EDITOR'S TABLE.

5(return)Copyright, 1884, by Frances C. Sparhawk.

It is surprising how few people, comparatively speaking, are aware of the fact, that the history of Boston has been treated as the history of no other city in this country has been. The year 1880 was the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of its founding, and, commemorative of that year, a work, in four beautiful quarto volumes, has been issued in this city by Messrs. Ticknor and Company. The object of this work, and the importance attached to it is what leads us to speak of it in this place and at this time. This object is primarily to present the leading historical phases of the town's and city's life and developement, together with the traces of previous occupation, and the natural history of the locality. To accomplish this almost herculean task, the sections were assigned to writers well-known in their respective spheres,—many of them of national reputation,—who from study and associations were in a measure identified with their subjects. The entire work was critically edited by Mr. Justin Winsor, Librarian of Harvard University, with the co-operation of a committee appointed at a meeting of the gentlemen interested, consisting of the Rev. Edward Everett Hale, D.D., Samuel A. Green, M.D. and Charles Deane, LL.D. Now, it is not our purpose to enter into any description of this carefully planned, skilfully written, beautifully illustrated, printed and bound specimen of the art of book-making; but rather, again to call attention to its great merits and claims upon the interested public. The work deals almost exclusively with facts, and impartially also, and these facts are alike valuable to the man of letters, the man of science, the historian, the student, and the vast public whose patriotism invites them to seek the story of their city. A better conceived work has never been published on this continent; but it is unnecessary to commend what easily commends itself to the eye, the mind, and the purse of well-to-do people.

There is need of a more careful study of politics on the part of the people of this country. The recent elections in this State and in other States again recalls this need, and have again shown that altogether too many men cast their ballots, not in accordance with their intelligence or with their convictions, but as they are told to cast them. The first duty of an American citizen should be a thorough acquaintance with American political institutions, their origin, their growth and progress, their utility or their worthlessness. The right of suffrage is one of the inalienable rights of the people. It is one of their most sacred rights also, and ought not to be exercised except under most careful, candid and conscientious conditions.

One cannot suppose, even for a moment, that our people are not aware of the accuracy of these assertions. We are not advocates of property ownership as a qualification of voting, nor would we seek to lay down any arbitrarysine qua non, to be rigidly adhered to in our system of voting. But, is it enough that a man should know how to read and write before he can cast a ballot? Do these qualifications comprise everything that is necessary to a proper and safe exercise of the right of suffrage? If so, then politics can never be formulated as a science, and politicians can never be regarded other than what many of them seem to be,—tricksters trading on the incredulity and ignorance of the masses. It is only when people understandhowandwhythey vote, that they can vote intelligently.

It may not be generally known that we have in this state, with allied organizations in other states, a Society for "Political Education," carrying on its work by furnishing and circulating at a low price sound economic and political literature. Its aim is to publish at least four pamphlets a year on subjects of vital importance. During the present year, the "Standard Silver Dollar and the Coinage Law of 1878" has been treated by Mr. Worthington C. Ford, secretary of the society; "Civil Service Reform in Cities and States," by Edward M. Shepard; "What makes the Rate of Wages," by Edward Atkinson, and others have also been published,—in all sixteen pamphlets since the foundation of the Society.

The first Secretary of the Society was Richard L. Dugdale, the author of the remarkablesocial study called "The Jukes." The twelfth number of the Economic Tracts of the Society gives a sketch of his life, and from it the following quotation is pertinent:—

"The education of the people in true politics, it seemed to Mr. Dugdale and his associates, would not only greatly aid popular judgment on political questions, but would be a necessary preliminary to the election of public representatives and officers upon real issues. If elections were so held, successful candidates would come generally to be men competent to consider and expert in dealing with questions of state and administration. And if legislators and executives were so competent and expert, and were not merely men accomplished in intrigue or active in party contests, we should have from them conscientious and intelligent social reforms. Legislative committees, governors, mayors, commissioners of charities and corrections, superintendents of prisons, reformatories, almshouses, and hospitals, would then patiently listen and intelligently act upon discussions and of the condition of the extremely poor and the vicious, and especially of children and young men and women not yet hopelessly hardened."

Few persons will deny that such a work as this needs everywhere to be done so that the charities of the country shall no longer be administered in the interests of a party.

The Society has been in active operation about four years, and its success has thus far been most gratifying. It has already induced hundreds of people to make a careful study of American history and politics, and its influence is now felt throughout the length and breadth of this land. The very fact of such an effort is one of the encouraging signs of the times, and should be encouraged by all who aim for the welfare of the Republic.

