“Li riche rei ad dunc baillé (has then entrusted)Dyvelin en garde,la citéE la chastel e le dongun,A Huge de Laci le barun.”
“Li riche rei ad dunc baillé (has then entrusted)Dyvelin en garde,la citéE la chastel e le dongun,A Huge de Laci le barun.”
“Li riche rei ad dunc baillé (has then entrusted)Dyvelin en garde,la citéE la chastel e le dongun,A Huge de Laci le barun.”
These, then, are the three elements here: the town, which had its own wall; the “castle,” strictly speaking, or walled enclosure; and the “donjon” within the latter.
226Ryde in-till Inglande.TheLanercostwriter places this raid in the month of May, and, it would seem, after the fall of the castle (see on line 198). The Scots on this occasion penetrated England farther than usual, reaching Ripon, Knaresborough, and Skipton, in Craven—i.e., covering a large part of Yorkshire (p. 235). TheGesta de Carn.also dates this raid in May, “soon after Easter,” and says the Scots went as far as Bolton Abbey (p. 55).
227gret plente of fee.They brought back “a crowd of cattle past numbering” (Lanerc., p. 236). They searched the woods of Knaresborough for the cattle hidden there, and got possession of them (p. 235).
228-9sum cuntreis trewit he For vittale.I.e., “he made a truce with some districts in return for a supply of victual.” The Scots spoiled Ripon, but refrained from burning the town on payment of 1,000 marks (Lanerc., p. 235).
236But burges and but oblesteris.Skeat takes exception to “burgesses,” but the town had previously been defended by the burgesses (cf.on 15), and some, no doubt, were willing “to obey” the Scots (cf.on 128). E readsburdowys, which Jamieson supposed to mean “men who fought with clubs,” while Skeat suggests that it is “burdouis for burdonis—i.e., mules!” Mules are a less probable part of the garrison than burgesses. “Oblesteris” arearblasters—i.e., crossbow-men, a minor but constant part of both English and Scottish armies of the time.
239Johne Crab.A famous sea-rover of the east coast, as on the west was Thomas Dun (Bk.XIV. 376, note). In 1319 Edward was complaining to the Count of Flanders of his “outrages,” and the Count answered (November 19) that “Crabbe” had been banished for murder, and that “he will punish him on the wheel if he catches him” (Bain, iii., No. 673). He was captured in 1332 near Roxburgh, and because the “ungrateful Scots” refused to ransom him he transferred his services to the English (Lanerc., p. 270), and for his assistance at the Siege of Berwick in 1333 was pardoned “all his homicides, felonies, etc., by sea or land” (Bain, iii., 1090). He therefore cannot be the “Cryn, a Fleming, an admiral of the sea, a robber,” killed by Sir Thomas Gray in 1321-2, as is supposed by Sir Herbert Maxwell (Robert the Bruce, p. 267, note;The Scalacronica, trans., p. 63, note). Crab is on record till 1347 (Bain, No. 1504). But “Cryn” may be his nephew “John Crabbekyn” (Bain, iii., No. 417). The Scots slew his son (Lanerc., p. 270). A John Crab gets lands from Bruce in Aberdeen, which, with those in Berwick, are transferred to another in the reign of David II. (Robertson’sIndex, 15, 21, etc. ... 32, 9), apparently on his going over to England. He is not, therefore, likely to be the John Crab, a burgess of Aberdeen in later times, and a member of Parliament (1365, 1367), as the editor of theExchequer Rolls, II., postulates (p. lxxxii., note: Index).
245engynis and trammys.“Siege-engines and structures of wood.”
246grec fyre.In all probability “Greek fire,” as Skeat suggests; “t”and “c” are almost indistinguishable in the MSS. of the time. “Greek fire” was the mother of gunpowder; it was a liquid made of sulphur and saltpetre, with the addition of inflammable oils, and its purpose was to set woodwork on fire (cf.Oman’sArt of War, pp. 546, 547). It was used at the Siege of Stirling in 1304 (Bain).
247Spryngaldis and schotis.Thespringal(espringale) was a great crossbow on a frame, whose cord was drawn back by a winch; the “shots” were its bolts, or “long darts”:springaldis, ad longa spicula emittenda(Lanercost, p. 231) at the siege of Carlisle in 1315.
250gynis for crakkis.Contrivances for making explosions—i.e., guns, which at first seem to have been valued for this quality.
271ger dik thame.I.e., the English were to surround their own encampment at Berwick with a rampart for further security, and to keep off the Scots who might come to its relief.
