The Campbells of Inverawe

“The attack began a little past one in the afternoon and about two the fire became general on both sides. It was exceedingly heavy and without intercession insomuch as the oldest soldier never saw so furious and incessant a fire. The fire at Fontenoy was nothing to it. I saw both.”

An officer of the 55th regiment, of which Lord Howe had been the commander, wrote as follows:

“With a mixture of esteem, grief and envy, I am penetrated by the great loss and immortal glory acquired by the Highlanders engaged in the late bloody affair. Impatient for the fray, they rushed forward to the entrenchments which many of them actually mounted, their intrepidity was rather animated than dampened by witnessing their comrades fall on every side. They seemed more anxious to avenge the fate of their deceased friends than to avoid a like death. In their co-operation we trust soon to give a good account of the enemy and of ourselves. There is much harmony and friendship between the two regiments.”

Even the French were impressed with the valor of the Black Watch as Garneau writes in L’Histoire du Canada.[21]

“The Highlanders above all, under Lord John Murray, covered themselves with glory. They formed the head of the troops confrontingthe Canadians, their light and picturesque costume distinguishing them from all other soldiers amid the flame and smoke. This corps lost half of its men and 25 of its officers were killed or severely wounded.”

Lossing writes,

“The whole army seemed envious to excell but the Scotch Highland Regiment of Lord John Murray was foremost in the conflict and suffered the severest loss.”[22]

The following letters from Captain Allan Campbell are of interest:

Camp at Lake George, 11th July, 1758.Dr. Broyr.,—The 8th of this month we had a hot brush at the lines of Ticonderoga where we lost a considerable number of men and officers. The officers of your acquentance wounded are Major Campbell and his son. Both in their arms, and I hope will do well. Captain Stratchur slightly in the breast, Ltt. Archd. Campbell Sheriff Badly in the Breast, Lt. John Campbell Glendaruel slightly in the arm, Capt. Ltt. John Campbell Duneaves killed, Ltt. Hugh Macpherson ditto, Capt. Graham, Duchra, and Broyr. Both wounded slightly and several other offrs. of the Regt, but not of your acquentance are killed and wounded.Our Regt, acquired great glory by their good behaviour of both men and officers, tho’ we were unsuccessfull. I have the pleasure to aquent you that both my nephew George and I eskeaped without a scratch, tho’ both in the heat of the action. George is a pritty Lad: he’s now a Ltt. in Coll. Gages Regt, of Lt. Infantry. Your son the Major was well about 2 months ago at Philadelphia. We are now at the end of Lake George Encampt. I have told you now all the news that can occurr to me or that I have time to write you, and I thought it my duty to acquent you and my other Broyrs. of my being well after a smart action. I have no time to write you more being excessively hurried having no Body to assist me in the affairs of my Company having my three Ltts. killed or wounded viz. Ltt. Balie killed and Ltts. Archd. Campbell and William Grant wounded. I’ll write you very fully in my nixt. My best wishes to my sister, to your family and all our friends, and I am Dr. Bryr, your most affec. and Lov. Broyr, whileAllan Campbell.

Camp at Lake George, 11th July, 1758.

Dr. Broyr.,—The 8th of this month we had a hot brush at the lines of Ticonderoga where we lost a considerable number of men and officers. The officers of your acquentance wounded are Major Campbell and his son. Both in their arms, and I hope will do well. Captain Stratchur slightly in the breast, Ltt. Archd. Campbell Sheriff Badly in the Breast, Lt. John Campbell Glendaruel slightly in the arm, Capt. Ltt. John Campbell Duneaves killed, Ltt. Hugh Macpherson ditto, Capt. Graham, Duchra, and Broyr. Both wounded slightly and several other offrs. of the Regt, but not of your acquentance are killed and wounded.

Our Regt, acquired great glory by their good behaviour of both men and officers, tho’ we were unsuccessfull. I have the pleasure to aquent you that both my nephew George and I eskeaped without a scratch, tho’ both in the heat of the action. George is a pritty Lad: he’s now a Ltt. in Coll. Gages Regt, of Lt. Infantry. Your son the Major was well about 2 months ago at Philadelphia. We are now at the end of Lake George Encampt. I have told you now all the news that can occurr to me or that I have time to write you, and I thought it my duty to acquent you and my other Broyrs. of my being well after a smart action. I have no time to write you more being excessively hurried having no Body to assist me in the affairs of my Company having my three Ltts. killed or wounded viz. Ltt. Balie killed and Ltts. Archd. Campbell and William Grant wounded. I’ll write you very fully in my nixt. My best wishes to my sister, to your family and all our friends, and I am Dr. Bryr, your most affec. and Lov. Broyr, while

Allan Campbell.

