BIBLIOGRAPHY

Footnotes:[59]The following passage from Townsend's Journey through Spain (Vol. II., p. 56), is curious as showing where jet was formerly found in this Peninsula. “When I returned to Oviedo, a gentleman gave me a collection of amber and of jet, of which there is great abundance in this province: but the two most considerable mines of it are in the territory of Beloncia, one in a valley called Las Guerrias, the other on the side of a high mountain in the village of Arenas, in the parish of Val de Soto. The former is found in slate, and looks like wood: but when broke, the nodules discover a white crust, inclosing yellow amber, bright and transparent. Jet and a species of kennel coal, abounding with marcasites, universally accompany the amber.”[60]As for the clothing of sacred images in Spain, even these are subject to changes in the fashion of costume. Ford makes merry over “the Saviour in a court-dress, with wig and breeches.” Swinburne wrote in 1775, from Alicante: “We have been all the morning in great uneasiness about Sir T. G.'s valet de chambre, who, till within this hour, was not to be found in any of the places he usually frequents. His appearance has quieted our apprehensions; and it seems he has been from sunrise till dinner-time locked up in the sacristy of the great church, curling and frizzling the flaxen periwig of the statue of the Virgin, who is to-morrow to be carried in solemn procession through the city.”A similar passage occurs in one of the letters of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu. “I was particularly diverted,” she wrote from Nuremberg in 1716, “in a little Roman Catholic church which is permitted here, where the professors of that religion are not very rich, and consequently cannot adorn their images in so rich a manner as their neighbours. For, not to be quite destitute of all finery, they have dressed up an image of our Saviour over the altar in a fair, full-bottomed wig, very well powdered.”[61]“Ambo, pulpitum ubi ex duabus partibus sunt gradus.” Ugutio, quoted by Ducange.[62]Originum, Book XV., Chap. iv.[63]Noticia Histórica de la Cuchillería y de los Cuchilleros Antiguos en España(Almanaque de El Museo de la Industria, Madrid, 1870).[64]See Pérez Pujol,Condición social de las personas á principios del siglo V. “The ironsmiths of Barcelona,” says Riaño, “formed an extensive guild in the thirteenth century; in 1257, four of its members formed part of the chief municipal council; this guild increased in importance in the following centuries.”[65]The history of the Sevillian trade-guilds begins properly with the fifteenth century, although Gestoso states in hisDiccionario de Artífices Sevillanosthat he has found a few documents which seem to point to their existence in the century preceding.When the Spanish Christians pitched their camp before this city, prior to their victorious assault upon its walls, the besieging army was divided according to the various trades of its component soldiery: the spicers in one part of the camp, the apothecaries in another, and so forth. It is therefore probable that the Sevillian trade-guilds were instituted shortly after the re-conquest. The wages of smiths, shoemakers, silversmiths, armourers, and other craftsmen were decreed by Pedro the First in hisOrdenamiento de Menestrales. The ordinances of the silversmiths, in particular, are so old that Gestoso believes them to have been renewed and confirmed by Juan the Second, in the year 1416. However this may be, it is certain that the Seville guilds were regularly constituted in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella.[66]Barzanallana defines the wordgremio“as it came to be understood in Spain,” as “any gathering of merchants, artisans, labourers, or other persons who practised the same profession, art, or office; and who were bound to comply with certain ordinances, applicable to each individual of their number.”It is well, however, to distinguish broadly between actual manufacturers or producers (menestrales de manos) and merchants or shopkeepers (mercaderes de tienda y de escriptorio), who merely trafficked in what was executed by another.[67]This guild, as all the others, held an annual convocation of its members, and possessed a chapel of its own in the convent of San Francisco. It exercised a strict and constant supervision upon the gold and silver work produced throughout the city. On April 15th, 1567, the inspectors appointed and salaried by the guild visited the shop of Antonio de Cuevas, and seized anAgnus Deiand a faultily executed cross, both of which objects were destroyed forthwith. On February 8th, 1569, they repeated their visit to the same silversmith, and seized anapretador, which was likewise broken up. On February 9th, 1602, they entered the shop of Antonio de Ahumada, and took away “two rings, a goldencomienda, a cross of Saint John, some small cocks, a toothpick, and a San Diego of silver.” Similar notices of fines, confiscations, and other punishments exist in great abundance, and may be studied in Gestoso's dictionary. See also Vol. I., p.114, of the present work.[68]The foremost in importance of thegremiosof Toledo was that of the silk-weavers (arte mayor de la seda), whose earliest ordinances date froma.d.1533.Interesting particulars of the old Toledangremiosgenerally will be found in the municipal archives of this city, in theOrdenanzas para el buen régimen y gobierno de la muy noble, muy leal é imperial ciudad de Toledo(reprinted in 1858); in Martín Gamero'sHistory of Toledo; and in the Count of Cedillo's scholarly monograph,Toledo in the Sixteenth Century.[69]That is, the ponderous structure known as the Miguelete, which stands unfinished to this day.[70]The Count of Torreánaz quotes an earlier instance, relative to another city, from the shoemakers' ordinances of Burgos, confirmed by the emperor Alfonso ina.d.1270. These laws decreed, obviously with the purpose of limiting the number of apprentices, that every master-craftsman who engaged an apprentice was to pay two thousandmaravedis“for the service of God and of the hospital.” Similar legislation, lasting many centuries, was in force elsewhere, for Larruga says that at Valladolid, although the city produced fourteen thousand hats yearly, most of the master-hatters had no apprentices in their workshops, and only oneoficial.[71]E.g., the silk-weavers (Statute of 1701). “Que ningun collegial de dit collegi puixa matricular francament mes de tres aprenents y si volgués tenirne mes, hatja de pagar á dit collegi deu lliures, moneda real de Valencia per cascú dels que excedirá de dit numero.”[72]It is not often, for instance, that we meet with notices of Spanish craftsmen such as Miguel Jerónimo Monegro, a silversmith of Seville, who at his death, towards the middle of the sixteenth century, was in a position to bequeath the following money and effects: 15,000maravedisto his servant, Catalina Mexia, 6000maravedisto Juan Ortiz, “a boy that was in my house, that he may learn a trade,” 6000maravedisyearly to his slavewomen, Juana and Luisa, and a black mule to his executor, Hernando de Morales.—Gestoso,Diccionario de Artífices Sevillanas, Vol. II., p. 256.[73]This did not happen only at Valencia. The Cortes assembled at Valladolid in 1537 complained that it was “tolerable that costly stuffs should be worn by lords, gentlemen, and wealthy persons; but such is become our nation, that there is not an hidalgo, squire, merchant, oroficialof any trade, but wears rich clothing; wherefore many grow impoverished and lack the money to pay thealcabalasand the other taxes owing to His Majesty.”Fernandez de Navarrete stated, in 1626, that “the wives of commonmecánicos(i.e.craftsmen) furnish their dwellings more luxuriously than titled personages of the realm were wont to furnish theirs some few years ago,” and that hangings of taffeta or Spanishguadamecíeswere now regarded with contempt, being replaced, even in the homes of the moderately well-to-do, by sumptuous fabrics of Florence and Milan, and by the costliest Brussels tapestry.—(Conservación de Monarquías, p. 246).[74]Larruga, in Vol. XVIII. of hisMemorias, inserts an account of the heavy debts incurred by thegremiosof Valladolid, upon the celebration of various of their festivals.[75]The treatment of distinguished craftsmen by the Spanish church was often sheerly villainous. A document, inserted by Zarco del Valle among his collection ofDocumentos Inéditos para la Historia de las Bellas Artes en España, p. 362, and in the handwriting of “Maestre” Domingo (see Vol. I., pp.148,149), states that after making the choir-rejafor Toledo cathedral, “so richly wrought, that in the elegance and rarity thereof it far surpasseth all that has been witnessed in our time, whether in his majesty's dominions or abroad,” and expending on it “all the money I had earned in my youth,” this eminentrejerofound himself by now “owing a great quantity ofmaravedis, seeing that I am utterly without resources,” concluding by an appeal to the archbishop to “take heed how that I shall not perish through such poverty, and my wife and children in the hospital.”In another document the same artificer complains that in producing the aforesaidreja, he had sacrificed “not only my labour, but my property to boot, having been compelled to sell my house and my inheritance to compensate me for my losses,” adding that the cathedral authorities had violated their engagement with him.In answer to a series of petitions such as this, the archbishop tardily gave orders for the payment to Domingo of a lump sum of fifteen thousandmaravedisand a pension for the rest of his life of two silverrealesof Castilian money, “to aid him to support himself.” This was ina.d.1563. By 1565 death had ended the miseries of the master-craftsman, and again we find his widow and children knocking at the archbishop's door, pleading that “extreme is our necessity,” and declaring that Domingo had succumbed overburdened with debt,affirming on his deathbed that the cathedral owed him three thousand ducats, being half the value of a reja he had made.In answer to this terrible appeal, the thrifty prelate ordered thatsince it was found to be true that Master Domingo had lost his maravedis in making the rejas of the choir, his widow and children should receive a daily pension of onereal, and that a suit of clothes should be given to each of his sons and his two daughters.