But there is still another open field for work in this direction, and this perhaps lies more in the power of the people themselves. We allude to the necessity of public lectures, in every community, on the great themes pertaining to American politics and history. It must be evident to every observer that our so-called "Lyceum Courses" are to-day sadly deficient in efforts to educate the people. There is a perfect craze at the present time for concerts, readings, and a similar order of entertainments,—all of which are doubtless good enough of their kind and are capable of exerting a certain moral influence that cannot be questioned. But is it plausible that such pabulum meets all the needs of those people who frequent these entertainments? If it does, the fault lies with the people and not with those who are capable of amusing them.

We would suggest to the public-spirited ladies and gentlemen living in our towns and cities to try the following experiment;—Plan alecturecourse, to be filled by public speakers residing in your own communities. Establish a course of say four, six, eight, or a dozen evenings, and let only those questions be discussed which pertain to history, political economy, and politics. We venture the assertion that such a course, conducted thoroughly in an unpartisan spirit, would be well patronized, and would exert an influence for good. Never was there a better time to try the experiment than now.

The death ofGeneral George B. McClellanat Newark, N.J., October 29, reminds us how narrow is becoming the circle of living generals who took part in the great Civil War. It is two decades only since the struggle ceased; but, one by one, the famous leaders have passed away, and now McClellan has gone—the first to follow his great commander, Grant.

It is not easy to comment upon the career of General McClellan without evoking, either from his admirers or his censors, the criticism of being unfair. To many, especially to the soldiers who fought under his leadership, he became an ideal of soldierly virtue, and has always held a warm place in their hearts; while to many others his military and civil career alike have seemed worthy only of disapprobation.

It was natural that General McClellan should have a large and devoted following, for he was a man gifted with those personal qualities that always win popularity to their possessor, so that among the soldiers of the Army of the Potomac, and among those in civil life with whom he came in contact, he was usually regarded with admiration. As a military commander, it must be conceded by his most determined critics, even, that he possessed certain qualities unsurpassed bythose of any other general in the war. This was true of his ability as an organizer of volunteer troups, in which capacity he probably rendered more effectual service than any other man in the Union army. He was also well versed in the science of war, and was a strategist of a higher order than has generally been conceded. As is often the case, he failed to receive just recognition of his really great abilities, because he lacked the needed complementary qualities. McClellan could admirably plan a campaign, and could perhaps have carried it to a brilliant issue, had all the circumstances conformed to his plan, but this not happening, he seemed unable to adapt his plan to the circumstances. Other generals with inferior plans would succeed by taking some sudden advantage at a critical time; McClellan on the contrary must either carry out his carefully arranged programme, or acknowledge himself foiled.

That General McClellan was not a firm patriot is an assertion not entitled to any weight whatever. He was devoted to the cause of the Union, and in his career as a general we believe he should be given the credit of performing his duty to the best of his ability. That he could not triumph over unexpected obstacles was doubtless a cause of regret to him more than to any one else.

General McClellan has been accused of an undue ambition for political preferment, and it must be admitted that he would have succeeded better in those positions to which he attained, had he been less solicitous for the future; but it is not yet proved that he ever enlisted unworthy or dishonorable means in the cause of his personal advancement.

September 30.—Republican State Convention held in Springfield. The following ticket was nominated: Governor, Geo. D. Robinson of Chicopee; Lieut. Governor, Oliver Ames of Easton; Secretary of State, Henry B. Pierce of Abington; Treasurer, A.W. Beard of Boston; Auditor, Chas. R. Ladd of Springfield; Attorney General, Edgar J. Sherman of Lawrence. With the exception of the office of treasurer, the ticket is the same as that of last year.

October 1.—The Converse Memorial library building was formerly presented to the city of Malden by its donor, Hon. Elisha S. Converse. Hon. John D. Long made the dedicatory address. The building cost $100,000, and is one of the finest examples of architecture in the state.

October 7.—Democratic State Convention at Worcester. The following ticket was nominated: Governor, Frederick O. Prince of Boston; Lieutenant-Governor, H.H. Gilmore of Cambridge; Secretary of State, Jeremiah Crowley of Lowell; Attorney General, Henry K. Braley of Fall River; Treasurer, Henry M. Cross of Newburyport.