New York, 6th January 1759.Dr. Brother,—I writt you the 11th July in a great hurry after our retreat from Ticonderoga to let you know of mine and George’s welfair, after that unlucky afair, where severall of our friends and a great many worthy Fellows suffer’d. Our Regt, lost more than any other Corps at the attack of the Lines. We have had killedand wounded since the beginning of the Campaign 520 (officers included) of which about 300 were left dead on the field or have dyed of their wounds, and of 37 officers that were present with the Regt. that day 11 only came off unhurt, of which number I was lucky enough to be one.You would certainly hear before now of poor Major Campbell Inveraw’s death, he liv’d about a fortnight after he receiv’d his wound, the Doctors thought it necessary that his arm should be cut off, and he dyed soon after the operation at Fort Edward, all the rest of our wounded officers are quite recover’d except his son, Sandy, Jock Campbell Glendaruel, and Archie Shirreff, but they are out of all danger, only their cure will be tedious.Poor George had a narrow escape the day we landed at the French end of the Lake, having had a scratch along the face with a musquet Ball. He was in a smart little action that happen’d in the woods a mounth afterwards between a detachment of 500 of our army under the command of Major Rogers and much the same number of Indians French and Canadians, where the latter were repulsed with the loss of 100 men, and I assure you his behaviour at that affair was much aplauded by his Broyr. officers on their return to the Army.He’s now second oldest Lieut, in General Gage’s Regt. of light arm’d infantry, for which he’s obliged to the late Major Campbell, Inveraw; and as they talk at present of agmenting that corps, he’ll have a good chance of getting Higher up, and in any event he’s better off by being so High in that Regt. as they are now an Establish’d Corps, than if he had staid in ours, where he could be but a young Lieut. His Coll, has a great regard for him, and very Deservedly for he’s a lad of good morals, a good spirit, and very fit for his Business. He has acted as Adjutant to that Regt. since July last, by which he has nothing yet but Troble, there being no Adjutant allow’d, and that his Collonel means it for him; if he’s lucky enough to get that, I think he’s very well provided for for the time he has served.I have advanc’d him Twenty Guineas for which he gave me a Bill on you. I hope you’ll not Disaprove of my conduct for doing it, nor blame him for running so much short, when I explain to you the cause of it; its trew he came over very well Riged out, but his changing Corps put him under a necessity of Buying new Regimentals, as these Differ in Colours from the rest of the Army, being Brown, besides his expense must be greater upon his first comming in among Strangers, and he had the misfortune of being sent a recruiting last winter, which really is a misfortune to an officerin this Country unless he is very carfull and happens to be successful, and I belive George lost by it. This I ashure you is truth, and when you consider it was owing to these accidents, that he could not possibly guard against, I am hopfull you’l easily forgive him. I was likewise oblig’d to advance our Unkle Corries’ son, Colin, Twenty two Pounds eighteen shillings and tenpence or he must have gone naked, having lost all his things at Fort William Henry. I have sent both Bills to Brother Robert. George and Colin are sent this winter a Recruiting to Pensilvania.I had a letter dated the 30 Novr. from my nephew, the Major, from where Fort du Quesne stood, he was then very well. I expect dayly to hear from him, he’s had as troublesome and Fatigueing Campaign of it, as ever any Body had, our Army has been above a Month in Winter Quarters befor thers got to Fort du Quesne, which the French burnt upon ther near aproach, and an immense long march they have to get back to Philadelphia, wher ther Regt, is to be Quarter’s this winter, and where I intend to go and see him, when I hear of ther arrival, its about 100 miles from this place that our Regt, is now quartere’d in.We long much for a Pacquet here having no news from Europe for some months, I take the opportunity of writing you now by the Kennington Man of War that carries home General Abercrombie.* * *There is no News here at Present. All our Friends in this Country are Well. Remember my best wishes to my Sister, and the rest of your Family whom may God Almighty bless and I ever am, Dr. Brother, your affec. and Lov. Broyr.Allan Campbell.[23]

New York, 6th January 1759.

Dr. Brother,—I writt you the 11th July in a great hurry after our retreat from Ticonderoga to let you know of mine and George’s welfair, after that unlucky afair, where severall of our friends and a great many worthy Fellows suffer’d. Our Regt, lost more than any other Corps at the attack of the Lines. We have had killedand wounded since the beginning of the Campaign 520 (officers included) of which about 300 were left dead on the field or have dyed of their wounds, and of 37 officers that were present with the Regt. that day 11 only came off unhurt, of which number I was lucky enough to be one.

You would certainly hear before now of poor Major Campbell Inveraw’s death, he liv’d about a fortnight after he receiv’d his wound, the Doctors thought it necessary that his arm should be cut off, and he dyed soon after the operation at Fort Edward, all the rest of our wounded officers are quite recover’d except his son, Sandy, Jock Campbell Glendaruel, and Archie Shirreff, but they are out of all danger, only their cure will be tedious.

Poor George had a narrow escape the day we landed at the French end of the Lake, having had a scratch along the face with a musquet Ball. He was in a smart little action that happen’d in the woods a mounth afterwards between a detachment of 500 of our army under the command of Major Rogers and much the same number of Indians French and Canadians, where the latter were repulsed with the loss of 100 men, and I assure you his behaviour at that affair was much aplauded by his Broyr. officers on their return to the Army.

He’s now second oldest Lieut, in General Gage’s Regt. of light arm’d infantry, for which he’s obliged to the late Major Campbell, Inveraw; and as they talk at present of agmenting that corps, he’ll have a good chance of getting Higher up, and in any event he’s better off by being so High in that Regt. as they are now an Establish’d Corps, than if he had staid in ours, where he could be but a young Lieut. His Coll, has a great regard for him, and very Deservedly for he’s a lad of good morals, a good spirit, and very fit for his Business. He has acted as Adjutant to that Regt. since July last, by which he has nothing yet but Troble, there being no Adjutant allow’d, and that his Collonel means it for him; if he’s lucky enough to get that, I think he’s very well provided for for the time he has served.

I have advanc’d him Twenty Guineas for which he gave me a Bill on you. I hope you’ll not Disaprove of my conduct for doing it, nor blame him for running so much short, when I explain to you the cause of it; its trew he came over very well Riged out, but his changing Corps put him under a necessity of Buying new Regimentals, as these Differ in Colours from the rest of the Army, being Brown, besides his expense must be greater upon his first comming in among Strangers, and he had the misfortune of being sent a recruiting last winter, which really is a misfortune to an officerin this Country unless he is very carfull and happens to be successful, and I belive George lost by it. This I ashure you is truth, and when you consider it was owing to these accidents, that he could not possibly guard against, I am hopfull you’l easily forgive him. I was likewise oblig’d to advance our Unkle Corries’ son, Colin, Twenty two Pounds eighteen shillings and tenpence or he must have gone naked, having lost all his things at Fort William Henry. I have sent both Bills to Brother Robert. George and Colin are sent this winter a Recruiting to Pensilvania.

I had a letter dated the 30 Novr. from my nephew, the Major, from where Fort du Quesne stood, he was then very well. I expect dayly to hear from him, he’s had as troublesome and Fatigueing Campaign of it, as ever any Body had, our Army has been above a Month in Winter Quarters befor thers got to Fort du Quesne, which the French burnt upon ther near aproach, and an immense long march they have to get back to Philadelphia, wher ther Regt, is to be Quarter’s this winter, and where I intend to go and see him, when I hear of ther arrival, its about 100 miles from this place that our Regt, is now quartere’d in.

We long much for a Pacquet here having no news from Europe for some months, I take the opportunity of writing you now by the Kennington Man of War that carries home General Abercrombie.* * *

There is no News here at Present. All our Friends in this Country are Well. Remember my best wishes to my Sister, and the rest of your Family whom may God Almighty bless and I ever am, Dr. Brother, your affec. and Lov. Broyr.