[76]So rarely, that Salazar de Mendoza affirms in his book uponCastilian Dignitiesthat this “high prenomen” (alto prenombre Don) might properly be used by none but kings,infantes, prelates, and thericos-homesof the realm.Ina.d.1626, Fernández de Navarrete complained of the tendency prevailing among the Spaniards generally to usurp the titleDon. “Nowadays in Castile,” he wrote (Conservación de Monarquías, p. 71, etc.), “exists a horde of turbulent and idle fellows that so style themselves, since you will hardly find the son of a craftsman (oficial mecánico) that does not endeavour by this trick to filch the honour that is owed to true nobility alone; and so, impeded and weighed down by the false appearance ofcaballeros, they are unsuited to follow any occupation that is incompatible with the empty authority of aDon.”Some of the reasons why these rogues orpseudonobles(as Fernández de Navarrete called them), attempted to pass forhidalgosor “sons of somebody,” are disclosed by Townsend, writing a century and a half later. “Numerous privileges and immunities enjoyed by thehidalgosor knights, sometimes calledhijos dalgo, have contributed very much to confirm hereditary prejudices to the detriment of trade. Their depositions are taken in their own houses. They are seated in the courts of justice, and are placed near the judge. Till the year 1784, their persons, arms, and horses were free from arrest. They are not sent to the common jails, but are either confined in castles or in their own houses on their parole of honour. They are not hanged, but strangled, and this operation is calledgarrotar, fromgarrote, the little stick used by carriers to twist the cord and bind hard their loading. They cannot be examined on the rack. They are, moreover, exempted from the various taxes calledfechos,pedidos,monedas,martiniegas, andcontribuciones realesandciviles: that is, from subsidies, benevolence, and poll tax, or taille paid by the common people, at the rate of two per cent., in this province, but in others at the rate of four. They are free from personal service, except where the sovereign is, and even then they cannot be compelled to follow him. None but the royal family can be quartered on them. To conclude, the noble female conveys all these privileges to her husband and her children, just in the same manner as the eldest daughter of the titular nobility transmits the titles of her progenitors.“The proportion ofhidalgosin the kingdom of Granada is not considerable; for out of six hundred and fifty-two thousand nine hundred and ninety inhabitants, only one thousand nine hundred and seventy-nine are noble; whereas, in the province of León, upon little more than one-third that population, the knights are twenty-two thousand. In the province of Burgos, on four hundred and sixty thousand three hundred and ninety-five inhabitants, one hundred and thirty-four thousand and fifty-six are entitled to all the privileges of nobility; and in Asturias, of three hundred and forty-five thousand eight hundred and thirty-three, nearly one-third enjoy the same distinction.”—(Journey through Spain in the years 1786 and 1787: Vol. III., pp. 79, 80.)[77]Licentiate Gaspar Gutierrez de los Ríos,Noticia general para la estimación de las Artes y la manera en que se conocen las liberales de las que son mecánicas y serviles. Madrid, 1600. I again have occasion to mention this curious work in my chapter on Spanish tapestries.[78]It is stated in the Fuero of Nájera (a.d.1076) that the price of the blood of a Moorish slave was twelvesueldosand a half, while the Fuero Viejo of Castile (Book II., Tit. III., Ley IV.) contains the significantly contemptuous phrase, “If a man demand of another a beast or a Moor” (si algún ome demanda á otro bestia ó moro). The Countess d'Aulnoy wrote in 1679;—“There are here (at Madrid) a large number of Turkish and Moorish slaves, who are bought and sold at heavy prices, some of them costing four hundred and five hundredescudos. Until some time ago the owners of these slaves possessed the right to kill them at their pleasure, as though they had been so many dogs; but since it was remarked that this usage tallied but poorly with the maxims of our Christian faith, so scandalous a license was prohibited. Nowadays the owner of a slave may often break his bones without incurring censure. Not many, however, resort to so extreme a chastisement.”[79]To further show the extravagant way of thinking and behaving of the Spaniard of the seventeenth century, the same author sets aside the sneering objection justly made by foreign writers to the river Manzanares at Madrid—namely, that it has no water—by remarking with exquisite complacency, that here precisely lies the crowning merit and advantage of the Manzanares over rival streams; in that it amuses people without endangering their lives. In the reigns of Philip the Fourth and Charles the Second, a favourite promenade of the Madrid aristocracy was the waterless channel of this river, in which, according to this work, “coaches and carriages do duty for a gondola, and form a pleasant imitation of the boats and palaces of Venice.”[80]The object avowedly pursued by Campomanes was not, however, the absolute suppression of the Spanish trade-guilds, but merely their reconstruction upon a sounder basis. He still believed that admission to a guild should be preceded by a formal period of apprenticeship, as well as that the title and the privileges of the master of a trade should be hereditary. An instance of the grossly fraudulent methods employed by thegremiosin order to retain the privilege of manufacture in a certain family, is quoted by Larruga (Memorias, Vol. II., p. 201), who states that the silk-cord makers of Madrid conferred the title ofmaster-craftsmanon a babe only twenty-two months old.[81]Barzanallana says that the earliest sign of a movement in the direction of emancipating the Spanish people from the thraldom of thegremiosis contained in the royalcedulaof May 17th, 1790, abolishing several of the noxious prerogatives which had hitherto been enjoyed by the families of master-craftsmen. A further crown decree, dated the same month and year, empowered the Audiencias and Chancillerías to authorize persons to pursue a craft (provided they were reasonably competent) without the necessity of approval from thegremiosand theirveedores. Three years later, the same monarch (Charles the Fourth) suppressed thegremiosandcolegiosof the silk-twisters, and declared this craft to be open to all such persons, of either sex, as wished to practise it. In 1797 it was permitted to all foreigners who should be competent in any art or industry (except Jews) to establish themselves in Spain or her dominions, nor were they to be molested in their religious theories if they should happen not to be Roman Catholics.At a later time the Cortes annulled, or very nearly so, theordenanzasof thegremios, and allowed the exercise of any lawful trade or craft to everybody, Spaniards and foreigners alike, without the requisite of special license or examination, or approval by the officers of the guilds (decree of June 8th, 1813). This measure was revoked in 1815, but again became law in 1836, and two years before this latter date was issued the decree of Queen María Cristina prohibiting associations which, under the semblance of agremio, should aim at converting any craft or office into a monopoly.The Spanishgremiosstill exist, but all their sting has departed. To-day they may be said to spring from the natural and beneficial interdependence of persons working together in the same groove, and seeking mutual support by means of peaceable association. Thus the abuses which rendered them so terrible and evil in the olden time are fortunately now no more.[82]This custom was borrowed from the East, and explains why, in many of the older Spanish cities, a number of their streets have taken their title from the trades that formerly were plied in them, or (in some instances) that still are so. Especially was this the case at Valencia and Toledo. In the latter capital there are, or used to be, the streets,plazas, orbarrios, of the silversmiths, armourers, bakers, old-clothes vendors, potters, esparto-weavers, dyers, chairmakers, and many more. Martín Gamero, in his excellentHistory of Toledo(Introduction, p. 60), says that in the centre of the city were located the quiet crafts, such as those of the jewellers, silversmiths, chandlers, and clog-makers, as well as the shops of the silk, brocade, and tissue-vendors. Noisy trades, such as the swordsmiths', tinsmiths', boiler-makers', chairmakers', and turners', were practised on the outskirts of the town.[83]Colmeiro has publishedmemorialespresented by the hatters of Zaragoza, in which they pray to be allowed to line, by their own hands, or by those of their wives, the hats which they had manufactured, instead of being required to give up this finishing and accessorial process to the makers of silk cord.—Historia de la Economía Política en España, andBiblioteca de los economistas españoles de los siglos XVI., XVII., y XVIII.[84]This meddlesomeness almost exceeds belief. It was at its worst, perhaps, in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, who decreed that the wicks of candles were to be made of the same kind of tow, and horse-shoes and nails to be of the same weight in every part of their dominions. It was required that machines, which might have been to great advantage moved by mules or horses, should only be worked by the hand of man, however lengthy and exhausting this might prove. The Count of Torreánaz, who quotes these ridiculous dispositions from theLibro de bulas y pragmáticasof Juan Ramírez, further recalls that, as late as the middle of the eighteenth century, costly woven stuffs of Seville and Valencia used to be confiscated because, although the ground of the fabric was of a colour which the law allowed, the flowers or other devices which formed the decoration were of a forbidden shade. On one occasion the chief lady-in-waiting of the queen was prohibited from wearing a dress which she had ordered from a weaver of Valencia, because the flowered pattern was contrary to theordenanzas.