October 8.—Eight monuments were unveiled upon the battle-field of Gettysburg by Massachusetts veterans. The regiments which have erected these monuments and the principal speakers upon the occasion, were as follows:—

The Twelfth Infantry. The monument is on Seminary Ridge. Col. Cook of Gloucester presided, George Kimball of Boston delivered the principal address, and comrade Gilman read a poem.

The Eleventh Infantry dedicated its monument on the Emmittsburg Road, Capt. W.T. Monroe presided, and James H. Croft of Boston made the address.

The Nineteenth Infantry monument on Cemetery Ridge was dedicated; J.W. Sawyer, presiding, Lieut. Geo. M. Barry and C.C. Coffin making addresses.

The Third Battery has erected a monument. Formal exercises were not held here at this time, but the dedication was made with remarks by comrade Patch.

The First Battery dedicated a monument in the National Cemetery. Remarks were made by G.H. Patch and H.I. Hall.

The Eighteenth Infantry. The monument stands near the wheat field, and was dedicated with an address by Col. Wm. B. White of Quincy.

The Second Sharpshooters. The monument is in the form of a statue and was dedicated. N.S. Sweet gave the address.

The First Cavalry dedicated a monument near the Round Tops, Major Chas. G. Davis, delivered the address.

October 13-16.—Seventy-fifth anniversary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions observed in Boston. The annual sermon was preached the 13th in Tremont Temple by Rev. Geo. Leon Walker D.D. of Hartford. A special discourse was delivered the 14th in the same hall by Rev. R.S. Storrs, D.D. of Brooklyn. The attendance was the largest in the history of the Board, taxing the fullest capacity of Tremont Temple, Music Hall, and various churches simultaneously. Over 10,000 people were present on one evening and many were turned away. The Rev. Mark Hopkins, D.D. was re-elected president of the Board.

September 26.—Hon. Waldo Colburne, a Justice of the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts, died at his home in Dedham, at the age of 60 years.

Judge Colburn was born in Dedham, Nov. 13, 1824, and at 15 years of age he entered Phillips Academy at Andover, graduating therefrom in 1842 in the "English Department andTeachers' Seminary," which at that time was entirely distinct from the classical course. In the following year he entered the classical department, where he remained until the summer of 1845, when he left the academy and for the two years following engaged in various pursuits, chiefly, however, civil engineering and surveying. On May 13, 1847, he entered the law office of Ira Cleveland, Esq., at Dedham, and on May 3, 1850, was admitted to the Norfolk County Bar. In the meantime he had spent some time at the Harvard Law School, and soon took a leading position in Norfolk county, which he always maintained. On May 27, 1875, he was appointed one of the Judges of the Superior Court by Gov. Gaston, and on Nov. 10, 1882, Gov. Long selected him to fill a vacancy existing in the Supreme Court. Judge Colburn was a Democrat, and had filled several positions of trust and responsibility in his native town. In 1853 and 1854 he represented Dedham in the Massachusetts House of Representatives, and as Chairman of the committee on Railroads earnestly opposed the loaning of the State's credit to the Hoosac Tunnel scheme. In 1870 he was a member of the Senate from the Second Norfolk District, and as a member of the Judiciary Committee drafted the well-known corporation act. He was Chairman of the Board of Selectmen of Dedham from 1855 to 1864, and during the war his services were important and valuable. He was President of the Dedham Institution for Savings and a director of the Dedham National Bank.

Judge Colburn was naturally a man of robust constitution and excellent health, and, until his prostration shortly before his death, had never been obliged to neglect his official duties for a day on account of sickness.

October 6.—Hon. Thomas Talbot, Ex-Governor of Massachusetts, died at this home in Billerica at the age of sixty-seven years. He was born at Cambridge, N.Y. Sept. 7, 1818, and subsequently removed with the family to Danby, Vt. After the death of the father, the family removed to Northampton, Mass. and Thomas at the age of thirteen began work in a woolen factory. In the winters of 1837 and 1838 he attended an academy at Cummington. Soon after, he joined his father in North Billerica, and the long manufactoring career of C.P. Talbot & Co. was begun. The firm still continues in the manufacture of woolen flannels, employing between two and three hundred hands.

Mr. Talbot's first public service of note was as Representative from Billerica in the Legislature of 1852, and he was a member of the Constitutional Convention the following year. He was elected a member of the Executive Council in 1864, and served five years in that honorable capacity in association with Governors Andrew, Bullock and Claflin. In 1872 Mr. Talbot was elected by the Republicans as Lieutenant Governor upon the same ticket with Hon. William B. Washburn, who was elected as Governor. Re-elected with Governor Washburn in 1873, he became Acting Governor when, during the legislative session of 1874, Governor Washburn was elected as United States Senator to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Hon. Charles Sumner. One of the first important acts of his official life after this event was the approval of the "Ten-Hour bill."