278thoucht all suth.“Thought quite rightly.”
285Of Lancister the Erll Thomas.Bain says that, though Lancaster was clearly summoned (Fœdera, iii., p. 784), “Walsingham, who was not contemporary, seems the only authority for his presence, and if his men had been there they would have been found on the roll,” where they are not given (iii., p. xxvi). But a letter from Hugh le Despenser, the younger, printed by Stevenson in his notes to theChronicle of Lanercost, expressly names the Earl of Lancaster as having been present (p. 422). Despenser also was at Berwick, and his letter (Anglo-French) is dated September 21 at Newcastle. Strangest fact, Bain, who knew theChron. de Lanerc., overlooked the mention of Lancaster having accompanied the King to Berwick on p. 239. InVita Edw. Sec., too, Lancaster is among those at Berwick (pp. 241, 244). Also inAnnal. Paul., p. 286;Illustrations, p. 56.Cf.notes below. Maxwell, too, cites Barbour only for Lancaster’s presence (p. 265, note).
286That syne wes sanctit.See note on 874.
295all this menyhe.According to the pay-sheet, August 1 to September 24, 8,080 men, apart, however, from the following of Lancaster (cf.on 285 and 852) and the sailors (Bain, iii., No. 668). InAnnal. Paul.30,000 horse! (p. 286).
298Ordanit ane felde.The “Magdalen Fields” surrounding the town. “The army was spread ont, on the land side, round the circuit of the town” (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 242).
306all the havyn wes stoppit.“On the side of the sea the sailors present from the Cinque Ports (Quinque Portubus) so watched the entries and exits that no one could possibly get out” (Vita Edw., p. 242).
318-9sib him ner, Or ... his allye.“Either near relatives or those closely attached to him by some personal tie.” “Allye,” Fr.allié, is a trisyllable. It does not seem to signify, as Skeat suggests, allied “by various marriages,” but only the latter part of the phrase, “relatives and personal friends.”
335our Ladeis evin.September 7, 1319. So Despenser, in his letter, says Edward came before Berwick on September 7, and “laid siege to the town, with all his host, by sea and by land” (par myer et par terre.Lanerc., p. 422). The English army entered Scotland on August 29 (Ann. Paul., p. 286).
343coveryngis.Special protective dresses, such as the miner’s “basket” of wicker for those breaching the wall.
344howis ... staff slyngis.The first were possibly picks on long poles, so resembling hoes, used for pulling down defences. The staff-sling consisted of a wooden shaft about a yard long, to one end of which was attached a sling. The slinger held it by the other end with both hands, and so could discharge a stone or bullet with great force.
359ilk kyrneill.Each casement or open interval of the battlement. In the repairs of the castle in 1344 the portion of the wall renewed was to be 8 feet broad at “the kernels” (Bain, iii., No. 1434).
380Sa law.Edward I. had begun to surround Berwick with a stone wall, but Hugh de Cressingham, his Treasurer (1297), had not spent on it the money given for its completion (Hemingburgh, ii., p. 127).
409the brighous.A barbican or outwork on which the drawbridge rested. In January, 1316, Bruce tried to enter Berwickinter brighous et castrum(Lanercost, p. 232).
421scho ebbit.I.e., the tide ebbed, and she grounded. A ship grounding in a very low tide (neap) is still said to be “neaped.”
501he wald nocht sa soyne assale.The English chroniclers say he would not venture to fight with the army of their King (Lanerc., p. 239;Illust., p. 6). On September 9 Edward writes to the Chancellor that “he hears that Robert de Brus and his allies and supporters (fautours) are bound by oaths and hostages to relieve the garrison of Berwick on a fixed day, and will do everything they can” (Bain, iii., No. 664). He therefore summons to Berwick the whole array of York, but Bruce took his own way of relieving.
505lordis twa.As here, Moray and Douglas (Lanerc., p. 239;Gesta de Carn., p. 57).
508xv. thousand.“A very great army” (Illustr., p. 6); “no small army” (Gesta de Carn., p. 57); “xx. thousand of the Scottis” (Capgrave, p. 184).
515thair wiffis.In their previous raid (see on 226) the Scots took captive both men and women (Lanerc., p. 236).
528it wes pite.“The Scots were raiding savagely in England” (Scotis in Anglia sæventibus.—Trokelowe, p. 103). “Clearing (depopulantes) Northumbria, the bishopric of Durham and Alvertonshire (York), they came as far as Burghbrig” (Illust., p. 66). “They burnt the country and took captives and booty of animals, advancing as far as Burghbrigge” (Lanercost, p. 239). “Burning and spoiling the country on all sides” (Gesta de Carn., p. 57).