Allan Campbell.[23]

I also give in full the letter written by Capt. James Murray to his brother, Mr. Murray of Strowan, dated Albany, July 19, 1758, as his description of the country and the events during and after the battle lend color to the picture.[24]

My Dear Brother:—The last letter I wrote you was dated from Fort Edward camp about 18th June. We proceeded on to Lake George where Fort William Henry formerly stood which was taken and destroyed by the French last year, where we remained until the 5th curt. and then the whole army embarked on the lake in batteaux that hold 23 men with a month’s provisions all the artillery stores was likewise embarked, and everything else belonging to an army. We were divided into brigades. There was in all about 5,000 regulars and 12,000 provincials. We had also light infantry and rangers who had whale-boats which are the lightest and best going boats that can be made. We put off about 8 and got fairly into the lake which I took to be about 20 miles long and not above two miles at the broadest part of it. There are several small islands which are quite covered with wood and all around the lake is very hilly and quite covered with woods, as the most part of the country is, at least what I have seen on’t.This lake abounds in fine trout the meat of which is red, pearch, suckers and several other sorts of fish. There is also plenty of beavers. On the side of the lake there is plenty of deer but I have not seen any since I came to the country. Sometimes when I have been out on command I have killed rattle snakes about four feet long and as thick as the small of one’s leg, with 18 rattles, which altogether might be about four inches long. They say some have twenty or more. They have both teeth and a sting. The rattles being at the tail makes them that they can stand up on end and spring a short way at one. When touched they make a great noise with their rattles. Their bite is not so bad as called for it can be easily cured with oil or salt. They smell exactly like a goat, rather ranker if possible before they are seized but afterwards have almost no smell at all. They make the richest and best soup that can be which I eat of and like much. The meat is but insipid.The 6th we disembarked at the lower end of the lake. In the morning out light infantry and rangers had some skirmishing with the French pickets. Lord Howe was killed at the second shot and he is very much regretted. There was taken that day about 150 prisoners, five of whom were officers. They had a great many killed so that very few of their pickets escaped which consisted in all of about 350.The next day being the 7th, we were making preparations to invest a fort called Theenderora which is five miles from Lake George and is situate on a neck of land that runs into Lake Champlain. As to the dimensions of that lake I can’t say, and marchedwithin a mile and half of it that evening. The next morning the light infantry made the French sentries and small posts retire to their entrenchments for the French had an encampment about half a cannon shot before their fort, and were entrenched after the following manner: They had large cut trees one laid above another a man’s height and in the outside there was brush and logs for about 15 paces from it which made it impossible to force their breastworks without cannon which we had not taken up that length as then. They were also under cover of the fort or if we could beat them out of their trenches, they could have retired pretty safely.Between one and two we marched up and attacked the trenches and got within twenty paces of them and had as hot a fire for about three hours as possibly could be, we all the time seeing but their hats and the end of their muskets. About half an hour before we were obliged to retire I received a shot through my thigh after which I stayed a few minutes but finding if I stayed any longer my thigh would turn stiff and losing a great deal of blood I with help got into the road and that evening with Capt. Gordon Graham, our paymaster, got into a whaleboat and against the next morning got to the upper end of Lake George and was transported down here. I am confined to my bed but the surgeons say my wound looks as well as can be expected, nor is there any sort of danger in it as it has only grazed the bone, so I shall be well soon again. I am in perfect good health, have a good appetite and sleep tolerably well.Our regiment has suffered much. There was the captain, lieutenant and six subalterns killed on the spot and since the major and the lieutenant have died of their wounds. The colonel, four captains, and twelve subalterns are wounded. 180 men killed and 280 wounded. None of the other regiments’ losses were near so great. Capt. Stewart was not touched, Capt. Sterling nor Farquharson were not there so are well, but Lieut. Farquharson’s younger brother was killed. Lieut. David Mills, my lieutenant, is not ill wounded and is pretty well, so if you would inform his father-in-law, Mr. Hamilton, of Hutcheson, who stays near Glasgow, you would oblige me. Neil Stewart at Perth knows him.I received a letter from Lord John 15th May letting me know you are all well which gave me a great deal of pleasure but it would much more so to hear from some of you for it is very long since I had that satisfaction, the last being at Ireland, for Lord John wrote me no particulars.Offer my humble duty to my dear mother and elsewhere due and best love to dear Lady Charlotte, Lady Sinclair, George, Charlotte and Invercauld, and my best blessing attend all the youngones. My kind compliments to Shusy Moray and tell her I had her hair about my neck when I received my wound which might have probably gone to my heart if it had not been wounded already.I am ever your most effectionate brother,James Murray.

This lake abounds in fine trout the meat of which is red, pearch, suckers and several other sorts of fish. There is also plenty of beavers. On the side of the lake there is plenty of deer but I have not seen any since I came to the country. Sometimes when I have been out on command I have killed rattle snakes about four feet long and as thick as the small of one’s leg, with 18 rattles, which altogether might be about four inches long. They say some have twenty or more. They have both teeth and a sting. The rattles being at the tail makes them that they can stand up on end and spring a short way at one. When touched they make a great noise with their rattles. Their bite is not so bad as called for it can be easily cured with oil or salt. They smell exactly like a goat, rather ranker if possible before they are seized but afterwards have almost no smell at all. They make the richest and best soup that can be which I eat of and like much. The meat is but insipid.

The 6th we disembarked at the lower end of the lake. In the morning out light infantry and rangers had some skirmishing with the French pickets. Lord Howe was killed at the second shot and he is very much regretted. There was taken that day about 150 prisoners, five of whom were officers. They had a great many killed so that very few of their pickets escaped which consisted in all of about 350.

The next day being the 7th, we were making preparations to invest a fort called Theenderora which is five miles from Lake George and is situate on a neck of land that runs into Lake Champlain. As to the dimensions of that lake I can’t say, and marchedwithin a mile and half of it that evening. The next morning the light infantry made the French sentries and small posts retire to their entrenchments for the French had an encampment about half a cannon shot before their fort, and were entrenched after the following manner: They had large cut trees one laid above another a man’s height and in the outside there was brush and logs for about 15 paces from it which made it impossible to force their breastworks without cannon which we had not taken up that length as then. They were also under cover of the fort or if we could beat them out of their trenches, they could have retired pretty safely.