In the same year Mr. Talbot received the Republican nomination for Governor but was defeated by Hon. William Gaston. In 1878 he again had the nomination, and was elected over Gen. Butler, Judge Abbott and A.A. Miner.

He was presidential elector in 1876 and 1884, and was chairman of the State Board of Health, Lunacy and Charity from its establishment in 1879 to 1884.

Mr. Talbot was strictly a temperance man and was a professed Prohibitionist.

The preparation of elaborately illustrated editions of standard poems especially for the holiday trade has become a very prominent feature of the book publishing business. Every year seems to mark an increased beauty and variety in the work which the artist contributes to these holiday books, and many classic works of literature are read with clearer meaning and vastly greater delight, by reason of the intelligent interpretations often given in the illustrations of our best artists of the day.

Among the most tasteful as well as sumptuous art volumes of the last three years have been James R. Osgood & Co.'s "The Lady of the Lake," "The Princess," and "Marmion." For a similar book for this season, Messrs, Ticknor & Co., the successors of the old firm, have taken as a subject Lord Byron'sChilde Harold.6Of the poem nothing need be said here, for it is universally accepted as Byron's greatest and best; but of the illustrations, pages of praise could easily be written. The poem itself has been a fertile theme for the artists, for the scene is made to shift from one to another of the most beautiful and romantic localities of the Rhine, of Spain, Italy and Greece, and most of the illustrations are true representations of castles, ruins, palaces and natural scenery in these ancient countries.

All of the illustrations in the volume are from wood, in the production of which the most famous American artists and engravers have given their best work, all of it having been under the supervision of Mr A.V.S. Anthony.

Scarcely a year has elapsed since the appearance of the first volume of Mr.Blaine'sTwenty Years in Congress, which details the history of our time from the outbreak of Secession to the death of President Lincoln. To maintain the interest attached to that work, a second and concluding volume ought to have been published ere this. Indeed, the public had a right to expect it. But, now, another bid for public consideration and favor has been put forth under the rather attractive title ofThree Decades of Federal Legislation.7The author is the Hon. S.S. Cox of New York, at one time a formidable opponent of Mr.Blainein the halls of Congress, and at the present time American minister to Turkey.

Mr.Coxwas a member of Congress for twenty-four years, his four terms from an Ohio district covering the war and the period immediately preceding it. As a politician, he was always ranked on the Democratic side, and was universally regarded as one of the closest, most competent and most conscientious observer of men and things. His acknowledged literary skill and his passion for accuracy rendered it almost certain that his history would be both fascinating and truthful. Contemporary history is at the present moment in high favor. All intelligent people realize that the records of the last fifty years are of more vital importance to living Americans than are the annals of all previous eras. Hence, when a man so thoroughly equipped with the gifts of mind and of expression as Mr. Cox has shown himself to be in earlier books from his pen,—we say when such a man sets out to relate the story of his time, it follows without further argument that his work will not only be sought but will be read.

The narrative covers the eventful work of Congress for the past thirty years, and gives a much fuller inside view of Federal legislation during this period than can be obtained from Mr.Blaine'smore pretentious work. No period in our national history is so full of interest as the times of which our author writes. The revolt from English rule and the establishment of our national government was one of the grandest epochs in history. In that period were determined the issue of national independence; in this epoch of even greater magnitude, the issue of national existence. Both periods alike witnessed the most terrible conflicts of armies, of bloodshed and suffering in both periods was shown the exercise of thehighest and most brilliant statesmanship; and in both periods the Federal Legislature was witness to events scarcely less exciting and decisive than occurred on hundreds of bloody battle-fields. The exciting period of Secession, the departure of Senators and Representatives from Congress, the proclamation of war, the call for troops, the great uprising of the people of all sections, North and South, against each other, the act of Emancipation, the sanguinary battles of, and the close of the war, the return of peace, the assassination of President Lincoln, the election of Grant, the Electoral Commission and the seating of Hayes, the resumption of specie payments and a host of other equally impressive episodes and events, find in Mr. Cox an impartial historian. Of the importance of such a work, there is no need of saying anything, and it is quite enough to remark that the book taken all in all, is perhaps the most important, because of its impartiality and accuracy, that has so far been published during the present year.