535Burrow-brig.Boroughbridge, on the Ure, near its junction with the Swale, Yorkshire; see previous note. According to Fordun, Moray was at “Boru-brig” at the end of the month of August (Gesta Annalia, cxxxiv.).
536Mytoun thar-by.Myton is on the Swale, near its junction with the Ure, and so a little east of Boroughbridge.
541Prestis, clerkis, monkis, and freris, etc.There were two abbots, monks, friars, many priests, with countrymen and townsfolk (Illustr., p. 7;Lanerc., p. 239;Scala., p. 148).
544Weill twenty thousand.Ten thousand inTrokelowe, p. 103; both numbers excessive.
546The Archbischop of York.William de Melton (Gesta de Carn., p. 57; andLanercost,Illustr., etc., as cited). He lost much furniture in the battle, including silver and brass plate (North. Reg., p. 295).
552other byschoppis.Only the Bishop of Ely, then staying at York (Illust., p. 7;Lanerc., p. 239).
559in-till battellis twa.“The Scots gathered together, as their wont was, in a single schiltron” (Lanerc., p. 239). They “divided” to take up the chase (ibid.).
573-4sic abasing Tuk thame.The English accounts give it that their men had no proper leader nor skill in war, while the Scots were excellently equipped in both respects. The strangely assorted array advanced in no proper order of battle, so that the Scots said: “These are not soldiers, they are sportsmen; they won’t be much good” (“Hi non bellatores sed venatores; non multum proficient.”—Vita Edw., p. 244). The Scots then gave a great shout, and the English in terror turned and fled (Lanerc., p. 239).
583weill ane thousand.All accounts agree that there was a considerable slaughter of the priestly and inexpert warriors, but the English estimates of the slain are much higher than Barbour’s: more than a thousand, besides the drowned (Ann. Paul., p. 287); “2,000 slain with the sword” (Illustr., p. 7); 3,000 (Trokelowe, p. 103); 4,000 (Lanerc., p. 239); besides those drowned in the Swale, about a thousand, says theLanercostwriter (ibid.); “more than the sword slew” (Gesta de Carn., p. 58). There were also many captives, afterwards redeemed;cf.line 579 (ibid.,Vita Edw., p. 244). A chantry chapel was afterwards erected for the souls of the slain, and endowed by their friends; to this end a piece of ground was asked from the King in October, 1325 (Bain, iii., No. 875).
597Of gret gestis ane Sow.Probably, as Skeat hints, for “gestis”—i.e., joists, great beams, which is more likely than Fr.gestes, “deeds” to which it is hard to give, in this connection, a suitable meaning. The famous “Sow” is referred to inLanercost(suem), p. 239. See below. It was otherwise known as thecat, and was constructed of stout beams, being strictly a penthouse or shelter for the men mining the wall. So here in line 600, and in theLanercostaccount (ad murum suffodiendum, p. 239). But in the present case it is combined with thebeffroi, or movable tower (lines 601-2), giving the “sow-castle” or “cat-castle” (cf.Oman’sArt of War, pp. 548, 549). Hailes and Skeat miss this point.
598stalward heling.A strong covering of hides, or, possibly, of iron plates.
634the Rude-evyn.The eve of the Exaltation of the Rood, September 13.
674draw the cleket.Probably then “she” was amangonel, in which a movable beam, between uprights, was pressed back by ropes, and then suddenly let go from a catch (“cleket”), discharges a stone; or atrebuchet, in which the same result was obtained by poising the beam in the middle, and loading the other end with a heavy weight, which added to the force of the missile.
689set thar-to juntly.“Set close up to.”Cf.line 704. In theWallace, Stirling Bridge “off gud playne burd was weill andjuntlymaid” (vii. 1148).
690bend in hy.Cf.on 674.
691wappyt.The correct Scots form. C hasswappit.Cf.Gest. Historiale, “wappid(knocked) to ground” (7297), and “Awapwi a corner-stane o’ Wolf’s Crag wad defy the doctor” (Scott’sBride of Lammermoor, Border edit., P. 349).
713top-castellis.“Fighting-tops” on the mast, in addition to the structures rising fore and aft above the deck, “fore-castle” and “stern-castle.”
756The barras.The “barriers,” a fortified post at the outer end of the drawbridge. SeeGlossary.