Footnotes:

[59]The following passage from Townsend's Journey through Spain (Vol. II., p. 56), is curious as showing where jet was formerly found in this Peninsula. “When I returned to Oviedo, a gentleman gave me a collection of amber and of jet, of which there is great abundance in this province: but the two most considerable mines of it are in the territory of Beloncia, one in a valley called Las Guerrias, the other on the side of a high mountain in the village of Arenas, in the parish of Val de Soto. The former is found in slate, and looks like wood: but when broke, the nodules discover a white crust, inclosing yellow amber, bright and transparent. Jet and a species of kennel coal, abounding with marcasites, universally accompany the amber.”

[60]As for the clothing of sacred images in Spain, even these are subject to changes in the fashion of costume. Ford makes merry over “the Saviour in a court-dress, with wig and breeches.” Swinburne wrote in 1775, from Alicante: “We have been all the morning in great uneasiness about Sir T. G.'s valet de chambre, who, till within this hour, was not to be found in any of the places he usually frequents. His appearance has quieted our apprehensions; and it seems he has been from sunrise till dinner-time locked up in the sacristy of the great church, curling and frizzling the flaxen periwig of the statue of the Virgin, who is to-morrow to be carried in solemn procession through the city.”A similar passage occurs in one of the letters of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu. “I was particularly diverted,” she wrote from Nuremberg in 1716, “in a little Roman Catholic church which is permitted here, where the professors of that religion are not very rich, and consequently cannot adorn their images in so rich a manner as their neighbours. For, not to be quite destitute of all finery, they have dressed up an image of our Saviour over the altar in a fair, full-bottomed wig, very well powdered.”

A similar passage occurs in one of the letters of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu. “I was particularly diverted,” she wrote from Nuremberg in 1716, “in a little Roman Catholic church which is permitted here, where the professors of that religion are not very rich, and consequently cannot adorn their images in so rich a manner as their neighbours. For, not to be quite destitute of all finery, they have dressed up an image of our Saviour over the altar in a fair, full-bottomed wig, very well powdered.”

[61]“Ambo, pulpitum ubi ex duabus partibus sunt gradus.” Ugutio, quoted by Ducange.

[62]Originum, Book XV., Chap. iv.

[63]Noticia Histórica de la Cuchillería y de los Cuchilleros Antiguos en España(Almanaque de El Museo de la Industria, Madrid, 1870).

[64]See Pérez Pujol,Condición social de las personas á principios del siglo V. “The ironsmiths of Barcelona,” says Riaño, “formed an extensive guild in the thirteenth century; in 1257, four of its members formed part of the chief municipal council; this guild increased in importance in the following centuries.”

[65]The history of the Sevillian trade-guilds begins properly with the fifteenth century, although Gestoso states in hisDiccionario de Artífices Sevillanosthat he has found a few documents which seem to point to their existence in the century preceding.When the Spanish Christians pitched their camp before this city, prior to their victorious assault upon its walls, the besieging army was divided according to the various trades of its component soldiery: the spicers in one part of the camp, the apothecaries in another, and so forth. It is therefore probable that the Sevillian trade-guilds were instituted shortly after the re-conquest. The wages of smiths, shoemakers, silversmiths, armourers, and other craftsmen were decreed by Pedro the First in hisOrdenamiento de Menestrales. The ordinances of the silversmiths, in particular, are so old that Gestoso believes them to have been renewed and confirmed by Juan the Second, in the year 1416. However this may be, it is certain that the Seville guilds were regularly constituted in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella.

When the Spanish Christians pitched their camp before this city, prior to their victorious assault upon its walls, the besieging army was divided according to the various trades of its component soldiery: the spicers in one part of the camp, the apothecaries in another, and so forth. It is therefore probable that the Sevillian trade-guilds were instituted shortly after the re-conquest. The wages of smiths, shoemakers, silversmiths, armourers, and other craftsmen were decreed by Pedro the First in hisOrdenamiento de Menestrales. The ordinances of the silversmiths, in particular, are so old that Gestoso believes them to have been renewed and confirmed by Juan the Second, in the year 1416. However this may be, it is certain that the Seville guilds were regularly constituted in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella.

[66]Barzanallana defines the wordgremio“as it came to be understood in Spain,” as “any gathering of merchants, artisans, labourers, or other persons who practised the same profession, art, or office; and who were bound to comply with certain ordinances, applicable to each individual of their number.”It is well, however, to distinguish broadly between actual manufacturers or producers (menestrales de manos) and merchants or shopkeepers (mercaderes de tienda y de escriptorio), who merely trafficked in what was executed by another.

It is well, however, to distinguish broadly between actual manufacturers or producers (menestrales de manos) and merchants or shopkeepers (mercaderes de tienda y de escriptorio), who merely trafficked in what was executed by another.

[67]This guild, as all the others, held an annual convocation of its members, and possessed a chapel of its own in the convent of San Francisco. It exercised a strict and constant supervision upon the gold and silver work produced throughout the city. On April 15th, 1567, the inspectors appointed and salaried by the guild visited the shop of Antonio de Cuevas, and seized anAgnus Deiand a faultily executed cross, both of which objects were destroyed forthwith. On February 8th, 1569, they repeated their visit to the same silversmith, and seized anapretador, which was likewise broken up. On February 9th, 1602, they entered the shop of Antonio de Ahumada, and took away “two rings, a goldencomienda, a cross of Saint John, some small cocks, a toothpick, and a San Diego of silver.” Similar notices of fines, confiscations, and other punishments exist in great abundance, and may be studied in Gestoso's dictionary. See also Vol. I., p.114, of the present work.

[68]The foremost in importance of thegremiosof Toledo was that of the silk-weavers (arte mayor de la seda), whose earliest ordinances date froma.d.1533.Interesting particulars of the old Toledangremiosgenerally will be found in the municipal archives of this city, in theOrdenanzas para el buen régimen y gobierno de la muy noble, muy leal é imperial ciudad de Toledo(reprinted in 1858); in Martín Gamero'sHistory of Toledo; and in the Count of Cedillo's scholarly monograph,Toledo in the Sixteenth Century.

[68]The foremost in importance of thegremiosof Toledo was that of the silk-weavers (arte mayor de la seda), whose earliest ordinances date froma.d.1533.

Interesting particulars of the old Toledangremiosgenerally will be found in the municipal archives of this city, in theOrdenanzas para el buen régimen y gobierno de la muy noble, muy leal é imperial ciudad de Toledo(reprinted in 1858); in Martín Gamero'sHistory of Toledo; and in the Count of Cedillo's scholarly monograph,Toledo in the Sixteenth Century.

[69]That is, the ponderous structure known as the Miguelete, which stands unfinished to this day.

[70]The Count of Torreánaz quotes an earlier instance, relative to another city, from the shoemakers' ordinances of Burgos, confirmed by the emperor Alfonso ina.d.1270. These laws decreed, obviously with the purpose of limiting the number of apprentices, that every master-craftsman who engaged an apprentice was to pay two thousandmaravedis“for the service of God and of the hospital.” Similar legislation, lasting many centuries, was in force elsewhere, for Larruga says that at Valladolid, although the city produced fourteen thousand hats yearly, most of the master-hatters had no apprentices in their workshops, and only oneoficial.

[71]E.g., the silk-weavers (Statute of 1701). “Que ningun collegial de dit collegi puixa matricular francament mes de tres aprenents y si volgués tenirne mes, hatja de pagar á dit collegi deu lliures, moneda real de Valencia per cascú dels que excedirá de dit numero.”