Between one and two we marched up and attacked the trenches and got within twenty paces of them and had as hot a fire for about three hours as possibly could be, we all the time seeing but their hats and the end of their muskets. About half an hour before we were obliged to retire I received a shot through my thigh after which I stayed a few minutes but finding if I stayed any longer my thigh would turn stiff and losing a great deal of blood I with help got into the road and that evening with Capt. Gordon Graham, our paymaster, got into a whaleboat and against the next morning got to the upper end of Lake George and was transported down here. I am confined to my bed but the surgeons say my wound looks as well as can be expected, nor is there any sort of danger in it as it has only grazed the bone, so I shall be well soon again. I am in perfect good health, have a good appetite and sleep tolerably well.

Our regiment has suffered much. There was the captain, lieutenant and six subalterns killed on the spot and since the major and the lieutenant have died of their wounds. The colonel, four captains, and twelve subalterns are wounded. 180 men killed and 280 wounded. None of the other regiments’ losses were near so great. Capt. Stewart was not touched, Capt. Sterling nor Farquharson were not there so are well, but Lieut. Farquharson’s younger brother was killed. Lieut. David Mills, my lieutenant, is not ill wounded and is pretty well, so if you would inform his father-in-law, Mr. Hamilton, of Hutcheson, who stays near Glasgow, you would oblige me. Neil Stewart at Perth knows him.

I received a letter from Lord John 15th May letting me know you are all well which gave me a great deal of pleasure but it would much more so to hear from some of you for it is very long since I had that satisfaction, the last being at Ireland, for Lord John wrote me no particulars.

Offer my humble duty to my dear mother and elsewhere due and best love to dear Lady Charlotte, Lady Sinclair, George, Charlotte and Invercauld, and my best blessing attend all the youngones. My kind compliments to Shusy Moray and tell her I had her hair about my neck when I received my wound which might have probably gone to my heart if it had not been wounded already.

I am ever your most effectionate brother,

James Murray.

Thus had the army which landed so proudly two days before been disastrously repulsed, with a loss in killed and wounded and missing of nineteen hundred and forty-four officers and men. In his report of July 12, 1758, Abercrombie gives the casualty of the 42nd as follows:

“Killed—Capt. Lt. John Campbell; Lts. George Farquharson, Hugh McPherson, William Bailey, John Sutherland; Ensigns Peter Stewart and George Rattray.Wounded—Major Duncan Campbell; Captains Gordon Graham, Thomas Graeme, John Campbell, James Stewart, James Murray; Lieutenants William Grant, Robert Gray, John Campbell, James Grant, John Graham, Alexander Campbell, Alexander McIntosh, Archibald Campbell, David Mill,[25]Patrick Balnevis; Ensigns John Smith and Peter Grant.Summary—1 major wounded, captains 1 killed, 4 wounded; lieutenants 4 killed, 11 wounded; ensigns 2 killed, 2 wounded; adjutants 1 wounded; quarter master 1 wounded; sergeants 6 killed, 13 wounded, rank and file 190 killed, 265 wounded.”

“Killed—Capt. Lt. John Campbell; Lts. George Farquharson, Hugh McPherson, William Bailey, John Sutherland; Ensigns Peter Stewart and George Rattray.

Wounded—Major Duncan Campbell; Captains Gordon Graham, Thomas Graeme, John Campbell, James Stewart, James Murray; Lieutenants William Grant, Robert Gray, John Campbell, James Grant, John Graham, Alexander Campbell, Alexander McIntosh, Archibald Campbell, David Mill,[25]Patrick Balnevis; Ensigns John Smith and Peter Grant.

Summary—1 major wounded, captains 1 killed, 4 wounded; lieutenants 4 killed, 11 wounded; ensigns 2 killed, 2 wounded; adjutants 1 wounded; quarter master 1 wounded; sergeants 6 killed, 13 wounded, rank and file 190 killed, 265 wounded.”

Stewart of Garth writes as follows:

“Of these the 42nd regiment had 8 officers, 9 serjeants, and 297 men killed, and 17 officers, 10 serjeants, and 306 soldiers wounded. The officers were, Major Duncan Campbell of Inverawe, Captain John Campbell, Lieutenants George Farquharson, Hugh McPherson, William Baillie, and John Sutherland; Ensigns Patrick Stewart of Bonskied and George Rattray killed; Captains Gordon Graham, Thomas Graham of Duchray, John Campbell of Strachur, James Stewart of Urrad, James Murray (afterward General); Lieutenants James Grant, Robert Gray, John Campbell, William Grant, John Graham, brother of Duchray, Alexander Campbell, Alexander Mackintosh, Archibald Campbell, David Miller, Patrick Balneaves; and Ensigns John Smith and Peter Grant, wounded.”

Capt. James Murray writes from Albany 17th August, 1758:[26]

“As I observed in my last, our regiment has suffered greatly. The Major has since died of his wounds, Sandy Farquharson has got his lieutenancy by seniority which one would not have thought that the youngest ensign of the additionals would have been so soon a lieutenant. I am recovering pretty well and can walk about although I am much pained in my knee but hope will be able to soon joint the regiment.”

Capt. James Stewart writes 14th July from Lake George:[27]

“That all the Captains were wounded, less or more, excepting Captains McNeil and Allan Campbell, that Major Campbell got his right arm wounded, but not dangerous and his son, Lieutenant Alexander Campbell had his arm broke betwixt the elbow and shoulder, but he was in a good way.”

Parkman states that Lt. Alexander Campbell was severely wounded but reached Scotland alive and died in Glasgow.[28]

Abercrombie reports to Pitt from Lake George, Aug. 19, 1758;

“Major Duncan Campbell of the 42nd who was wounded in the arm at the battle on the 8th was obliged to have it cut off and died soon thereafter.”[29]

It would seem therefore that the wounds of Major Campbell and his son were not necessarily fatal and that modern surgery would have cured them. The following however, taken from Garneau’s L’Histoire du Canada might explain the unexpected mortality. “Scarcely any of the wounded Highlanders ever recovered and even those sent home as invalids; their sores cankered, owing to the broken glass, ragged bits of metal, etc., used by the Canadians instead of shot.”[30]

Or this extract from letter of Brig. General James Wolfe to Lord George Sackville:

Halifax 24″ May 1758.“Some of the Regiments of this Army have 300 or 400 men eat up with the Scurvey. All of them that are wounded or hurt by any accident run great risks of their lives from the corrupted state of the blood.“The curious part of the barbarity is that the scoundrels of Contractors can afford the fresh meat in many places and circumstances as cheap as the salt.”