We have alluded to the fact that the author was a prominent actor in nearly all the legislation of this long period, and that he consequently possesses that personal and absolute knowledge which comes from actual participation. The following extract which is taken at random from page 117 of the volume discloses something of the author's happy faculty of seeing and describing things as they occurred to him. He says:—

"Being upon the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives when the Trent affair occurred, the writer attended a dinner given by the Secretary at this then happy home. This was at a time when men held their breath in trepidation, lest Great Britain and the Powers of Europe might make the Trent matter the pretext to consummate their recognition of Southern independence. Some feared that a disparted Republic would have to give way before the jealous encroachments of those who sought to divide our country as they endeavored to imperialize Mexico.

"The delightful interchanges of thought between the persons at that dinner are not so important as the fact that transpired toward its close. After the ceremonies of introduction, and the tenders of politeness to Mrs. Frederick W. Seward and Miss Olive Risley—the adopted daughter of the house—the guests who had been received by these ladies moved to the hospitable dining-hall. On the right of Mr. Seward was seated burly English heartiness incarnated in Mr. Anthony Trollope, the novelist. His presence was almost a surprise, if not a satire on the occasion, as it concluded. At the other end of the table sat John J. Crittenden. He was then chairman of Foreign Affairs in the House. The author was on his right, as he was nearer by sympathy to him than others on the committee. He used to say to the writer: 'My young friend, when I was of your age, I did all the work and the older members received the merit marks. You may do the work, sir, and I will take the credit.' With his grave humor and hearty confidence, he was wont to parcel out to the writer no inconsiderable quantity of the work of this most arduous of committees. Thus it happened that a bill for the relief of the owners of the Perthshire, seized by us, came to the hand of the writer for a report. The chairman was not a little astonished when he found that his subbordinate, on the 17th of December, 1861, was dilating on the Trent case, and quoting Robinson's Reports to justify the detention of the contraband plenipotentiaries, upon British precedents and conduct."

From the foregoing selection, it will readily be seen that the author's style is strong, clear, rapid, and stimulating, his judgment sound and unprejudiced, and his materials authentic. His condition, experiences, and industry combine to throw new light on the events of the most remarkable epoch in natural history, and the volume, independent of Mr. Cox's reputation, is bound to be a success. It is at once the most picturesque and harmonious political history of our times that has thus far been written, and will, also, be generally looked upon as a solid and substantial contribution to American literature. We feel that we cannot commend it too highly.

In the Century magazine, last spring, Gen. George B. McClellan undertook to present his explanation of the failure of the Army of the Potomac while under his command. In his article, he assaulted the memories of Lincoln and Stanton, and attempted much more than he accomplished,—at least, so thinks theHon. William D. Kelley, who examines McClellan's statements in a book recently published. It bears the simple title,Lincolnand Stanton.8Of this volume, which for the first time makes many fresh disclosures, we hope to have something to say at another time.

SenatorSumnerwas once asked by Lord Brougham the origin and meaning of "caucus," and he replied: "It is difficult to assign any elementary to the word, but the most approved one referred its origin to the very town, and about the time (1772), of his lordship's birth." There is a tradition in Boston that "caucus" was a common word here before the Revolutionary war broke out, and that it originated in a feud between the British troops on the one side and the rope-walkers and calkers on the other. Bloody collisions, it is said, occurred between them. The latter held meetings in thecalkers' hallin the lower part of the city, at which resolutions were adopted and speeches made denouncing the soldiers, who, on their part deriding the wordy war offered, sneeringly snubbed their opponents "The Calkers," which by an easy corruption became "the caucus," and finally a term to denote the meetings.

Whether this be the origin or not of the word, one thing is certain—Mr. George W.Lawtonhas done a most commendable thing in the publication of his little book onThe American Caucus System.9It is exceedingly useful, and the wonder is for us why some such work has not earlier issued from the press, for it meets the requirements of the multitudinous politicians and others who are never absent on "caucus nights." The author begins at the beginning of his theme, and shows how easily men, that is, mankind in general, choose to be controlled by political power, and to bear its burdens; he then establishes the axiom that the direction of political power is with the caucus, and goes on still further to explain what gives the caucus its authority, to compare caucus nominations with self-nominations, and then historically to trace the growth of the caucus, and, lastly, to describe the proceedings of, and how to conduct, a caucus meeting. From first to last, these pages are suggestive, timely, and embody a great deal of good sound sense.