[72]It is not often, for instance, that we meet with notices of Spanish craftsmen such as Miguel Jerónimo Monegro, a silversmith of Seville, who at his death, towards the middle of the sixteenth century, was in a position to bequeath the following money and effects: 15,000maravedisto his servant, Catalina Mexia, 6000maravedisto Juan Ortiz, “a boy that was in my house, that he may learn a trade,” 6000maravedisyearly to his slavewomen, Juana and Luisa, and a black mule to his executor, Hernando de Morales.—Gestoso,Diccionario de Artífices Sevillanas, Vol. II., p. 256.

[73]This did not happen only at Valencia. The Cortes assembled at Valladolid in 1537 complained that it was “tolerable that costly stuffs should be worn by lords, gentlemen, and wealthy persons; but such is become our nation, that there is not an hidalgo, squire, merchant, oroficialof any trade, but wears rich clothing; wherefore many grow impoverished and lack the money to pay thealcabalasand the other taxes owing to His Majesty.”Fernandez de Navarrete stated, in 1626, that “the wives of commonmecánicos(i.e.craftsmen) furnish their dwellings more luxuriously than titled personages of the realm were wont to furnish theirs some few years ago,” and that hangings of taffeta or Spanishguadamecíeswere now regarded with contempt, being replaced, even in the homes of the moderately well-to-do, by sumptuous fabrics of Florence and Milan, and by the costliest Brussels tapestry.—(Conservación de Monarquías, p. 246).

Fernandez de Navarrete stated, in 1626, that “the wives of commonmecánicos(i.e.craftsmen) furnish their dwellings more luxuriously than titled personages of the realm were wont to furnish theirs some few years ago,” and that hangings of taffeta or Spanishguadamecíeswere now regarded with contempt, being replaced, even in the homes of the moderately well-to-do, by sumptuous fabrics of Florence and Milan, and by the costliest Brussels tapestry.—(Conservación de Monarquías, p. 246).

[74]Larruga, in Vol. XVIII. of hisMemorias, inserts an account of the heavy debts incurred by thegremiosof Valladolid, upon the celebration of various of their festivals.

[75]The treatment of distinguished craftsmen by the Spanish church was often sheerly villainous. A document, inserted by Zarco del Valle among his collection ofDocumentos Inéditos para la Historia de las Bellas Artes en España, p. 362, and in the handwriting of “Maestre” Domingo (see Vol. I., pp.148,149), states that after making the choir-rejafor Toledo cathedral, “so richly wrought, that in the elegance and rarity thereof it far surpasseth all that has been witnessed in our time, whether in his majesty's dominions or abroad,” and expending on it “all the money I had earned in my youth,” this eminentrejerofound himself by now “owing a great quantity ofmaravedis, seeing that I am utterly without resources,” concluding by an appeal to the archbishop to “take heed how that I shall not perish through such poverty, and my wife and children in the hospital.”In another document the same artificer complains that in producing the aforesaidreja, he had sacrificed “not only my labour, but my property to boot, having been compelled to sell my house and my inheritance to compensate me for my losses,” adding that the cathedral authorities had violated their engagement with him.In answer to a series of petitions such as this, the archbishop tardily gave orders for the payment to Domingo of a lump sum of fifteen thousandmaravedisand a pension for the rest of his life of two silverrealesof Castilian money, “to aid him to support himself.” This was ina.d.1563. By 1565 death had ended the miseries of the master-craftsman, and again we find his widow and children knocking at the archbishop's door, pleading that “extreme is our necessity,” and declaring that Domingo had succumbed overburdened with debt,affirming on his deathbed that the cathedral owed him three thousand ducats, being half the value of a reja he had made.In answer to this terrible appeal, the thrifty prelate ordered thatsince it was found to be true that Master Domingo had lost his maravedis in making the rejas of the choir, his widow and children should receive a daily pension of onereal, and that a suit of clothes should be given to each of his sons and his two daughters.

In another document the same artificer complains that in producing the aforesaidreja, he had sacrificed “not only my labour, but my property to boot, having been compelled to sell my house and my inheritance to compensate me for my losses,” adding that the cathedral authorities had violated their engagement with him.

In answer to a series of petitions such as this, the archbishop tardily gave orders for the payment to Domingo of a lump sum of fifteen thousandmaravedisand a pension for the rest of his life of two silverrealesof Castilian money, “to aid him to support himself.” This was ina.d.1563. By 1565 death had ended the miseries of the master-craftsman, and again we find his widow and children knocking at the archbishop's door, pleading that “extreme is our necessity,” and declaring that Domingo had succumbed overburdened with debt,affirming on his deathbed that the cathedral owed him three thousand ducats, being half the value of a reja he had made.

In answer to this terrible appeal, the thrifty prelate ordered thatsince it was found to be true that Master Domingo had lost his maravedis in making the rejas of the choir, his widow and children should receive a daily pension of onereal, and that a suit of clothes should be given to each of his sons and his two daughters.

[76]So rarely, that Salazar de Mendoza affirms in his book uponCastilian Dignitiesthat this “high prenomen” (alto prenombre Don) might properly be used by none but kings,infantes, prelates, and thericos-homesof the realm.Ina.d.1626, Fernández de Navarrete complained of the tendency prevailing among the Spaniards generally to usurp the titleDon. “Nowadays in Castile,” he wrote (Conservación de Monarquías, p. 71, etc.), “exists a horde of turbulent and idle fellows that so style themselves, since you will hardly find the son of a craftsman (oficial mecánico) that does not endeavour by this trick to filch the honour that is owed to true nobility alone; and so, impeded and weighed down by the false appearance ofcaballeros, they are unsuited to follow any occupation that is incompatible with the empty authority of aDon.”Some of the reasons why these rogues orpseudonobles(as Fernández de Navarrete called them), attempted to pass forhidalgosor “sons of somebody,” are disclosed by Townsend, writing a century and a half later. “Numerous privileges and immunities enjoyed by thehidalgosor knights, sometimes calledhijos dalgo, have contributed very much to confirm hereditary prejudices to the detriment of trade. Their depositions are taken in their own houses. They are seated in the courts of justice, and are placed near the judge. Till the year 1784, their persons, arms, and horses were free from arrest. They are not sent to the common jails, but are either confined in castles or in their own houses on their parole of honour. They are not hanged, but strangled, and this operation is calledgarrotar, fromgarrote, the little stick used by carriers to twist the cord and bind hard their loading. They cannot be examined on the rack. They are, moreover, exempted from the various taxes calledfechos,pedidos,monedas,martiniegas, andcontribuciones realesandciviles: that is, from subsidies, benevolence, and poll tax, or taille paid by the common people, at the rate of two per cent., in this province, but in others at the rate of four. They are free from personal service, except where the sovereign is, and even then they cannot be compelled to follow him. None but the royal family can be quartered on them. To conclude, the noble female conveys all these privileges to her husband and her children, just in the same manner as the eldest daughter of the titular nobility transmits the titles of her progenitors.“The proportion ofhidalgosin the kingdom of Granada is not considerable; for out of six hundred and fifty-two thousand nine hundred and ninety inhabitants, only one thousand nine hundred and seventy-nine are noble; whereas, in the province of León, upon little more than one-third that population, the knights are twenty-two thousand. In the province of Burgos, on four hundred and sixty thousand three hundred and ninety-five inhabitants, one hundred and thirty-four thousand and fifty-six are entitled to all the privileges of nobility; and in Asturias, of three hundred and forty-five thousand eight hundred and thirty-three, nearly one-third enjoy the same distinction.”—(Journey through Spain in the years 1786 and 1787: Vol. III., pp. 79, 80.)

Ina.d.1626, Fernández de Navarrete complained of the tendency prevailing among the Spaniards generally to usurp the titleDon. “Nowadays in Castile,” he wrote (Conservación de Monarquías, p. 71, etc.), “exists a horde of turbulent and idle fellows that so style themselves, since you will hardly find the son of a craftsman (oficial mecánico) that does not endeavour by this trick to filch the honour that is owed to true nobility alone; and so, impeded and weighed down by the false appearance ofcaballeros, they are unsuited to follow any occupation that is incompatible with the empty authority of aDon.”