Halifax 24″ May 1758.

“Some of the Regiments of this Army have 300 or 400 men eat up with the Scurvey. All of them that are wounded or hurt by any accident run great risks of their lives from the corrupted state of the blood.

“The curious part of the barbarity is that the scoundrels of Contractors can afford the fresh meat in many places and circumstances as cheap as the salt.”

Original headstone at Grave of Major Duncan Campbell of Inverawe.(Jane McCrea lot in Union Cemetery, between Fort Edward and Hudson Falls.)

Abercrombie states in his report of July 12, 1758,

“I sent the wounded officers and the men that could be moved to Fort Edward and Albany.”

Major Campbell was sent to Fort Edward and upon his death nine days after the battle he was buried in the family lot of the Gilchrists, in the old cemetery at Fort Edward. The body was moved to the Gilchrist lot in the new Union cemetery between Sandy Hill and Fort Edward in 1871, and in 1920 was moved again to the Jane McCrea lot in the same cemetery. The original stone may still be seen and bears the inscription: “Here Lyes the body of Duncan Campbell of Inversaw, Esqr Major to The old Highland Regt. Aged 55 Years. Who died The 17th July, 1758, of wounds he received in the attack of the retrenchments of Ticonderoga or Carillon, 8th July, 1758.”

Stewart of Garth says,

“The old Highland Regiment having suffered so severely* * *they were not employed again that year.”

In the N. Y. Colonial Records, however, we find that some regulars of the 42nd and 6th Regts. amounting to 155 men (probably one company of each) were with Bradstreet in his exposition against Fort Frontenac.[31]

In Abercrombie’s report of Aug. 19, 1758, he states that part of the additional companies of the 42nd were sent to reinforce Brig. General Provost at Fort Edward and that one company of the 42nd and some of the recovering men were stationed at Albany. From this it might be inferred that the only part of the Black Watch fit for duty were the three additional companies which had not been in the battle of July 8th and it is possible that the one company of the 42nd that had been blown out of its course to Antigua and had not arrived at New York until June did not get further north than Albany. The winter quarters of the 42nd for 1758 were at New York. (Abercrombie to Pitt, No. 25, 1758.)[32]

The official title is now changed to the “42nd or Royal Regimentof foot,” and the regiment is commonly called the Royal Highlanders. It has erroneously been stated that the Black Watch was granted this honor of being a “Royal” regiment because of its gallantry at Ticonderoga, but it is all the more to its credit that it had earned this distinction before the battle at Ticonderoga. The title was granted by special warrant dated July 22, 1758, while the news of the defeat did not reach London until the arrival of Abercrombie’saide de campwith dispatches Aug. 20, 1758.

A copy of the warrant is as follows:

George RWe being desirous to distinguish Our Forty Second Regiment of Foot with some mark of Our Royal favor, Our Will and Pleasure therefore is, and we do hereby direct, that from henceforth Our said regiment be called, and distinguished by the title and name of Our Forty-Second, or Royal Highland Regiment of Foot, in all commissions, orders, and writings, that shall hereafter be made out, or issued for and concerning the said regiment. Given at Our Court at Kensington this 22nd day of July 1758, in the thirty second year of Our reign. By His Majesty’s command.(Signed) BARRINGTON.

George R

We being desirous to distinguish Our Forty Second Regiment of Foot with some mark of Our Royal favor, Our Will and Pleasure therefore is, and we do hereby direct, that from henceforth Our said regiment be called, and distinguished by the title and name of Our Forty-Second, or Royal Highland Regiment of Foot, in all commissions, orders, and writings, that shall hereafter be made out, or issued for and concerning the said regiment. Given at Our Court at Kensington this 22nd day of July 1758, in the thirty second year of Our reign. By His Majesty’s command.

(Signed) BARRINGTON.

The vacancies occasioned in the 42nd were filled up in regular succession and the seven companies which had been ordered at the same time as the change of title were immediately recruited. These were completed in three months and embodied at Perth, October 1758, each company being 120 men strong, all with few exceptions Highlanders and hardy and temperate in their habits. (Lord John Murray’s orders were preemptory that none but Highlanders be taken, but a few O’Donnels, O’Lachlans and O’Briens passed muster as MacDonnels, MacLachlans and MacBriars.)

These seven companies with the three additional companies raised in 1757 were formed into a Second Battalion. The officers appointed to the seven new companies were Robert Anstruther, who was senior captain and served as Major, Francis MacLean, Alexander Sinclair, John Stewart of Stenton, William Murray of Lintrose, Archibald Campbell, Alexander Reid, and Robert Arbuthnot, to be captains; Alexander MacLean, George Grant, George Sinclair, Gordon Clunes, Adam Stewart, John Robertson, son of Lude, John Grant, James Fraser, George Leslie, John Campbell,Alexander Stewart, Duncan Richardson and Robert Robertson, to be lieutenants and Patrick Sinclair, John Macintosh, James MacDuff, Thomas Fletcher, Alexander Donaldson, William MacLean, and William Brown, to be ensigns.

The seven new companies embarked for the West Indies where they joined withthe Old Buffs, Kings, 6th, 63rd, 64th, 800 marines and a detachment of artillery amounting in all to 5,560 men under the command of Major Generals Hopson and Barrington and of Brigadier Generals Haldane, Armiger, Trapaud and Clavering, in an exposition against Martinique and Gaudaloupe. This resulted in the capture of Gaudaloupe but was not altogether a success and a great many men were lost by fever and sickness. Of the Royal Highlanders Ensign MacLean was killed, Lieutenants MacLean, Leslie, Sinclair and Robertson were wounded, and Major Anstruther and Captain Arbuthnot died of the fever. One hundred and six privates were killed, wounded or died of disease.

This was a severe initiation for the new recruits who had been herding sheep on their native hills nine months before, but as has always been the case with the Black Watch they acquitted themselves with distinction. The seven companies were then embarked for New York to join the First Battalion where they arrived in July. They just missed being at the capture of Ticonderoga. Major Gordon Graham was ordered at the end of July by General Amherst then at Crown Point to take command of the seven companies and to march them up to Oswego. In August they were ordered to join the First Battalion, Capt. Stewart with 150 men being left at Oswego and the First and Second Battalions, now united, served together for the rest of the campaign.