The late Mr. Walter Bagehot left behind him some materials for a book which promised to make a landmark in the history of economics, by separating the use of the older, or Ricardian, economic reasonings from their abuse, and freeing them from the discredit into which they had fallen through being often misapplied. Unfortunately he did not complete more than the examination of two of their postulates, namely, the transferability of capital and labor. These were originally published in theFortnightly Review, in 1876, and are now republished, with some other materials for the author's proposed work, under the title ofThe Postulates of English Political Economy.10These essays, which emanated from a well-trained, scientific mind, an independent thinker, and one who was perfectly free in his criticisms, deal almost exclusively with one side of what the author wished and intended to say; but as they stand, they prove that had he lived he would have shed much light on the problem, how the rapid changes of modern city life may help us to understand, by analogy and indirect inference, the slow changes of a backward people.

The pathos and humor which have immortalized many ofWill Carleton'searlier poems enter again into hisCity Ballads.11If ever a poet comprehended the human heart and the mainspring of its responses, it is he who gave us that wonderfully-common-place (by reason only of its theme) but delightful versification, "Betsey and I are out." His new collection embraces several pieces almost as striking in their character; and their wholesomeness and truthfulness of sentiment will win for them many readers. None of these poems are fanciful pictures of life which does not exist; but they are, on thecontrary, faithful to the actualities of the living present. They portray metropolitan life as in a mirror, and depict the mishaps of the inexperienced therein in a way that is at once healthful and conducive to practical morality. Every poem is a story, which carries within itself a lesson not easily forgotten, and as a poem is almost invariably characterized by a pleasant rhythm and animation. The illustrations—and they are numerous—are excellent; indeed, one would not wish them to be better. These poems and pictures will find entrance into many homes ere the holiday season is ended.

One of the most astonishing successes, in a literary line, of recent years is Col. Higginson's "Young Folks' History of the United States." Published originally as a book for general readers, its superlative merits commended themselves to teachers, then led to the introduction of the work, as a text-book of history, into very many schools. No other work of the kind, we believe, has met with such signal favor or so richly deserves it. So far as it goes, it is by all odds thene plus ultrafor school use.

The same author has recently published what he termsA Larger History of the United States,12which, however, ends only with the close of President Jackson's administration. So far we fail to discover anyraison d'etreof the volume, unless its purpose is distinctly to bring together in a re-arranged form the series of illustrated papers on American history contributed by Mr. Higginson to Harper's Magazine during the past two years. If such is the author's purpose, then we have no fault to find with the work. But the term "LargerHistory" is, in this case, a misnomer. The book doesnotcontain as much matter as the earlier work to which we have alluded, and it is not, so far as we can make out, written for older readers. It does not strike one as being a history at all,—that is, a straightforward, logical, and continuous narrative coinciding with those exemplar types of historical writing bequeathed to us by Macaulay or by Motley. The book ends, as we have said, with the close of Jackson's administration; but we glean very little concerning theadministrationand we are told much relative to "Old Hickory."

Now, then, this may seem like finding fault with Mr. Higginson's book. If so, we have plainly asserted our reasons. But with his subject matter, and with his manner of treating it, everybody must be pleased. We have never read more charmful essays on the First Americans, the Visit of the Vikings, the Spanish Discoverers, the French Voyageurs, the Dawning of Independence, and the Great Western March, than appear between the covers of this beautiful volume. They are full of meat, and have the savor of fresh and studious investigation, and we feel grateful to their author for having provided so tempting a feast. What he says and the way he says it make us the more to regret the unfortunate title of his book.

The illustrations, which are numerous, are veritable works of art, and we do not believe that any other American book can exhibit a finer or more valuable series of portraits of American statesmen. This feature alone should commend it to lovers of fine books, of which the present issue is decidedly one. We are not informed whether a second volume is forthcoming.

6(return)Childe Harold's Pilgrimage. A Romance. By Lord Byron. Boston: Ticknor & Co. Price, in cloth, $6.00.

7(return)Three Decades of Federal Legislation, from 1855 to 1885. By the Hon. S.S. Cox, 1 vol. 8vo, pp. 726. Illustrated. Providence, R.I.; J.A. & R.A. Reid, 1885. Price, $5.00, (sold only by subscription.)

8(return)Lincoln and Stanton. A study of the war administration of 1861 and 1862, with special consideration of some recent statements of Gen. George B. McClellan, By Wm. D. Kelley. 8vo, pp. 88. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons. 1885. Price, $1.00.

9(return)The American Caucus System; its origin, purpose, and utility. By George W. Lawton. 1 vol. pp. 107. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1885. Price, $1.00.