Some of the reasons why these rogues orpseudonobles(as Fernández de Navarrete called them), attempted to pass forhidalgosor “sons of somebody,” are disclosed by Townsend, writing a century and a half later. “Numerous privileges and immunities enjoyed by thehidalgosor knights, sometimes calledhijos dalgo, have contributed very much to confirm hereditary prejudices to the detriment of trade. Their depositions are taken in their own houses. They are seated in the courts of justice, and are placed near the judge. Till the year 1784, their persons, arms, and horses were free from arrest. They are not sent to the common jails, but are either confined in castles or in their own houses on their parole of honour. They are not hanged, but strangled, and this operation is calledgarrotar, fromgarrote, the little stick used by carriers to twist the cord and bind hard their loading. They cannot be examined on the rack. They are, moreover, exempted from the various taxes calledfechos,pedidos,monedas,martiniegas, andcontribuciones realesandciviles: that is, from subsidies, benevolence, and poll tax, or taille paid by the common people, at the rate of two per cent., in this province, but in others at the rate of four. They are free from personal service, except where the sovereign is, and even then they cannot be compelled to follow him. None but the royal family can be quartered on them. To conclude, the noble female conveys all these privileges to her husband and her children, just in the same manner as the eldest daughter of the titular nobility transmits the titles of her progenitors.

“The proportion ofhidalgosin the kingdom of Granada is not considerable; for out of six hundred and fifty-two thousand nine hundred and ninety inhabitants, only one thousand nine hundred and seventy-nine are noble; whereas, in the province of León, upon little more than one-third that population, the knights are twenty-two thousand. In the province of Burgos, on four hundred and sixty thousand three hundred and ninety-five inhabitants, one hundred and thirty-four thousand and fifty-six are entitled to all the privileges of nobility; and in Asturias, of three hundred and forty-five thousand eight hundred and thirty-three, nearly one-third enjoy the same distinction.”—(Journey through Spain in the years 1786 and 1787: Vol. III., pp. 79, 80.)

[77]Licentiate Gaspar Gutierrez de los Ríos,Noticia general para la estimación de las Artes y la manera en que se conocen las liberales de las que son mecánicas y serviles. Madrid, 1600. I again have occasion to mention this curious work in my chapter on Spanish tapestries.

[78]It is stated in the Fuero of Nájera (a.d.1076) that the price of the blood of a Moorish slave was twelvesueldosand a half, while the Fuero Viejo of Castile (Book II., Tit. III., Ley IV.) contains the significantly contemptuous phrase, “If a man demand of another a beast or a Moor” (si algún ome demanda á otro bestia ó moro). The Countess d'Aulnoy wrote in 1679;—“There are here (at Madrid) a large number of Turkish and Moorish slaves, who are bought and sold at heavy prices, some of them costing four hundred and five hundredescudos. Until some time ago the owners of these slaves possessed the right to kill them at their pleasure, as though they had been so many dogs; but since it was remarked that this usage tallied but poorly with the maxims of our Christian faith, so scandalous a license was prohibited. Nowadays the owner of a slave may often break his bones without incurring censure. Not many, however, resort to so extreme a chastisement.”

[79]To further show the extravagant way of thinking and behaving of the Spaniard of the seventeenth century, the same author sets aside the sneering objection justly made by foreign writers to the river Manzanares at Madrid—namely, that it has no water—by remarking with exquisite complacency, that here precisely lies the crowning merit and advantage of the Manzanares over rival streams; in that it amuses people without endangering their lives. In the reigns of Philip the Fourth and Charles the Second, a favourite promenade of the Madrid aristocracy was the waterless channel of this river, in which, according to this work, “coaches and carriages do duty for a gondola, and form a pleasant imitation of the boats and palaces of Venice.”

[80]The object avowedly pursued by Campomanes was not, however, the absolute suppression of the Spanish trade-guilds, but merely their reconstruction upon a sounder basis. He still believed that admission to a guild should be preceded by a formal period of apprenticeship, as well as that the title and the privileges of the master of a trade should be hereditary. An instance of the grossly fraudulent methods employed by thegremiosin order to retain the privilege of manufacture in a certain family, is quoted by Larruga (Memorias, Vol. II., p. 201), who states that the silk-cord makers of Madrid conferred the title ofmaster-craftsmanon a babe only twenty-two months old.

[81]Barzanallana says that the earliest sign of a movement in the direction of emancipating the Spanish people from the thraldom of thegremiosis contained in the royalcedulaof May 17th, 1790, abolishing several of the noxious prerogatives which had hitherto been enjoyed by the families of master-craftsmen. A further crown decree, dated the same month and year, empowered the Audiencias and Chancillerías to authorize persons to pursue a craft (provided they were reasonably competent) without the necessity of approval from thegremiosand theirveedores. Three years later, the same monarch (Charles the Fourth) suppressed thegremiosandcolegiosof the silk-twisters, and declared this craft to be open to all such persons, of either sex, as wished to practise it. In 1797 it was permitted to all foreigners who should be competent in any art or industry (except Jews) to establish themselves in Spain or her dominions, nor were they to be molested in their religious theories if they should happen not to be Roman Catholics.At a later time the Cortes annulled, or very nearly so, theordenanzasof thegremios, and allowed the exercise of any lawful trade or craft to everybody, Spaniards and foreigners alike, without the requisite of special license or examination, or approval by the officers of the guilds (decree of June 8th, 1813). This measure was revoked in 1815, but again became law in 1836, and two years before this latter date was issued the decree of Queen María Cristina prohibiting associations which, under the semblance of agremio, should aim at converting any craft or office into a monopoly.The Spanishgremiosstill exist, but all their sting has departed. To-day they may be said to spring from the natural and beneficial interdependence of persons working together in the same groove, and seeking mutual support by means of peaceable association. Thus the abuses which rendered them so terrible and evil in the olden time are fortunately now no more.

At a later time the Cortes annulled, or very nearly so, theordenanzasof thegremios, and allowed the exercise of any lawful trade or craft to everybody, Spaniards and foreigners alike, without the requisite of special license or examination, or approval by the officers of the guilds (decree of June 8th, 1813). This measure was revoked in 1815, but again became law in 1836, and two years before this latter date was issued the decree of Queen María Cristina prohibiting associations which, under the semblance of agremio, should aim at converting any craft or office into a monopoly.

The Spanishgremiosstill exist, but all their sting has departed. To-day they may be said to spring from the natural and beneficial interdependence of persons working together in the same groove, and seeking mutual support by means of peaceable association. Thus the abuses which rendered them so terrible and evil in the olden time are fortunately now no more.

[82]This custom was borrowed from the East, and explains why, in many of the older Spanish cities, a number of their streets have taken their title from the trades that formerly were plied in them, or (in some instances) that still are so. Especially was this the case at Valencia and Toledo. In the latter capital there are, or used to be, the streets,plazas, orbarrios, of the silversmiths, armourers, bakers, old-clothes vendors, potters, esparto-weavers, dyers, chairmakers, and many more. Martín Gamero, in his excellentHistory of Toledo(Introduction, p. 60), says that in the centre of the city were located the quiet crafts, such as those of the jewellers, silversmiths, chandlers, and clog-makers, as well as the shops of the silk, brocade, and tissue-vendors. Noisy trades, such as the swordsmiths', tinsmiths', boiler-makers', chairmakers', and turners', were practised on the outskirts of the town.

[83]Colmeiro has publishedmemorialespresented by the hatters of Zaragoza, in which they pray to be allowed to line, by their own hands, or by those of their wives, the hats which they had manufactured, instead of being required to give up this finishing and accessorial process to the makers of silk cord.—Historia de la Economía Política en España, andBiblioteca de los economistas españoles de los siglos XVI., XVII., y XVIII.

[84]This meddlesomeness almost exceeds belief. It was at its worst, perhaps, in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, who decreed that the wicks of candles were to be made of the same kind of tow, and horse-shoes and nails to be of the same weight in every part of their dominions. It was required that machines, which might have been to great advantage moved by mules or horses, should only be worked by the hand of man, however lengthy and exhausting this might prove. The Count of Torreánaz, who quotes these ridiculous dispositions from theLibro de bulas y pragmáticasof Juan Ramírez, further recalls that, as late as the middle of the eighteenth century, costly woven stuffs of Seville and Valencia used to be confiscated because, although the ground of the fabric was of a colour which the law allowed, the flowers or other devices which formed the decoration were of a forbidden shade. On one occasion the chief lady-in-waiting of the queen was prohibited from wearing a dress which she had ordered from a weaver of Valencia, because the flowered pattern was contrary to theordenanzas.

The following is a fairly complete list of the works I have consulted for the preparation of these volumes.