757and brynt it doune.Skeat, in his rubric, explains that they “burnt the drawbridge”—a foolish thing to do if they wanted to cross the ditch! But what seems to have happened was this: the besiegers first seized the “barras,” then brought “doune” the bridge by burning the tackle, probably of ropes and beams, by which it was drawn up against the gate, and so were able to cross, and make their attempt to burn their way through the gate itself. So, too, they could retreat (790) over the fallen bridge.Cf.inMorte Arthure:
“Brittenes (destroys) theire barrers with theire bryghte wapyns,Bett down a barbycan, and the brygge wynnys.”(2469-2470).
“Brittenes (destroys) theire barrers with theire bryghte wapyns,Bett down a barbycan, and the brygge wynnys.”(2469-2470).
“Brittenes (destroys) theire barrers with theire bryghte wapyns,Bett down a barbycan, and the brygge wynnys.”(2469-2470).
828on the morne.I.e., of September 14, seven days after the first attack. Despenser says that the news from England came “before he had been at Berwick (demorce) eight days” (as cited), practically corroborating Barbour.
829Thar come tithandis.So in Despenser’s letter; inLanercost(p. 239);Gesta de Carn.(p. 58).
842His consell fast discordit then.TheLanercostwriter says the King wished to send a part of his army into England to deal with the Scots, and keep on the siege with the remainder; but the nobles were unwilling to divide theirarmy and not fight with the returning Scots, and so the whole army started south for this purpose (p. 239).
852Loncastell.Despenser attributes the raising of the siege to the “procurement” of Lancaster (Lanerc., p. 422). Stevenson’s chronicler says the siege would have been successful “had not disturbers of the peace sown discord between the King and the Earl of Lancaster” (Illust., p. 6). As is here suggested, the friction had been going on for some time according to the author of theGesta, who explains in detail how the mischief-making was done (p. 57). In theVita Edw. Sec.various accounts are collected regarding Lancaster’s action, including the “vulgar” story that he had been bribed by Bruce, and there is a discourse of several pages on treason and avarice (p. 244et seq.).
855he.Here is the King; in 858heis Lancaster. The King was inclined to side with the Southerners, whose homes, of course, were in no danger from the Scots.Cf.previous note.
862his way he tais.According to theVita Edw., the King went one way to meet the retreating Scots, Lancaster another (as cited).
864fell eftir sic debat.In 1321 Lancaster and his supporters took up arms against the King and his advisers, the Despensers, on account of misgovernment. Each party blamed the other for the misfortunes of the Scottish war. In March of the following year the Lancastrians were defeated at Boroughbridge by Sir Andrew de Harclay, himself afterwards executed for alleged treasonable dealings with the Scots. Lancaster was captured, and beheaded at Pomfret (cf.line 868).
869on the hill besyde the toune.“On a certain little hill” (monticulo) beside Pomfret (Lanerc., p. 244).
871syne drawin and hangit.Though this was in the sentence, it was, by special favour of the King, not carried out. Lancaster, being a relative, was simply beheaded. In any case the drawing and hanging would have come before the beheading. See on IV. 322.
872a fair menyhe.Many others suffered capital punishment for their share in this rising. TheLanercostwriter gives one baron and three knights as having been drawn and hanged in Pomfret at this time, with further details of other victims (p. 245).Cf.alsoBaker, pp. 65, 66. The names of five hanged on the same day at Pomfret are given inAnnal. Paul., p. 303.
874martir was, Wes sanctit and myraclis did.Lancaster was popularly regarded as a saint, a martyr for righteous government; he having been also a liberal man to the Church and the poor. There were, of course, doubters of his sanctity (Vita Edw. Sec.: contin., p. 290). A chapelwas erected on the hill on which he was beheaded; crowds of pilgrims flocked to it, and miracles were said to be worked by God through him (Lanerc., pp. 244-5;Fœdera, iv., p. 421). There was a special service for him—an “Office of St. Thomas of Lancaster,” printed in Wright’sPolitical Songs(pp. 268-272). Edward III., whose accession was the triumph of the opposition to his father, requested the Pope to give Thomas regular canonization (Fœdera, iv., p. 421). Capgrave says he was canonized in 1389, when all concerned in his execution were dead (p. 253).
889thai tuk westward the way.The Scots in England retired about September 14, going westwards (versus occidentem tendentes) by Airedale and Wharfdale, and so home by “Gratsehals” (Gesta Edw. Carn., p. 58). When they heard the siege was raised they returned to Scotland by Staynmore and Gillesland and “those western parts” (Lanerc.p. 240).Cf.alsoIllustrations, p. 7.