We will now return to the Veterans of the previous year. After wintering in New York (or on Long Island, as another authority states) the old Black Watch now the first Battalion of the Royal Highlanders, recruited again to its full strength and the three additional companies now a part of the Second Battalion, joined Amherst at Fort Edward in June, 1759.[33]Col. Grant of the 42nd with the Royal Highlanders and light infantry of the armymoved forward to Lake George the 20th and the main part of the army followed on the 21st. For five years now Lake George had been the annual mustering place of armies.

The campaign this season comprehended three very important enterprises—Wolfe was to attack Quebec from Lower Canada, Prideaux was to proceed against Niagara, and Amherst, now Commander in Chief and successor of General Abercrombie, was to drive the French from Lake Champlain and if possible join Wolfe on the St. Lawrence.

The army under Amherst consisted of the Royals, 17th, 27th, Royal Highlanders, two battalions of the 55th, Montgomery’s Highlanders, nine battalions of Provincials, and a battalion of light infantry and a body of Rangers and Indians with a detachment of artillery. When joined by the 2d battalion of the Royal Americans from the West Indies, this army amounted to 14,500 men.

Major Alexander Campbell of the 77th writes from Fort Edward, June 19th, 1759:

“Our General is beloved by his soldiers, Honoured and Esteem’d by his officers, Carful of mens lives and healths, in short he is the man I would choose to serve under of any I know in the service. Our Regiment are healthy and in High spirits as are the whole army, and I hope we soon will stricke a stroke that will bring credite and Glory to our General and Army and Satisfaction to our Country and friends.”

Amherst never remained long in one place without building a fort. Fortified places were built at intervals of three or four miles along the road to Fort Edward and especially at the station called Halfway Brook, while for the whole distance a broad belt of wood on both sides was cut down and burned to deprive a skulking enemy of cover. At Lake George he started a fort, now called Fort George, the ruins of which are in the Lake George Battle Ground Park of which this Association is custodian.

July 21st, 1759, Lake George again witnessed a military pageant as the army embarked for its second attack on Fort Ticonderoga. At daylight they landed, beat back a French detachmentand marched by the portage road to the sawmill. There was little resistance and the army marched to the former line of entrenchments which had proved so fatal to Abercrombie. These had been reconstructed partly of earth and partly of logs, and as the French made no attempt at their defence the English encamped along their front and found them excellent shelter from the cannon of the fort. It is the general impression that the French retreated with only faint resistance and that there was hardly a shot fired at the second attempt to capture Fort Carrillon but the following letter from Capt. Murray would correct this impression:

“Camp at the Lines of Burning Theanderoga, 27 July, 1758.My Dear Brother:—I write you these few lines to acquaint you that I am in perfect good health and that the army landed at this end of the lake the 22nd, invested the Fort the 23rd and was very buisy carying on the worcks till the 26th in the night, at which time we had three batteries ready to open, when the enemy abbandoned and set fire to the fort. During the time that the enemy remained they could not keep a hotter fire, for I dare say that fired ten thousand cannon shott and five hundred bombs and I don’t believe there has been forty men killed and wounded during that hott fire, altho’ all the Bombs fell in different parts among us and that we were nigh point blank of the cannon shott but the line that had been of so much hurt to us last year saved our men this.Your most afft. Brother, James Murray.”

“Camp at the Lines of Burning Theanderoga, 27 July, 1758.

My Dear Brother:—I write you these few lines to acquaint you that I am in perfect good health and that the army landed at this end of the lake the 22nd, invested the Fort the 23rd and was very buisy carying on the worcks till the 26th in the night, at which time we had three batteries ready to open, when the enemy abbandoned and set fire to the fort. During the time that the enemy remained they could not keep a hotter fire, for I dare say that fired ten thousand cannon shott and five hundred bombs and I don’t believe there has been forty men killed and wounded during that hott fire, altho’ all the Bombs fell in different parts among us and that we were nigh point blank of the cannon shott but the line that had been of so much hurt to us last year saved our men this.

Your most afft. Brother, James Murray.”

I also add Amherst’s report to Governor James DeLancey:

Camp at Ticonderoga 27th July 1759.[34]Sir:—On Saturday morning last I embarked with the army at Lake George, the next day landed without opposition and proceeded to the saw mills, and took post on the commanding grounds, meeting only a trifling opposition from the enemy. We lay on our arms all night and early on the 23rd we continued our march to the ground which I took possession of in the forenoon, the enemy having abandoned the lines without destroying them, first having carried off their effects as well as sent away the greatest part of their troops. As soon as I was set down before the place and after having reconnoitered it, I ordered the trenches to be opened and batteries to be made, which were finished last night, and were to have opened at break of day, but the enemy did not think proper to wait till then, having about ten of the clock yesterday evening blown up apart of the Fort, and made their escape all to about 20 deserters. Our loss considering the fire we sustained is inconsiderable. We have only two officers killed, vis. Colonel Townshend, Deputy Adjutant General and Ensign Harrison of late Forbe’s.

Camp at Ticonderoga 27th July 1759.[34]

Sir:—

On Saturday morning last I embarked with the army at Lake George, the next day landed without opposition and proceeded to the saw mills, and took post on the commanding grounds, meeting only a trifling opposition from the enemy. We lay on our arms all night and early on the 23rd we continued our march to the ground which I took possession of in the forenoon, the enemy having abandoned the lines without destroying them, first having carried off their effects as well as sent away the greatest part of their troops. As soon as I was set down before the place and after having reconnoitered it, I ordered the trenches to be opened and batteries to be made, which were finished last night, and were to have opened at break of day, but the enemy did not think proper to wait till then, having about ten of the clock yesterday evening blown up apart of the Fort, and made their escape all to about 20 deserters. Our loss considering the fire we sustained is inconsiderable. We have only two officers killed, vis. Colonel Townshend, Deputy Adjutant General and Ensign Harrison of late Forbe’s.