Abdón de Paz.La España de la Edad Media.Academia de San Fernando, Real.Colección de Antigüedades Arabes de Granada y Córdoba; 2 vols.Alba, Duchess of Berwick and.Catálogo de las colecciones expuestas en las vitrinas del Palacio de Liria.Alderete.Antigüedades de España.Alzola y Minondo, Pablo.El Arte Industrial en España.Bilbao, 1892.Amador de los Ríos.El Arte Latino-Bizantino en España y las Coronas Visigodas de Guarrazar.Madrid, 1861.Antón, Francisco.Estudio sobre el Coro de la Catedral de Zamora; 1904.Argote de Molina.Nuevos Paseos Históricos, Artísticos, Económico-Políticos por Granada y sus Contornos.Arphe y Villafañe.Varia Conmensuración para la Escultura y Arquitectura.Seventh edition; Madrid, 1795.Arte en España, El; 8 vols.Arts italiens en Espagne, Les, ou histoire des artistes italiens qui contribuerent à embellir les Castilles.Rome, 1825.Balsa de la Vega.Las Industrias Artísticas en Madrid(Lace, etc.). Articles published inEl Liberal, 1907.Barrantes.Barros emeritenses.Madrid, 1877.Bertaut de Rouen.Journal du Voyage d'Espagne.Paris, 1669.Birch, Samuel.History of Ancient Pottery.London, 1873.Bock.Die Kleinodien des heil. römischen Reichs deutscher Nation, nebst den Kroninsignien Böhmens, Ungarns, und der Lombardei.Vienna, 1864.Geschichte der liturgischen Gewänder des Mittelalters.Bonn, 1871.Bonsor, Georges.Les Colonies pre-Romaines de la Vallée du Bétis.Paris, 1899.Bourgoing, Jean-François de.Nouveau Voyage en Espagne.3 vols.; Paris, 1789.Breñosa y Castellarnau.Guía y Descripción del Real Sitio de San Ildefonso.Madrid, 1884.Caballero Infante, Francisco.Aureos y barras de oro y plata encontrados en el pueblo de Santiponce.Seville, 1898.Campos Munilla, Manuel.Mosaicos del Museo Arqueológico Provincial de Sevilla.1897.Capmany y Montpalau, Antonio.Memorias históricas sobre la marina, comercio, y artes de la ciudad de Barcelona.Madrid, 1779.Carrasco y Sáinz, Adolfo.Catálogo de los recuerdos históricos existentes en el Museo de Artillería.Part I.; Madrid, 1893.Cascales, Francisco.Discursos históricos sobre Murcia.Murcia, 1624.Cean Bermudez, Juan Agustin.Descripción Artística de la Catedral de Sevilla.Seville, 1863.Diccionario de las Bellas Artes en España.Cedillo, Count of.Toledo en el siglo XVI.Madrid, 1901.Clonard, Count of.Memorias para la historia del trajeespañol; published in theMemorias de la Real Academia de la Historia, Vol. IX. Madrid, 1879.Conferencias leidas en el Ateneo Barcelonés sobre el estado de la cultura española y particularmente catalana, en el siglo XV.Barcelona, 1893.Cole, Alan S.Ornament in European Silks.London, 1899.Contreras, Rafael.Recuerdos de la Dominación de los Arabes en España.Granada, 1882.Cox.L'Art de décorer les Tissus.Cruzada Villaamil.Los tapices de Goya.Madrid, 1870.Danvila y Collado.Trajes y Armas de los Españoles.Madrid, 1877.Davillier, Baron.Recherches sur l'orfévrerie en Espagne.Paris, 1879.Les arts decoratifs en Espagne au moyen âge et à la Renaissance.Paris, 1879.Nota sobre los cueros de Cordoba, Guadameciles de España, etc. (Spanish edition.) Gerona, 1879.Diaz y Perez, Nicolás.Historia de Talavera la Real.Madrid, 1879.Dozy.Histoire des musulmans d'Espagne.Leyden, 1881.Dupont-Auberville.L'Ornement des Tissus.Paris, 1877.Echeverría.Paseos por Granada y sus Contornos. 2 vols.; Granada, 1814.Eguilaz Yanguas, Leopoldo.Reseña Histórica de la Conquista del Reino de Granada por los Reyes Católicos.Granada, 1894.Errera, Madame Isabelle.Collection d'Anciennes Étoffes(Catalogue). Brussels, 1901.Fernandez y Gonzalez, Francisco.Estado social y político de los mudéjares de Castilla.Madrid, 1866.Florez.España Sagrada.(2nd edition). Madrid, 1824.Ford, Richard.Handbook for Travellers in Spain.2 vols.London, 1845.Gayangos, Pascual de(edited by).History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain.London, 1843.(annotated by).Chronicle of Rassis the Moor.Madrid, 1850.Gayet.L'Art Persan.Gestoso y Perez, José.Documentos relativos á la historia de la Armería de Sevilla.Seville, 1887.Ensayo de un Diccionario de los artífices que florecieron en Sevilla desde el siglo XIII al XVIII inclusive.2 vols.; Seville, 1899.Historia de los barros vidriados sevillanos desde sus orígenes hasta nuestros días.Seville, 1903.Curiosidades antiguas sevillanas.Seville, 1885.Goblet d'Alviella, Comte.La Migration des Symboles.Paris, 1891.Gómez Moreno, Manuel.Apuntes que pueden servir de historia del bordado de imaginería en Granada(published in the magazineEl Liceo de Granada; 6th year, No. 18).Guía de Granada.Granada, 1892.Góngora.Antigüedades Prehistóricas de Andalucía.Madrid, 1868.Granada, Ordinances of.Titulo de las Ordenanças que los muy Ilustres y muy magníficos Señores Granada mandaron que se guarden para la buena governacion de su República. Las quales mandaron imprimir para que todos las sepan y las guarden.1552.Ordenanzas que los Muy Ilustres y Muy Magnificos Señores Granada mandaron guardar, para la buena governacion de su Republica, impressas año de 1552. Que se han buelto a imprimir mandado de los Señores Presidente,y Oydores de la Real Chancilleria de esta ciudad de Granada, año de 1670. Añadiendo otras que no estauan impressas. Impressas en Granada. En la Imprenta Real de Francisco de Ochoa, en la Calle de Abenamar. Año de1678.Guillen Robles, Francisco.Málaga musulmana.Málaga, 1880.Gutierrez de la Hacera, Pascual Ramon.Descripción General y Cronológica de España.2 vols.; Madrid, 1771.Hübner.Inscriptiones Hispaniæ latinæ.Berlin, 1892.Inscriptionum Hispaniæ latinarum supplementum.Berlin, 1892.Jones, Owen.The Alhambra.London, 1842.Lane-Poole, Stanley.The Art of the Saracens in Egypt.London, 1888.The Moors in Spain.London, 1897.Larruga.Memorias políticas y económicas sobre los frutos, comercio, y minas de España.Madrid, 1788.Le Breton, Gaston.Céramique espagnole. Le salon en porcelaine du Palais Royal de Madrid et les porcelaines de Buen Retiro.Paris, 1879.Lecea y Garcia.Recuerdos de la antigua industria Segoviana.Segovia, 1897.Lopez de Arenas, Diego.Carpintería de lo Blanco y Tratado de Alarifes.(3rd edition.) Madrid, 1867.Madrazo, Pedro de.Córdoba.Barcelona, 1884.Martorell y Peña, Juan.Apuntes arqueológicos de, ordenados por Salvador Samper y Miquel.Barcelona, 1879.Medina, Pedro de.Primera y Segunda parte de las grandezas y cosas notables de España.Alcalá de Henares, 1595.Menendez y Pelayo, Marcelino.Historia de las Ideas Estéticas en España.Madrid, 1886 and following years.Morales, Ambrosio de.La crónica general de España del Maestro Florián de Ocampo, continuada con el libro de las antigüedades de España.Moreno de Vargas, Bernabé.Historia de la Ciudad de Mérida.Merida, 1633; reprinted at Merida, 1892.Murguía, Manuel.El Arte en Santiago durante el siglo XVIII., y noticia de los artistas que florecieron en dicho ciudad y centuria.Madrid, 1884.Museo Español de Antigüedades(many articles in the). Madrid, 1872 and following years.Noticia de la Fábrica de Espadas de Toledo que por tantos siglos existió hasta fines del XVII en que acabó, y del método que tenían aquellos artífices Armeros para forjarlas y templarlas, aceros de que usaban, y otras particularidades que las hicieron tan famosas en todo el Mundo como apetecidas al presente, y de la que por el Rey N.S. que Dios gue. se estableció en esta Ciudad año de 1760; por Francisco de Santiago Palomares Escriuano mayor de primeros remates de Rentas decimales de Toledo y su Arzobispado.MS. in the Library of the Royal Academy of History, Madrid; in the volume inscribedVarios de Historia, 8, E, 141.Ordenanzas de la muy noble é muy leal Cibdad de Sevilla é su tierra, assi de las tocantes al Cabildo y regimiento della, que se contienen en la primera parte, como de todos los oficios mecánicos, de que es la segunda parte. Impressas con mucha diligencia en la dicha Cibdad de Sevilla por Juan Varela de Salamanca, vezino della. Acabáronse de imprimir á catorze dias del mes de Febrero, año de Nuestro Redemptor Iesu Christo de mil quinientos é veynte y siete años (1527).The second edition was published, also at Seville, in 1632.Ordenanzas para el buen regimen y gobierno de la muy noble,muy leal é imperial ciudad de Toledo.Reprinted by the Town Council. Toledo, 1858.Ortega Rubio.Los Visigodos en España.Madrid, 1903.Osma, Guillermo J. de.Azulejos sevillanos del siglo XIII.Madrid, 1902.Los letreros ornamentales en la cerámica morisca del siglo XV.Pérez de Villa-amil.España Artistica y Monumental.Paris, 1842–1850.Pérez Villaamil, Manuel.Artes é Industrias del Buen Retiro.Madrid, 1904.Picatoste, Felipe.Ultimos escritos.Estudios sobre la grandeza y decadencia de España.Pigal.Collection de Costumes des diverses Provinces de l'Espagne.Paris, about 1810.Ponz, Antonio.Viaje de España.18 vols.; Madrid, 1787.Ramírez de Arellano, Rafael.Ciudad Real Artística.Ciudad Real, 1894.Riaño, Juan Facundo.The Industrial Arts in Spain(South Kensington Museum Art Handbooks). London, 1879.Ricord, Tomás.Noticia de las varias y diferentes Producciones del Reyno de Valencia, etc.: segun el estado que tenían en el año 1791.Valencia, 1793.Rodríguez Villa, Antonio(edited by).La Corte y Monarquía de España en los años de 1636 y 1637.Madrid, 1886.Sanpere y Miquel.La Plateria catalana en los siglos XVI y XV(article published in theRevista de Ciencias Históricas; Vol. I.).Las Costumbres Catalanas en tiempo de Juan I.Gerona, 1878.Sempere.Historia del lujo en España.Madrid, 1788.Simonet, Francisco Javier.Descripción del Reino de Granada, sacada de los autores arábigos.Granada, 1872.Stirling, William.Annals of the Artists of Spain.London, 1848.Strabo.Geography.Street.Some Account of Gothic Architecture in Spain.London, 1865.Swinburne, Henry.Travels through Spain.London, 1779.Townsend, Joseph.Journey through Spain.3 vols.; London, 1792.Valladar, F. de Paula.Guía de Granada.Granada, 1890 and 1906.Van de Put.Hispano-Moresque Ware of the Fifteenth Century.London, 1904.Vargas y Ponce.Correspondencia epistolar en materias de Arte.Collected by Cesáreo Fernández Duro. Madrid, 1900.Villa-amil y Castro.Antigüedades prehistóricas y célticas de Galicia.Lugo, 1873.Arqueología Sagrada.Lugo, 1867.Viñaza, Count of La.Adiciones al Diccionario de Cean Bermudez.Goya.Viollet-le-Duc.Dictionnaire raisonné du mobilier français de l'époque Carlovingienne à la Renaissance.Wallis, Henry.The Oriental Influence on the Ceramic Art of the Italian Renaissance.London, 1900.Young, Arthur.Tour in Catalonia.Dublin, 1793.Zarco del Valle.Documentos inéditos para la Historia de las Bellas Artes en España.Madrid, 1870.