891With prayis, and with presoneris.“With prisoners and plunder of cattle” (Lanerc., p. 240). AlsoGesta Edw., p. 58;Vita Edw., p. 244.Prayisis a plural signifying different kinds of “prey.”
922-3brynt had The brig.Cf.on 757.
940Berwyk his toune.As the reading from E shows, this is a possessive of a type usually confined to proper names.Cf.III. 232; VI. 435, etc.; andGrammar.
946Till help his brothir.Wrong by a year. The siege of Berwick was in September, 1319; Edward Bruce was killed in the previous year. The succours here sent were dispatched in September or October, 1318. See onBk.XVIII. 3, 110.
3A day forrouth thair arivyng.So, too, Gray declares that Edward Bruce “from over-boldness (pur surquidery) was not willing to wait his reinforcements (soun poair) which had lately arrived, and were within six leagues (miles) of him” (Scala., p. 143)—i.e., within a day’s march. Gray, it will be observed, applies the same quality to Edward Bruce as Barbour does in line 183. The same explanation occurs in theAnnals of Clonmacnoise(pp. 281, 282). TheLanercostchronicler, on the contrary, says that the “great army” which had “newly come” from Scotland to his assistance had joined Edward before his advance to Dundalk (p. 238).
8-9twa thousand, Outane the Kyngis of Erischry.TheAnnals of Irelandgive the Scots 3,000 (p. 359), so that Barbour isprobably about right. The chronicler in Stevenson’sIllustrationsmakes the Scots 30,000 (p. 3)! The “Irish Kings” here include MacRory, “King” of the Hebrides (“Insi-Gall”), and MacDonald, “King” of Argyll, who were both slain (Annals of Ulster, ii., p. 433;Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 281.Cf.note on line 443).
12Richard of Clare.Barbour is misinformed; Richard de Clare was killed five months before, May 11 (Annals of Ulster, ii., pp. 433 and 432, note 5;Annals of Ireland, p. 35). The English were commanded by Sir John de Birmingham (Annals of Ireland, p. 359;Baker, p. 58).
17tuenty thousand.Such a number of horse is obviously absurd, as is also the total of “forty thousand” below.
33Men sayis.Cf.on 3: “My brothir” is Walter, the High Steward.
75nane of us.Not true of the Scots-Irish.Cf.note on 8-9.
89fourty thousand neir.Cf.line 93, and note on 17. TheLanercostchronicler says the English were but “a few country-folk” (paucis et popularibus; p. 238), probably an exaggeration the other way.
95cot-armour.The surcoat over his armour, bearing his coat-of-arms.
101till assemmyll.The battle took place near the hill of Faughard or Fagher, about two miles from Dundalk. The spot where Edward Bruce fell is still shown by the natives. The date is given by Hailes, Bain, and others, following the version of theAnnalsin Camden’sChronicleas October 5; but in the later edition of theAnnalsand in theAnnals of Ulsterand ofClonmacnoiseit is precisely fixed as Saturday, October 14, 1318, from which theLanercostchronicler differs by a day only, October 13 (Lanercost, p. 238;Annals of Ulster, p. 433;Annals of Ireland, p. 359;Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 281); Fordun also October 14 (Skene, i., p. 348).
104ruschit with thair fais.In theLanercost Chronicleit is explained that the Scots were in three battles too far apart, and that thus each as it attacked was disposed of before the next could come to its assistance. Edward was with the third battle (p. 238).
110Johne de Sowlis als.But John de Soules appears to have been deadcirca1316, when the husband of his “daughter and heir” petitioned Edward II. for his Scottish lands (Bain, iii., No. 530). The date, however, is doubtful.
113That few ... war slayne.According to theVita Edw. Sec., five hundred stout men-at-arms (valentes armati) were slain, besides Edward Bruce (p. 238); almost all were slain, saysLanercost, except those only who escaped by flight (p. 238); not a single one escaped, declaresKnighton(i., p. 412), but this is absurd. Two thousand, almost all the Scots, were slain, but a few got away (Annals ofIreland, p. 360). Only a few escaped out of thirty thousand (Stevenson,Illustrations, p. 3).
117Johne Tomassun.No doubt the same John Thomson (Johannes videlicet Thomæ), a stout commoner (valens vernaclus), who in 1333 was holding out in the “peel” of Lochdoon against Edward III. (Scotichr., lib. xiii., chap. xxviii.).
