987. They may have been false epithets, but they prove at least the estimation of virtue.
[17.6]Plin.Epist.vii. 19; ix. 13; Appian, Bell. Civ. iv. 36. Fannia twice followed to exile her husband, Helvidius Priscus, and was banished a third time after his death.
[17.7]The heroism of Arria is well known.
[17.8]Suet.Aug.73; Fun. Orat. on Turia, i, line 30.
[17.9]Ib. 31.
[17.10]The too severe opinion of Paul (Rom. i. 24, &c.) is explicable in the same way. Paul was not acquainted with the higher social life of Rome. Besides, these clerical invectives are not to be taken literally.
[17.11]Sen. Ep. xii., xxiv., xxvi., lviii., lxx.; De Ira. iii. 15. De Tranq. anim. 10.
[17.12]Apoc. xvii.; Cf. Sen. Ep. xcv. 16, &c.
[17.13]Suet.Aug.48.
[17.14]The inscriptions contain countless examples.
[17.15]Plut. Græc. Ger. Reipubl. xv. 3–4; An seni sit ger. resp., passim.
[17.16]Jos. Ant. xiv., x. 22, 23; Comp. Tacit.Ann.iv. 55, 56. Rutilius Numatianus,Itin.i. 63, &c.
[17.17]“Immensa romanæ pacis majestas.”Plin.Hist. Nat.xxvii. 1.
[17.18]Ælius Arist.Eloge de Rome, passim; Plut.FortunedesRomains; Philo.Leg. ad Caium, § 21, 22, 39, 40.
[17.19]Dion. Hal. Antiq. Rom. i., comm.
[17.20]Plut. Solon. 20.
[17.21]See Athen. xii. 68; Ælian,Var.Hist. ix. 12; Suidas, word Ἐπίκουρος.
[17.22]Tacit.Ann.i. 2.
[17.23]Study the character of Euthyphron in Plato.
[17.24]Diog. Laert. ii. 101, 116; v. 5, 6, 37, 38; ix. 52; Athen. xiii. 92; xv. 52; Ælian,Var. Hist.ii. 23; iii. 36; Plut. Pericles, 32; De Plac. Philos. I, vii. 2; Diod. Sic. XIII., vi. 7; Aristoph. in Aves, 1073.
[17.25]Particularly under Vespasian, as in the case of Helvidius Priscus.
[17.26]We shall show later that these persecutions, at least until that of Decius, have been much exaggerated.
[17.27]The early Christians were in fact very respectful towards Roman authority. Rom. xiii. i., &c.; I. Peter iv. 14, 16. As to St. Luke, see the Introduction to this work.
[17.28]Diog. Laert. vii. 1, 32, 33; Euseb. Prepar. Evang. xv. 15, and in general theDe LegibusandDe Officiisof Cicero.
[17.29]Terence,Heautont.I. i. 77, Cic. De Finibus Bon. et Mal., v. 23;Partit. Orat., 16, 24: Ovid, Fasti, ii. 684; Lucian vi. 54, &c.; Sen., Epist. xlviii, xcv. 51, &c.; De Ira, i. 5; iii. 43; Arrian. Dissert. Epict. I. ix. 6; ii. v. 26; Plut. Roman. 2; Alexander, i. 8, 9.
[17.30]Virg. Eclog. iv.; Sen. Medea, 375, &c.
[17.31]Tac.Ann.ii. 85; Suet. Tib. 35; Ovid. Fast. ii. 497–514.
[17.32]he inscriptions for women contain the most touching expressions.“Mater omnium hominum, parens omnibus subveniens,”in Renier,Inscr. de l'Algerie, No. 1987, Comp. ibid. No. 2756; Mommsen, Inscr. R. N., No. 1431.“Duobus virtutis et castitatis exemplis.”Not. etMem. de la Soc. de Constantine, 1865, p. 158. See inscription of Urbanilla in Guerin, Voy. Archéol. in Tunis, i. 289, and a beautiful one, Orelli, No. 4648. Some of these texts are subsequent to the first century; but the sentiments they express were not new when they were written.
[17.33]Table-Talk I., v. 1; Demosth. 2; the Dialogue on Love, 2; and Consol. ad Uxorem.
[17.34]“Caritas generis humani.”Cic.De Finibus, v. 23.“Homo sacra res homini,”Sen. Epist. xcv. 33.
[17.35]Sen. Epist. xxxi., xlvii.; De Benef., iii. 18, &c.
[17.36]Tac.Ann.xiv. 42, &c.; Suet. Claud. 25; Dion Cass. lx. 29; Plin. Ep. viii. 16; Inscr. Lanuv. col. 2 lines, 1–4 (MommsenDe Coll et Sodal.Rom., ad calcem); Sen. Rhet. Controv. iii. 21; vii. 6; Sen. Phil. Epist. xlvii; De Benef. iii., 18, &c, Columella.De re rustica, i. 8; Plut, the Elder, 5;De Ira, 11.