10(return)The Postulates of English Political Economy. By the late Walter Bagehot, with a preface by Alfred Marshall. 1 vol. pp. 114. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons. 1885. Price $1.00.

11(return)City Ballads. By Will Carleton, author of "Farm Ballads," "Farm Legends," etc. Illustrated. Square 8 vo, pp. 180. New York: Harper & Brothers. Price $2.00.

12(return)A Larger History of the United States of America to the close of President Jackson's administration. By Thomas Wentworth Higginson. Illustrated by Maps, Plans, Portraits, and other Engravings. 1 vol. 8vo, pp. 470. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1886. Price, $3.00.

At the request of many of our readers, this new Department is initiated. Please address all queries and answers simply,—Editor of the Bay State Monthly, 43 Milk St., Boston.

1.—In one of the old Readers, I find a selection, not credited to any author, and beginning as follows:—"Born, sir, in a land of liberty; having early learned its value; having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it; having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to secure its permanent establishment in my country, my anxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes are irresistibly excited, whensoever in any country, I see an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of freedom." Will some one of your readers inform me who was the author of these words, and what was the occasion for their utterance?—W.T.D.

2.—Sullivan, in hisFamiliar Letters, states (p. 26) that: "General Washington is well known to have expressed his heartfelt satisfaction that the important State of Massachusetts had acceded to the Union. There is muchsecret historyas to the efforts made to procure the rejection (of the constitution) on the one side, and the adoption on the other." Where can I find the fullest account of this "secret history?"—STUDENT.

3.—Who was the first American woman to publicly espouse the cause of Anti-Slavery? I have lately seen several names mentioned?—M.S.

4.—"Where can I find the best account of the Know-Nothings, that figured in American politics some years ago?"

5.—The late Epes Sargent, in one of his sketches, says:—

"Semmes took a pinch of snuff, and replied,—'You rememberMrs. Glasse'swell-known receipt for cooking a hare—First catch your hare!'"—Who was Mrs Glasse?—LATIN SCHOOL.

6.—Where can I find a full account of the history of the Indian tribes of early Massachusetts? The various State Histories say but little about them.—ANTIQUARY.

7.—Has the life of Robert Rantoul Jr. ever been written? If so, by whom?—H.A.D.

8.—Most of our States have one capital; some have two—Providence and Newport, in Rhode Island for instance. Why two?

9.—In Chandler Robbins' "History of the Second Church," under date of Oct. 7. 1762, occurs the following: "Voted that the singers sound the base at the end of the lines whenever they think proper." What is the explanation of this custom?

10.—Bartlett does not give this: "To fleet the time carelessly, as they did in the golden world." Where is it to be found?—ELHEGOS.

"Undoubtedly the most remarkable series of articles ever published in a magazine, and their popularity is in, accord with their merit."—Brooklyn Eagle.Of the numbers ofThe Centuryfrom November, 1884 to April 1885, six issues, more than a million and a quarter copies have already been published.THE WAR PAPERSINTHE CENTURY MAGAZINE.With the number for November, 1884, the first issue of a new volume, there began to appear in this magazine a series of separate papers, the object of which is to tell in clear and graphic manner the stories of the great battles of the War for the Union; the authors being leading officers on both the Federal and Confederate sides, often the first in command, and always a participant in the engagement under consideration. The extraordinary increase in the circulation of the magazine since these papers were begun, and the reception by the public and the press of the material already printed, indicate the wide-spread popular interest in the plan.THE NOVEMBER CENTURYcontains the paper by General G.T. Beauregard, of the Confederate army, describing "The Battle of Bull Run," with more than twenty illustrations, including portraits of McDowell, Johnston, "Stonewall" Jackson, and others. General Beauregard not only describes the battle, but touches upon his relations with Mr. Jefferson Davis, and the general conduct of the war.THE DECEMBER CENTURYcontains the graphic description of "The Capture of Fort Donelson," by General Lew Wallace, with portraits of Buckner, Floyd, Pillow, and others among the illustrations, and a frontispiece portrait of General Grant, from a little-known photograph; also an autographic reproduction of General Grant's famous "Unconditional Surrender" letter, written to the Confederate commander at Fort Donelson.THE JANUARY CENTURYcontains an illustrated article by Rear-Admiral Walke, describing the "Operations of the Western Flotilla," including engagements at Belmont, Fort Henry, Fort Pillow, Fort Donelson, Memphis, and Island No. 10. Captain James B. Eads (who built the gun-boats) contributes to the same number a paper on "Recollections of Foote and the Gun-boats."New readers ofThe Centurydesiring to secure these three numbers, November, December, and January, and thus begin the War Series and Mr. Howells's new novel, "The Rise of Silas Lapham," can obtain them for $1.00 of the publishers (who will send them to any address, post-paid, on receipt of price), or of dealers everywhere. New editions will be printed as rapidly as the demand requires. November is now in its sixth edition.THE FEBRUARY CENTURY,the Midwinter number, contains a remarkable list of attractions, including a richly illustrated paper on "Winter Sports in Canada," an illustrated story by Mark Twain, entitled "Royalty on the Mississippi," etc., etc. In this issue appearsTHE FIRST OF GENERAL GRANT'S ARTICLESin the war series, being his long-looked-for paper on "The Battle of Shiloh." For reasons which he recounts in the opening of the article, general Grant never made to the Government the usual full report touching this engagement. The paper is a comprehensive treatment of his relations to the battle, including much of picturesque and personal interest concerning its progress and a discussion of the main points of controversy, together with his own estimates of the military character and services of certain of the leading officers in both the Union and Confederate sides.THE CONFEDERATE SIDE AT "SHILOH"will be described in this February number in two interesting articles, one by the son of the Confederate leader, General Albert Sidney Johnston, killed at Shiloh, and the other by Colonel Jordan, of general Beauregard's staff. These, with General Grant's article, are among the most notable contributions ever made to magazine literature. The illustrations are more than twenty-five in number.