123Johne cummyn.Skeat prints the verb with a capital, as if “cummyn” was a personal name. Obviously “Johne” is Thomson.
125Schir Philipe the Mowbray.The defender of Stirling Castle before Bannockburn: mortally wounded (Annals of Ir., p. 360).
167strak his hed of.TheLanercostwriter says Edward Bruce was beheaded after death, and his body divided into four parts, which were sent to the four chief towns of Ireland (p. 238). According to Barbour, it was Gilbert Harper’s head. For the beheading, see alsoTrokelowe, p. 103, and Stevenson’sIllustrations, p. 3.
183owtrageous succudry.Cf.extract fromScalacronicain note on 3.
215Richard of Clare.But see note on 12.
224Johne Mawpas.According to theAnnals, John Mawpas slew Edward Bruce, and was himself found dead over his body. John de Birmyngham brought the head to Edward III. (p. 360). Probably he thus earned the reward offered for injury to Edward in life or limb, on September 3, 1316 (Patent Rolls, p. 551).
225Quhilk.Koeppel points out that this is the only example of this word otherwise than in the formthe quhilk that, and therefore suggests that E gives the original reading (Englische Studien, x. 381).
230tuk purpos.1322. Barbour passes over four years, and says nothing of a destructive raid of the Scots on the West March in June-July of this year, in which they went as far south as Preston (Lanercost, p. 246;Knighton, i., p. 428;Bain, iii., No. 761;Fœdera, iii., p. 960).
235richt gret hoost.“A very great army” (Lanercost, 247). “With a very large army ... having an armed foot-soldier from each town in England, besides his knights and esquires” (Scala., p. 149. So alsoGesta Edwardi de Carnarvon, p. 78;Knighton, i. 428;Baker, p. 66).
249with-draw all the catele.“The Scots fled with all their possessions, at their approach (a facie eorum), to safe places; stripped their own land wholly bare, and cleared the districts of all the goods” (Trokelowe, p. 125). “The Scots, having cleared away or conveyed with them beyond the Scottish Sea (the Forth) everything that could be easily carried, left for the English a land bare of victuals” (Baker, p. 66). Edward told the Archbishop ofCanterbury that he found neither “man nor beast” (Bain, iii., No. 778). So also inKnighton, i., p. 428.
253with his hoost als still he lay.“The Scots, in their usual fashion, withdrew, and did not dare to fight with him” (Lanercost, p. 247). The English traversed the country, meeting with no resistance (Baker, p. 66).
254At Culros.In Fife, on the Forth, opposite Boness (cf.note on 249).
261in Lowdiane.Edward was at Gosford, in Haddingtonshire, on August 5 (Bain, iii., No. 761). He had taken the coast-road in order to do more damage (ibid., 778).
262till Edinburgh.Scala., p. 149;Fordun;Skene, i., p. 349. There is a record of a grant by Edward at Edinburgh on August 22, and of payments made at Leith on August 23, so that he may have been there longer than three days;cf.above on 261 (Bain, iii., Nos. 764, 765). On August 17, however, a pardon is dated from Lauder (ibid., 763).
264Thair schippes.At some date in August, probably later than above, for the King, it would appear, had left, a cargo of medicine came by sea to Edinburgh (Leith) from Newcastle (ibid., 766). Fordun speaks of a vast multitude of ships (copiosa multitudine:Fordun, i. 349).
268Thair vittale.“Having used up the food on land, and that by sea everywhere failing them” (Trokelowe, p. 125).
276Tranentis corne.Tranent is between Musselburgh and Haddington.
283derrest beiff.In Bower, “That this beef was too dear,” Warenne punning in the Latin,Quod illius tauri caro erat nimis cara(Scotichr., ii., p. 278).
289-290of fasting had gret payne, etc.“A very great part of the army was wasted with hunger, and a great number perished from want of food,” and so they returned (Trokelowe, p. 125). TheLanercostwriter speaks of lack of victuals, and illness, dysentery, among the soldiers, from both of which many died (p. 247).Scalacronicaconcurs (p. 149), also Fordun (Skene, i. 349). The English were thus forced to retreat (ibid.). Knighton puts the English losses at about fifteen thousand (i., p. 428); 30,000 (!) from starvation (Flores Hist., iii., p. 210).