[17.37]Epist. xlvii., 13.
[17.38]Cato.De re rustica, 58, 59, 104; Plut. Cato, 4, 5. Compare the severe maxims of Ecclesiasticus xxxiii. 25, &c.
[17.39]Tac. Ann. xiv. 60; Dion Cass, xlvii. 10; lx. 16; lxii. 13; lxvi. 14. Suet. Caius, 16; Appia, Bell. Civ. iv., from ch. xvii. (especially ch. xxxvi. &c), to ch. li. Juv. vi. 476, &c., describes the manners of the worst class.
[17.40]Hor. Sat. i. vi. 1, &c.; Cic. Epist. iii 7; Sen. Rhet.Controv.i. 6.
[17.41]Suet. Caius, 15, 16; Claud. 19, 23, 25; Nero, 16; Dion Cass. lx. 25–29.
[17.42]Tac.Ann.vi. 17; comp. iv. 6.
[17.43]Tac.Ann.xiii. 50, 51; Suet. Nero, 10.
[17.44]Epitaph of the jeweller, Evhodus (hominis boni, misericordis, amatis pauperis).Corp. Inscr. Lat.No. 1027, and inscription of the age of Augustus (Cf. Egger,Mem. d'Histoire et de Phil., p. 351, &c); Perrot,Exploration de la Galatie, &c., p. 118, 119, πτωχοὺς φιλέοντα; Funeral Oration of Matilda by Adrian (Mem. de l'Acad. de Berlinfor 1863, p. 489); Mommsen. Inscr. Regni Neap. Nos. 1431, 2868, 4880; Seneca Rhet.,Controv.I. i.; iii 19; iv. 27, viii. 6; Sen. Phil.De Elem.ii. 5, 6. De Benef. i l; ii. ll; iv. 14; vii. 31. Compare LeblantInscr. Chret. de la Gaule, ii. p. 23, &c; Orelli, No. 4657, FeaFramm de Frasti Consol., p. 90; R. Garrucci,Cimitera degli ant. Ebrei, p. 44.
[17.45]Corp. Inscr. Græc, No. 2758.
[17.46]Ibid. Nos. 2194 b. 2511, 2759 b.
[17.47]It must be borne in mind that Corinth in the Roman epoch was a colony of foreigners, formed upon the site of the ancient city by Cæsar and Augustus.
[17.48]Lucian, Demonax, 37.
[17.49]Dion Cassius, lxvi. 15.
[17.50]See Ælius Aristides, Treatise against Comedy, 751, &c., ed. Dindorf.
[17.51]It is worthy of note that in several cities of Asia Minor the remainsof the ancient theatres are at this day haunts of debauchery. Comp. Ov. Amor. i. 89, &c.
[17.52]Orelli-Henzen Nos. 1172, 3362, &c., 6669; Guerin, Voy. en Tunisie, 11, p. 59; Borghesi,Œuvres Completes, iv. p. 269, &c.; E. Desjardins.De tabulis alimentariis(Paris 1854); Aurelius Victor. Epitome, Nerva; Plin. Epist. i. 8; vii. 18.
[17.53]Inscriptions in Desjardins, op. cit. pars ii. cap. 1.
[17.54]Suet.Aug.41, 46; Dion Cass. li. 21; lviii. 2.
[17.55]Tac.Ann.ii. 87; vi. 13; xv. Suet. Aug. 41, 42; Claud. 18. Comp. Dion Cass. lxii. 18; Orelli, No. 3358 &c.; Henzen, 6662, &c.; Forcellini, articleTessera frumentaria.
[17.56]Odyss. vi. 207.
[17.57]Eurip.Suppl.v. 773, &c.; Aristotle Rhetor. II. v. iii. and Nicomachus viii. 1; IX. x. See Stobeus Florilegus xxxvii. cxiii. and in general the fragments of Menander, and the Greek comedians.
[17.58]Aristotle Polit. VI. iii. 4. 5.
[17.59]Cic. Tusc. iv. 7–8; Sen. De Clem. ii. 5. 6.
[17.60]Papyrus at the Louvre, No. 37, col. 1. line 21. Notices et Extraits xviii. 2d part, p. 298.
[17.61]V. ante.
[17.62]Apoc. xvii. &c.
[17.63]Virg. Ec. iv. Georg. i. 463, &c.; Horace Od. I. ii; Tac.Ann.vi. 12; Suet. Aug. 31.
[17.64]See for example De Republ. iii. 22, cited and preserved by Lactantius Instit. div. vi. 8.
[17.65]See the admirable letter, xxxi. to Lucilius.