Bourlamaque had on receipt oforders from Vaudreuilretired down Lake Champlain leaving four hundred men under Hebecourt to defend the fort as long as possible and then to abandon Ticonderoga and later when pressed Crown Point and to retreat to Isle-oux-Noix at the outlet of Lake Champlain, where defense was to be made to the last extremity. When the English battery was ready to open fire Hebecourt saw that further resistance was useless and lighting a slow match to the magazine the French escaped down the lake in their boats and a few hours later an explosion which hurled one bastion of old Fort Carrillon skyward shook the promontory. Thus did French Carillon become English Ticonderoga and “Ticonderoga 1758-9” should be among the battle honors to be borne on the colors of the Black Watch. It is true that these honorary distinctions are awarded by the King only in case of victory but Ticonderoga 1758-9 would certainly be as much a victory as “South Africa 1899-1902,” which has been granted. South Africa was not all victory and the Black Watch suffered at Magersfontein as it did at Ticonderoga under Abercrombie.

The length of time elapsed since the battle would also be no objection to the honor being now granted as it was not until 1910, two and one half centuries later that the armies that upheld British honor on the Coast of Morocco were authorized to bear “Tangier 1662-1680” on their colors and appointments.

Ticonderoga is the one place on the American continent where Great Britain and France, Canada and the United States can all unite on one common ground. The Yankees and British can meet here and clasp hands over the time when they once fought together and there is not even a sectional feeling which detracts from the unanimity. The North, South, East and West of the United States all join with equal fervor. Each nation had its defeats here at different times but each also had its victories. Therefore there is no battle honor which could be conferred on any British regiment that would please more people of different nations than “Ticonderoga1758-9.” The fact that there is at present in the village of Ticonderoga a public library and historical building dedicated to a British Regiment, even though this same regiment in its line of duty fought against us in a later war, is sufficient proof that we consider Ticonderoga of international history and above matters of local prejudice.

The rest of the story is soon told. Crown Point was captured and the army was to have moved forward to Isle oux-Noix and to the St. Lawrence but a succession of storms so delayed operations that further active movements were abandoned for the remainder of the season. Amherst profiting by the fatal precipitation of his predecessor was slow but sure and in this campaign was successful in every enterprise that he undertook.

After the capture of Crown Point the army under Amherst was mainly employed in building operations on Lake Champlain, Fort Amherst at Crown Point and Fort Ticonderoga in place of old Fort Carrillon at Ticonderoga. The Black Watch was stationed at Crown Point and helped to build Fort Amherst. In November, they went into camp for the winter and in his report of “Garrisons and Winter Quarters of His Majesty’s forces in North America under the command of His Excellency, Major General Amherst, Headquarters at New York, 15 Dec., 1759” in the Public Record Office, the stations of the Black Watch were as follows: 1st Battalion Royal Highland Regiment, 1 company Halfway Brook, 5 companies Fort Edward, 1 company Fort Miller, 1 company Saratoga, 1 company Stillwater and 1 company Halfmoon, 2d Battalion Royal Highland Regiment, Albany, one Battalion of the Inniskilling (27th Foot) and two companies of the Rangers were left at Crown Point, six companies Late Brig. Gen’l Forbe’s (17th Foot) at Ticonderoga, and four companies 17th Foot at Fort George. The following season (1760) the Black Watch was with Amherst at the capture of Montreal which was the end of the French domain on the American Continent.

In 1761 the Black Watch with ten regiments embarked for Barbadoes there to join an armament against Martinique and Havana. After the surrender of Havana, the first battalion of the 42nd and Montgomery’s Highlanders embarked for New Yorkwhich they reached in the end of October, 1762. Before leaving Cuba most of the second battalion of the 42nd fit for service were consolidated with the first, and the remainder shipped to Scotland where they were reduced the following year.

The Black Watch was stationed at Albany until the summer of 1763, when they, with a detachment of Montgomery’s Highlanders and another of the 60th, under command of Col. Henry Boquet were sent to the relief of Fort Pitt then besieged by the Indians. The 42nd passed the winter at Fort Pitt and during the summer of 1764, eight companies were sent with the army of Boquet against the Ohio Indians. After subduing the Indians they returned to Fort Pitt, January 1765. The regiment remained in Pennsylvania until the month of July, 1767, when it embarked at Philadelphia for Ireland. Such of the men who preferred to remain in America were permitted to join other regiments. These volunteers were so numerous that along with those who had been previously sent home disabled and others discharged and settled in America, the regiment that returned was very small in proportion to that which had left Scotland.

Let us now turn our attention to Major Duncan Campbell as not only would no sketch of the Black Watch of Ticonderoga be complete without the legend with which his name is associated, but we are perhaps more interested in him than any other officer of the Regiment of that time because he lies buried in the cemetry midway between Hudson Falls (formerly Sandy Hill) and Fort Edward. The other officers and men who were killed July 8, 1758, were doubtless buried on the field of battle and if the graves were ever marked, these marks have long since been destroyed.

AT INVERAWEOld Inverawe House from the River Awe with Ben Cruachan in the background.View from the West. X marks the window of the Ghost Room.Bridge over the Awe built by Captain William Piman about 1756.

Old Inverawe House from the River Awe with Ben Cruachan in the background.

View from the West. X marks the window of the Ghost Room.

Bridge over the Awe built by Captain William Piman about 1756.

No ghost story is more widely known or better authenticated than that of Duncan Campbell of Inverawe. It has been made the subject of an address before this Association by the late Robert O. Bascom at the meeting of July 30, 1901, and has been repeated in many forms and in various publications but it will bear still one more repetition. The following is taken from Parkman’s “Montcalm and Wolfe” and is the story as was told by Dean Stanley and endorsed by the family of the hero of the tale:

“The ancient castle of Inverawe stands by the banks of the Awe, in the midst of the wild and picturesque sceneryof the WesternHighlands. Late one evening, before the middle of the last century, as the laird, Duncan Campbell, sat alone in the old hall, there was a loud knocking at the gate; and, opening it, he saw a stranger, with torn clothing and kilt besmeared with blood, who in a breathless voice begged for asylum. He went on to say that he had killed a man in a fray, and that the pursuers were at his heels. Campbell promised to shelter him. “Swear on your dirk!”[35]said the stranger; and Campbell swore. He then led him to a secret recess in the depths of the castle. Scarcely was he hidden when again there was a loud knocking at the gate, and two armed men appeared. “Your cousin Donald has been murdered, and we are looking for the murderer!” Campbell, remembering his oath, professed to haveno knowledgeof the fugitive; and the men went on their way. The laird, in great agitation, lay down to rest in a large dark room where at length he fell asleep. Waking suddenly in bewilderment and terror, he saw the ghost of the murdered Donald standing by his bedside, and heard a hollow voice pronounce the words: “Inverawe! Inverawe! blood has been shed. Shield not the murderer.” In the morning Campbell went to the hiding place of the guilty man and told him that he could harbor him no longer. “You have sworn on your dirk” he replied; and the laird of Inverawe, greatly perplexed and troubled, made a compromise between conflicting duties, promised not to betray his guest, led him to the neighboring mountain (Ben Cruachan) and hid him in a cave.[36]In the next night, as he lay tossing in feverish slumbers, the same stern voice awoke him, the ghost of his cousin Donald stood again at his bedside, and again he heard the same appalling words: “Inverawe! Inverawe! blood has been shed. Shield not the murderer!” At break of day he hastened, in strange agitation, to the cave; but it was empty, the stranger had gone. At night, as he strove in vain to sleep, the vision appeared once more, ghastly pale,but less stern of aspect than before. “Farewell, Inverawe!” it said; “Farewell, till we meet at TICONDEROGA!”The strange name dwelt in Campbell’s memory. He had joined the Black Watch, or Forty-Second Regiment, then employed in keeping order in the turbulent Highlands. In time he became its major; and, a year or two after the war broke out, he went with it to America. Here, to his horror, he learned that it was ordered to the attack of Ticonderoga. His story was well known among his brother officers. They combined among themselves to disarm his fears; and when they reached the fatal spot they told him on the eve of the battle, “This is not Ticonderoga; we are not there yet; this is Fort George.”[37]But in the morning he came to them with haggard looks. “I have seen him! You have deceived me! He came to my tent last night! This is Ticonderoga! I shall die today!” and his prediction was fulfilled.”

In the next night, as he lay tossing in feverish slumbers, the same stern voice awoke him, the ghost of his cousin Donald stood again at his bedside, and again he heard the same appalling words: “Inverawe! Inverawe! blood has been shed. Shield not the murderer!” At break of day he hastened, in strange agitation, to the cave; but it was empty, the stranger had gone. At night, as he strove in vain to sleep, the vision appeared once more, ghastly pale,but less stern of aspect than before. “Farewell, Inverawe!” it said; “Farewell, till we meet at TICONDEROGA!”

The strange name dwelt in Campbell’s memory. He had joined the Black Watch, or Forty-Second Regiment, then employed in keeping order in the turbulent Highlands. In time he became its major; and, a year or two after the war broke out, he went with it to America. Here, to his horror, he learned that it was ordered to the attack of Ticonderoga. His story was well known among his brother officers. They combined among themselves to disarm his fears; and when they reached the fatal spot they told him on the eve of the battle, “This is not Ticonderoga; we are not there yet; this is Fort George.”[37]But in the morning he came to them with haggard looks. “I have seen him! You have deceived me! He came to my tent last night! This is Ticonderoga! I shall die today!” and his prediction was fulfilled.”

As will be seen by the preceding pages, Inverawe lived nine days after the battle and was not even mortally wounded if it had been possible in those times to have had antiseptic treatment, but the real point of the legend is that he had been warned of Ticonderoga when he did not know there was such a place, years before there was any prospect of his being sent there and when Ticonderoga was only the Indian name for a point of land on a lake in the wilderness of a far off continent.

To one interested no place could be more fascinating than old Inverawe;[38]everything connected with it breathes of legend and romance and naturally this was one of the first places visited in our Black Watch pilgrimage last summer. Taynuilt, the railroad station nearest Inverawe is a small village across the Awe and about a mile away as the crow flies, but to drive to our destination, one must follow the road two miles up the River to the old bridge which was being built at the time that the Major left for the war in America in 1756. The builder was Captain William Pitman apparently a good friend of Duncan of Inverawe as he charged him with the safe keeping during his absence of his daughter Janet and his favorite dog. History does not record what happened to the dog but the Captain married the daughter and in time Inverawe became her property.

Two Views of LibraryPhoto by Miss Dorothea E. Seaton, EdinburghA Corner of the Ghost Room

Two Views of Library

Photo by Miss Dorothea E. Seaton, Edinburgh

A Corner of the Ghost Room

After crossing the Awe the road turns down the north side of the River and winds through a magnificent park, some of the trees of which must certainly have been there before the Major’s time. This is all the more remarkable because with the exception of the parks of the private estates, Scotland is nearly a treeless country and even the mountains and wild land which with us would be covered with forests, have there only grass and heather. Then at the end of a delightful four mile drive was old Inverawe house and a most cordial and hospitable welcome from its present owner.

The old house has had many additions in the past one hundred and fifty years but the entrance hall and the main part of the building and particularly the room where Duncan Campbell saw the ghost, are still very much as they were in his time. We endeavored to learn as much as possible of the family history of the Campbells of Inverawe, but like the records of the Black Watch of that time, there was in 1910, little left but tradition.

Twenty years have passed since the account of the Black Watch at Ticonderoga as written for the 1910 meeting of the New York State Historical Association was published, and while we regret that very little can be added, we are pleased to say that few corrections have had to be made in the story as then told. It was thought that the records of the Regiment of the 18th Century were discovered in 1913 among the military manuscripts in the Royal United Service Institution, but while they purported to be the original records, careful examination disclosed that they had been written early in the nineteenth century so nothing new was learned of the Regiment of the Ticonderoga period. The preceding pages therefore are practically unchanged.

The part, however, about the family history of Major Duncan Campbell of Inverawe has been entirely rewritten. We are indebted for this additional information to the descendants of Alexander, a brother of Duncan of Inverawe, to the late Major Sir Duncan Campbell of Barcaldine, to the late Captain Douglas Wimberly, and others. No one feature of the Black Watch at Ticonderoga has been of such general interest as the ghost story of its Major, Duncan Campbell of Inverawe, and the straighteningout of the family puzzle which was such a mystery in 1910 has been a fascinating study.

The Major’s memory has been honored recently by two celebrations. In 1920 when his bones were moved to the Jane McCrea enclosure, just inside the main gate of the Union Cemetery between Hudson Falls and Fort Edward, where his ancient tombstone now has the protection of a high iron fence, and in 1925 when a monument to the Black Watch and its Major was unveiled at Fort Ticonderoga. Both occasions were under the auspices of the St. Andrews Society of Scots of Glens Falls and vicinity, and the New York State Historical Association.

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