291In-till Melros.“The King’s hobelers (light horse) foraging at Melrose were defeated by James Douglas” (Scala., p. 149).Cf.lines 292-3. Knighton says the English came to Melrose, when, most unexpectedly, the Scots rushed on them from the mountains, and slew three hundred and more (i., p. 428). According to Fordun, the English slew and wounded several of the monks, and committed other sacrilege (Gesta Annal.;Skene, i., pp. 349, 350).
339by Driburgh.They burned the monastery to the ground (Fordun,ibid.).
341till Ingland.Edward is at Fenham, on the coast of Northumberland, by September 4, or thereabout (Bain, iii., No. 767).
346our the Scottis Se.Cf.note on 249.
349Auchty thousand.Certainly an exaggerated number. Each “battle,” as almost invariably with Barbour (cf.note onBk.XI.), represents ten thousand men. Bruce had, however, a considerable force (exercitu non modico;Gesta Edw. de Carn., p. 79), having, according to Gray, assembled the whole power of Scotland, of the Isles, and of the Highlands (dez autres pays hautz;Scala., p. 149). Exactly parallel is the statement inLanercost, p. 247.
352on to Ingland.By the Solway on October 1, 1322 (Lanercost, p. 247;Gesta Ann., p. 350).
355to Byland.Byland is in the North Riding of Yorkshire, near Helmsley, on the right bank of the Rye. InGesta Edw.“Bella-landa” (p. 79). The affair at Byland was on October 21 (note inStevensonfrom Cotton MS., c. 1325, p. 55); October 14 (Flores Hist., iii., p. 210).
356-7wes liand The King of Ingland, etc.So placed, too, inGesta Edw. de Carn.: the King “in monasterio de Bella-landa,” and the army on a high mountain above the monastery (p. 79); by Fordun (Skene, i. 350); and by Higden (Polychron., viii., p. 316). Trokelowe, too, suggests the same, saying the Scots followed the King as far as Byland Abbey, in the district of “Rye Valley” (Realis Vallis, p. 125). The escape was “near Byland, close to the Abbey of Rievaulx,” when the King was crossing over (Flores Hist., iii., p. 210). But theLanercostchronicler locates the King in Rievaulx Abbey (Rievaulx = Realis Vallis), on the opposite bank of the Rye (p. 247); and an order from Edward to the Earl of Pembroke “to raise the country towards Byland” is dated from Rievaulx, October 13 (Bain, iii., No. 790). In Stevenson’sChronicle, too, the King is at Rievaulx, while Pembroke (Valence) and Richmond and other lords are at “Beghland” (Illustrations, p. 7).
365Ane craggy bra.Cf.preceding note. “A strength (un forteresce) on a hill near Biland” (p. 149). “A certain mountain between the Abbey of Biland and the Abbey of Rievaulx” (Lanercost, p. 247).
366a gret peth.“A certain path (viam) on the mountain, narrow and confined” (arctam et strictam;Lanercost, p. 247). “A very narrow road where scarce ten could go abreast” (vix 10 in fronte meabile.Stevenson’sIllustrations, p. 7).
373-4Went to the path, etc.The Earl of Richmond, John of Brittany, was sent with his followers to examine the Scottish army “from a certain mountain, etc.” (cf.on 365.Lanercost,ibid.).
409Thomas Ouchtre(d).“Arthyn,” as in C., is not known, and is clearly wrong, for Sir Thomas Ughtred, or Ouchtred, was captured here, as Barbour says in line 426 (Bain, iii., No. 806).
419Stanis apon thame.“He (Richmond) strove with them by throwing down stones” (per lapides projectos.Lanercost, p. 247).
427he wes tane.Cf.on line 409.
443all the Erischry.I.e., the Highlanders and Islesmen, who spoke Gaelic or Irish.Cf.on line 349.
454aboun the bra.The Scots ascended above them (super eos.Lanercost,ibid.).
458the hycht has tane.“The Scots ascended between the trees through the middle of the grove” (Gesta Edw., p. 79). The fight took place “on the summit of a hill near Byland” (ibid., p. 82).
462-4Johne Bretane, etc.Cf.on line 373.
469thar wes tane.John of Brittany, Earl of Richmond, a prisoner in Scotland, October 27 (Bain, iii., Nos. 792, 793). Still detained in Scotland, December 10 (ibid., No. 795). Captured at Byland (Stevenson,Illustrations, p. 7).
472lord of Souly.Henry, Lord of Sully, a prisoner (Bain, No. 796): “the lord of Sully, a baron of France” (Scala., p. 149); “the lord of Sully (Siliaco), an ambassador of the King of France” (Baker, p. 66).