[17.66]Suet. Vesp. 18; Dion Cass. t. vi. p. 558 (edit. Sturz); Euseb. Chron. A.D. 89. Plin. Epist. i. 8; Henzen, Suppl. to Orelli, p. 124, No. 1172.
[17.67]Funeral Oration of Turia, i. lines 30–31.
[17.68]See first book of Valerius Maximus; Julius Obsequens on Prodigies; andDiscours Sacrésof Ælius Aristides.
[17.69]Augustus (Suet. Aug. 90–92) and even Cæsar, it is said, (but I doubt,) (Plin. Hist. Nat. xxviii. iv. 7) did not escape it.
[17.70]Manilius, Hygin. translations from Aratus.
[17.71]Cic. Pro Archia, 10.
[17.72]Suet. Claud. 25.
[17.73]Jos.Ant.XIX. v. 3.
[17.74]Bereschith rabbach. lxv. fol. 65b; Du Cange, wordmatricularius.
[17.75]Cic.De Legibus, ii. 8; Vopiscus. Aurelian, 19.
[17.76]Religio sine superstitione, Orat. fun. Turia i. lines 30–31. See Plu. de Superstit.
[17.77]See Melito, Περὶ ἀληθείας, inSpicilegium Syriacumof Cureto, p. 43, orSpicil. Solesmenseof dom Pitra, t. ii. p. xli., to get a good idea of the impression made by it upon the Jews and Christians.
[17.78]Suet. Aug. 52; Dion Cass. li. 20; Tac.Ann.i. 10; Aurel. Victor. Ceas, i. Appian. Bell. Civ. v. 132; Jos. B. J., I. xxi. 2, 3, 4, 7. Noris,Cenotaphia Pisana, dissert. i. cap. 4;Kalendarium Cumanum, in Corpus Inscr. Lat. i. p. 310; Eckhel. Doctrina Num. Vet. pars 2d. vol. vi. p. 100, 124, &c.
[17.79]Tac.Ann.iv. 55–56. Comp. Valer. Maxim. prol.
[17.80]Ante, p. 193, &c.
[17.81]Corinth, the only Grecian town which was considerably Christianized during the first century, was no longer at this period a Hellenic city.
[17.82]Heracl. Corn. Comp. Cic. De Nat. Deorum, iii. 23, 25, 60, 62, 64.
[17.83]Plut. Consol. ad ux. 10;De sera numinis vindicta, 22; Heuzey.Mission de Macedoine, p. 128.Revue Archéologique, April, 1864, p. 282.
[17.84]Lucret., i. 63, &c.; Sallust. Catil. 52; Cic. De Nat. Deorum. ii. 24, 28.De Divinat.ii. 33, 35, 57;De Haruspicorum Responsis, passim; Tuscul. i. 16; Juvenal, Sat. ii. 149, 152; Sen. Epist. xxiv. 17.
[17.85]Sua cuique civitati religio est, nostra nobis. Cic. Pro Flacco, 28.
[17.86]Cic.De Nat. Deorum, i. 30, 42; De Divinat. ii. 12, 33, 35, 72.De Harusp. Resp.6, etc.; Liv. i. 19, Quint. Curt. iv. 10. Plut.De plac. phil.I. vii. 2; Diod. Sic. I. ii. 2. Varro. in Aug.De civit. Dei,iv. 31, 32; vi. 6. Dion. Halic. ii. 20. viii. 5. Valer. Maxim. I. ii.
[17.87]Cic. De Divinat. ii. 15; Juvenal, ii. 149, &c.
[17.88]Tac.Ann.xi. 15. Plin. Epist. x. 97.sub. fin.Serapin in Plut.De Pythiæ Oraculis. Comp.De EI apud Delphos, init. See also Valer. Maxim I.,passim.
[17.89]Juv. Sat. vi. 489, 527, &c. Tac.Ann.xi. 15. Comp. LucianConv. Deorum; Tertull.Apolog.6.
[17.90]Jos.Ant.xviii. iii. 4; Tac.Ann.ii. 85; Le Bas,Inscr.part v. No. 395.
[17.91]Plut. De Pyth. orac. 25.
[17.92]See Lucian,Alexander seu pseudomantisandDe morte Peregrini.
[17.93]Sen. Epist. xii. xxiv. lxv. Inscr. Lanuv. 2d col. lines 5–6; Orelli, 4404.
[17.94]Dion Cass. lxvi. 13; lxvii. 13; Suet. Domit. 10. Tac.Agricola.2.45; Plin.Epist.III. ii.; Philostr. Vit. Apollon. I. vii. passim. Euseb.Chron.A.D.90.
[17.95]Dion Cass. lxii. 29.
[17.96]Arrian, Dissert. de Epictet. I. ii. 21.
[17.97]Ibid. I. xxv. 22.
CHAPTER XVIII.