Abdón de Paz.La España de la Edad Media.

Academia de San Fernando, Real.Colección de Antigüedades Arabes de Granada y Córdoba; 2 vols.

Alba, Duchess of Berwick and.Catálogo de las colecciones expuestas en las vitrinas del Palacio de Liria.

Alderete.Antigüedades de España.

Alzola y Minondo, Pablo.El Arte Industrial en España.Bilbao, 1892.

Amador de los Ríos.El Arte Latino-Bizantino en España y las Coronas Visigodas de Guarrazar.Madrid, 1861.

Antón, Francisco.Estudio sobre el Coro de la Catedral de Zamora; 1904.

Argote de Molina.Nuevos Paseos Históricos, Artísticos, Económico-Políticos por Granada y sus Contornos.

Arphe y Villafañe.Varia Conmensuración para la Escultura y Arquitectura.Seventh edition; Madrid, 1795.

Arte en España, El; 8 vols.

Arts italiens en Espagne, Les, ou histoire des artistes italiens qui contribuerent à embellir les Castilles.Rome, 1825.

Balsa de la Vega.Las Industrias Artísticas en Madrid(Lace, etc.). Articles published inEl Liberal, 1907.

Barrantes.Barros emeritenses.Madrid, 1877.

Bertaut de Rouen.Journal du Voyage d'Espagne.Paris, 1669.

Birch, Samuel.History of Ancient Pottery.London, 1873.

Bock.Die Kleinodien des heil. römischen Reichs deutscher Nation, nebst den Kroninsignien Böhmens, Ungarns, und der Lombardei.Vienna, 1864.

Geschichte der liturgischen Gewänder des Mittelalters.Bonn, 1871.

Bonsor, Georges.Les Colonies pre-Romaines de la Vallée du Bétis.Paris, 1899.

Bourgoing, Jean-François de.Nouveau Voyage en Espagne.3 vols.; Paris, 1789.

Breñosa y Castellarnau.Guía y Descripción del Real Sitio de San Ildefonso.Madrid, 1884.

Caballero Infante, Francisco.Aureos y barras de oro y plata encontrados en el pueblo de Santiponce.Seville, 1898.

Campos Munilla, Manuel.Mosaicos del Museo Arqueológico Provincial de Sevilla.1897.

Capmany y Montpalau, Antonio.Memorias históricas sobre la marina, comercio, y artes de la ciudad de Barcelona.Madrid, 1779.

Carrasco y Sáinz, Adolfo.Catálogo de los recuerdos históricos existentes en el Museo de Artillería.Part I.; Madrid, 1893.

Cascales, Francisco.Discursos históricos sobre Murcia.Murcia, 1624.

Cean Bermudez, Juan Agustin.Descripción Artística de la Catedral de Sevilla.Seville, 1863.

Diccionario de las Bellas Artes en España.

Cedillo, Count of.Toledo en el siglo XVI.Madrid, 1901.

Clonard, Count of.Memorias para la historia del trajeespañol; published in theMemorias de la Real Academia de la Historia, Vol. IX. Madrid, 1879.

Conferencias leidas en el Ateneo Barcelonés sobre el estado de la cultura española y particularmente catalana, en el siglo XV.Barcelona, 1893.

Cole, Alan S.Ornament in European Silks.London, 1899.

Contreras, Rafael.Recuerdos de la Dominación de los Arabes en España.Granada, 1882.

Cox.L'Art de décorer les Tissus.

Cruzada Villaamil.Los tapices de Goya.Madrid, 1870.

Danvila y Collado.Trajes y Armas de los Españoles.Madrid, 1877.

Davillier, Baron.Recherches sur l'orfévrerie en Espagne.Paris, 1879.

Les arts decoratifs en Espagne au moyen âge et à la Renaissance.Paris, 1879.Nota sobre los cueros de Cordoba, Guadameciles de España, etc. (Spanish edition.) Gerona, 1879.

Les arts decoratifs en Espagne au moyen âge et à la Renaissance.Paris, 1879.

Nota sobre los cueros de Cordoba, Guadameciles de España, etc. (Spanish edition.) Gerona, 1879.

Diaz y Perez, Nicolás.Historia de Talavera la Real.Madrid, 1879.

Dozy.Histoire des musulmans d'Espagne.Leyden, 1881.

Dupont-Auberville.L'Ornement des Tissus.Paris, 1877.

Echeverría.Paseos por Granada y sus Contornos. 2 vols.; Granada, 1814.

Eguilaz Yanguas, Leopoldo.Reseña Histórica de la Conquista del Reino de Granada por los Reyes Católicos.Granada, 1894.

Errera, Madame Isabelle.Collection d'Anciennes Étoffes(Catalogue). Brussels, 1901.

Fernandez y Gonzalez, Francisco.Estado social y político de los mudéjares de Castilla.Madrid, 1866.