"Undoubtedly the most remarkable series of articles ever published in a magazine, and their popularity is in, accord with their merit."—Brooklyn Eagle.

Of the numbers ofThe Centuryfrom November, 1884 to April 1885, six issues, more than a million and a quarter copies have already been published.

With the number for November, 1884, the first issue of a new volume, there began to appear in this magazine a series of separate papers, the object of which is to tell in clear and graphic manner the stories of the great battles of the War for the Union; the authors being leading officers on both the Federal and Confederate sides, often the first in command, and always a participant in the engagement under consideration. The extraordinary increase in the circulation of the magazine since these papers were begun, and the reception by the public and the press of the material already printed, indicate the wide-spread popular interest in the plan.

contains the paper by General G.T. Beauregard, of the Confederate army, describing "The Battle of Bull Run," with more than twenty illustrations, including portraits of McDowell, Johnston, "Stonewall" Jackson, and others. General Beauregard not only describes the battle, but touches upon his relations with Mr. Jefferson Davis, and the general conduct of the war.

contains the graphic description of "The Capture of Fort Donelson," by General Lew Wallace, with portraits of Buckner, Floyd, Pillow, and others among the illustrations, and a frontispiece portrait of General Grant, from a little-known photograph; also an autographic reproduction of General Grant's famous "Unconditional Surrender" letter, written to the Confederate commander at Fort Donelson.

contains an illustrated article by Rear-Admiral Walke, describing the "Operations of the Western Flotilla," including engagements at Belmont, Fort Henry, Fort Pillow, Fort Donelson, Memphis, and Island No. 10. Captain James B. Eads (who built the gun-boats) contributes to the same number a paper on "Recollections of Foote and the Gun-boats."

New readers ofThe Centurydesiring to secure these three numbers, November, December, and January, and thus begin the War Series and Mr. Howells's new novel, "The Rise of Silas Lapham," can obtain them for $1.00 of the publishers (who will send them to any address, post-paid, on receipt of price), or of dealers everywhere. New editions will be printed as rapidly as the demand requires. November is now in its sixth edition.

the Midwinter number, contains a remarkable list of attractions, including a richly illustrated paper on "Winter Sports in Canada," an illustrated story by Mark Twain, entitled "Royalty on the Mississippi," etc., etc. In this issue appears

in the war series, being his long-looked-for paper on "The Battle of Shiloh." For reasons which he recounts in the opening of the article, general Grant never made to the Government the usual full report touching this engagement. The paper is a comprehensive treatment of his relations to the battle, including much of picturesque and personal interest concerning its progress and a discussion of the main points of controversy, together with his own estimates of the military character and services of certain of the leading officers in both the Union and Confederate sides.

will be described in this February number in two interesting articles, one by the son of the Confederate leader, General Albert Sidney Johnston, killed at Shiloh, and the other by Colonel Jordan, of general Beauregard's staff. These, with General Grant's article, are among the most notable contributions ever made to magazine literature. The illustrations are more than twenty-five in number.


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