Florez.España Sagrada.(2nd edition). Madrid, 1824.

Ford, Richard.Handbook for Travellers in Spain.2 vols.London, 1845.

Gayangos, Pascual de(edited by).History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain.London, 1843.

(annotated by).Chronicle of Rassis the Moor.Madrid, 1850.

Gayet.L'Art Persan.

Gestoso y Perez, José.Documentos relativos á la historia de la Armería de Sevilla.Seville, 1887.

Ensayo de un Diccionario de los artífices que florecieron en Sevilla desde el siglo XIII al XVIII inclusive.2 vols.; Seville, 1899.Historia de los barros vidriados sevillanos desde sus orígenes hasta nuestros días.Seville, 1903.Curiosidades antiguas sevillanas.Seville, 1885.

Ensayo de un Diccionario de los artífices que florecieron en Sevilla desde el siglo XIII al XVIII inclusive.2 vols.; Seville, 1899.

Historia de los barros vidriados sevillanos desde sus orígenes hasta nuestros días.Seville, 1903.

Curiosidades antiguas sevillanas.Seville, 1885.

Goblet d'Alviella, Comte.La Migration des Symboles.Paris, 1891.

Gómez Moreno, Manuel.Apuntes que pueden servir de historia del bordado de imaginería en Granada(published in the magazineEl Liceo de Granada; 6th year, No. 18).

Guía de Granada.Granada, 1892.

Góngora.Antigüedades Prehistóricas de Andalucía.Madrid, 1868.

Granada, Ordinances of.Titulo de las Ordenanças que los muy Ilustres y muy magníficos Señores Granada mandaron que se guarden para la buena governacion de su República. Las quales mandaron imprimir para que todos las sepan y las guarden.1552.

Ordenanzas que los Muy Ilustres y Muy Magnificos Señores Granada mandaron guardar, para la buena governacion de su Republica, impressas año de 1552. Que se han buelto a imprimir mandado de los Señores Presidente,y Oydores de la Real Chancilleria de esta ciudad de Granada, año de 1670. Añadiendo otras que no estauan impressas. Impressas en Granada. En la Imprenta Real de Francisco de Ochoa, en la Calle de Abenamar. Año de1678.

Guillen Robles, Francisco.Málaga musulmana.Málaga, 1880.

Gutierrez de la Hacera, Pascual Ramon.Descripción General y Cronológica de España.2 vols.; Madrid, 1771.

Hübner.Inscriptiones Hispaniæ latinæ.Berlin, 1892.

Inscriptionum Hispaniæ latinarum supplementum.Berlin, 1892.

Jones, Owen.The Alhambra.London, 1842.

Lane-Poole, Stanley.The Art of the Saracens in Egypt.London, 1888.

The Moors in Spain.London, 1897.

Larruga.Memorias políticas y económicas sobre los frutos, comercio, y minas de España.Madrid, 1788.

Le Breton, Gaston.Céramique espagnole. Le salon en porcelaine du Palais Royal de Madrid et les porcelaines de Buen Retiro.Paris, 1879.

Lecea y Garcia.Recuerdos de la antigua industria Segoviana.Segovia, 1897.

Lopez de Arenas, Diego.Carpintería de lo Blanco y Tratado de Alarifes.(3rd edition.) Madrid, 1867.

Madrazo, Pedro de.Córdoba.Barcelona, 1884.

Martorell y Peña, Juan.Apuntes arqueológicos de, ordenados por Salvador Samper y Miquel.Barcelona, 1879.

Medina, Pedro de.Primera y Segunda parte de las grandezas y cosas notables de España.Alcalá de Henares, 1595.

Menendez y Pelayo, Marcelino.Historia de las Ideas Estéticas en España.Madrid, 1886 and following years.

Morales, Ambrosio de.La crónica general de España del Maestro Florián de Ocampo, continuada con el libro de las antigüedades de España.

Moreno de Vargas, Bernabé.Historia de la Ciudad de Mérida.Merida, 1633; reprinted at Merida, 1892.

Murguía, Manuel.El Arte en Santiago durante el siglo XVIII., y noticia de los artistas que florecieron en dicho ciudad y centuria.Madrid, 1884.

Museo Español de Antigüedades(many articles in the). Madrid, 1872 and following years.

Noticia de la Fábrica de Espadas de Toledo que por tantos siglos existió hasta fines del XVII en que acabó, y del método que tenían aquellos artífices Armeros para forjarlas y templarlas, aceros de que usaban, y otras particularidades que las hicieron tan famosas en todo el Mundo como apetecidas al presente, y de la que por el Rey N.S. que Dios gue. se estableció en esta Ciudad año de 1760; por Francisco de Santiago Palomares Escriuano mayor de primeros remates de Rentas decimales de Toledo y su Arzobispado.MS. in the Library of the Royal Academy of History, Madrid; in the volume inscribedVarios de Historia, 8, E, 141.

Ordenanzas de la muy noble é muy leal Cibdad de Sevilla é su tierra, assi de las tocantes al Cabildo y regimiento della, que se contienen en la primera parte, como de todos los oficios mecánicos, de que es la segunda parte. Impressas con mucha diligencia en la dicha Cibdad de Sevilla por Juan Varela de Salamanca, vezino della. Acabáronse de imprimir á catorze dias del mes de Febrero, año de Nuestro Redemptor Iesu Christo de mil quinientos é veynte y siete años (1527).The second edition was published, also at Seville, in 1632.

Ordenanzas para el buen regimen y gobierno de la muy noble,muy leal é imperial ciudad de Toledo.Reprinted by the Town Council. Toledo, 1858.

Ortega Rubio.Los Visigodos en España.Madrid, 1903.

Osma, Guillermo J. de.Azulejos sevillanos del siglo XIII.Madrid, 1902.

Los letreros ornamentales en la cerámica morisca del siglo XV.

Pérez de Villa-amil.España Artistica y Monumental.Paris, 1842–1850.

Pérez Villaamil, Manuel.Artes é Industrias del Buen Retiro.Madrid, 1904.

Picatoste, Felipe.Ultimos escritos.

Estudios sobre la grandeza y decadencia de España.

Pigal.Collection de Costumes des diverses Provinces de l'Espagne.Paris, about 1810.

Ponz, Antonio.Viaje de España.18 vols.; Madrid, 1787.

Ramírez de Arellano, Rafael.Ciudad Real Artística.Ciudad Real, 1894.

Riaño, Juan Facundo.The Industrial Arts in Spain(South Kensington Museum Art Handbooks). London, 1879.

Ricord, Tomás.Noticia de las varias y diferentes Producciones del Reyno de Valencia, etc.: segun el estado que tenían en el año 1791.Valencia, 1793.

Rodríguez Villa, Antonio(edited by).La Corte y Monarquía de España en los años de 1636 y 1637.Madrid, 1886.

Sanpere y Miquel.La Plateria catalana en los siglos XVI y XV(article published in theRevista de Ciencias Históricas; Vol. I.).

Las Costumbres Catalanas en tiempo de Juan I.Gerona, 1878.

Sempere.Historia del lujo en España.Madrid, 1788.

Simonet, Francisco Javier.Descripción del Reino de Granada, sacada de los autores arábigos.Granada, 1872.

Stirling, William.Annals of the Artists of Spain.London, 1848.

Strabo.Geography.

Street.Some Account of Gothic Architecture in Spain.London, 1865.

Swinburne, Henry.Travels through Spain.London, 1779.

Townsend, Joseph.Journey through Spain.3 vols.; London, 1792.

Valladar, F. de Paula.Guía de Granada.Granada, 1890 and 1906.

Van de Put.Hispano-Moresque Ware of the Fifteenth Century.London, 1904.

Vargas y Ponce.Correspondencia epistolar en materias de Arte.Collected by Cesáreo Fernández Duro. Madrid, 1900.

Villa-amil y Castro.Antigüedades prehistóricas y célticas de Galicia.Lugo, 1873.

Arqueología Sagrada.Lugo, 1867.

Viñaza, Count of La.Adiciones al Diccionario de Cean Bermudez.

Goya.

Viollet-le-Duc.Dictionnaire raisonné du mobilier français de l'époque Carlovingienne à la Renaissance.

Wallis, Henry.The Oriental Influence on the Ceramic Art of the Italian Renaissance.London, 1900.

Young, Arthur.Tour in Catalonia.Dublin, 1793.

Zarco del Valle.Documentos inéditos para la Historia de las Bellas Artes en España.Madrid, 1870.

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