478yheit at Biland.Butcf.note on 356-7.
480in full gret hy.“The King himself scarcely escaped from Rivaulx” (Scala., p. 149). “The King fled swiftly from Biland” (Gesta Edw., p. 79;cf.alsoLanercost, p. 248;Baker, p. 66). “To Scarborough Castle” (Stevenson,Illustrations, p. 7).
489Till Yorkis yhettis.The Scots made their way to York (Scala., p. 150;Lanercost, p. 248;Gesta, p. 81).
493nane wald cum out.The English were quite demoralized. They had fled like “a hare before the hounds” (Scala., p. 150). “The people were collapsing (corruentem) before the enemy like sheep without a shepherd” (Gesta, p. 81).
498Rivens.Rievaulx; see above.
500The King of Inglandis ger.A note inBaindescribes the harness lost at “Ryvaux” by the sudden attack of the Scots there on October 14 (iii., No. 791). According toLanercost, the King in his hurry left in Rievaulx Monastery his silver plate and great treasure, all which the Scots carried off, spoiling the monastery besides (p. 248). The royal treasure taken at Byland (Higden, viii., p. 316).
520Lang eftir.In October, 1323, and May, 1324, negotiations for Richmond’s release were still in progress (Bain, iii., No. 829;Pat. Rolls).
543but ransoun free.This seems to have been the transaction which resulted in the “Emerald” charter of the Douglases, giving them extraordinary powers of jurisdictionwithin their territories. The grant was in lieu of 4,400 merks sterling, the ransoms of three (not two) French knights and their valets captured by Douglas at Byland, and liberated at the instance of the King of France, “our very dear friend” (Fraser’sDouglas,Bk.iii., p. 11).
553Byrnand, slayand, and distroyand.From all accounts the Scots did terrible mischief. “They did damage at their pleasure, with no one to oppose them” (Scala., p. 150). They spoiled and burned the neighbouring districts, carried off the cattle, and wasted on all sides with fire and sword (Gesta Edw., p. 80;Trokelowe, p. 126;Northern Registers, p. 318).
555to the Wald.The Yorkshire Wold (Scala., p. 150). “Le Wald” (Lanercost, p. 248; Stevenson’sIllustrations, p. 7).
558The vale ... of Beauvare.The valley of the river Hull in which is Beverley. “They destroyed that country to about the town of Beverley, which purchased immunity from being burned” (Lanercost, p. 248). Murimuth and Baker say it cost Beverley four hundred pounds sterling (Baker, p. 66).
561Till Scotland.They returned on October 22 (Gesta, p. 80). InLanercost, November 2 is given as the date (p. 248). It may be inferred, from a reference inBainto the Earl of Richmond as “a prisoner in Scotland” on October 27, that the Scots had got home by that date.
6a fell conjuracione.Barbour post-dates this conspiracy. It took place in 1320.
11The lord of Sowlis.Probably the grandson of Sir Nicholas Soulis, one of the competitors in 1292. Sir Nicholas claimed through his mother, a niece of Alexander III. (Bain, ii., liv.). His forfeited lands in Liddesdale were given to Bruce’s illegitimate son Robert (Robertson’sIndex, p. 12; 54, etc.); others to Robert Stewart, son of Walter (ibid., 10; 13).
16Male-herbe.As in E, is the correct form; or Malerb (Fordun), Malherbe (Scala.) and on record inBain, and inRobertson, where the Stirlingshire lands forfeited by “Gilbert de Malherbe” are gifted to another (Index, 21; 19). The land of “Malerbe” was in Perthshire (Reg. Mag. Sig., pp. 30, 61). The other names occur in these sources also, as in Barbour.
19David the Brechyne.Cf.onBk.VIII. 402; IX. 293. Some of the forfeited lands of Brechin, such as Rothmay, Brechine, Kinloch, etc., were granted to Sir David de Barclay (Robertson, pp. 26, 34).
23Throu ane lady.The lady in the affair was Countess of Strathearn (Gesta Annal., cxxxv.). But Gray (Scala., p. 144) gives a different discoverer, Murdoch of Menteith, who was in the English service as late, at least, as January, 1317 (Bain, iii. 534). The Countess could not have turned King’s evidence, as she was condemned to imprisonment for life (Fordun.Ibid.). In an extract from the Cotton MS. inStevenson, Menteith is again given as the discoverer (Illust., p. 55).
45playn granting.Soulis made a full confession (Scala., p. 144).
49plane parliament.At Scone, August, 1320 (Fordun;Skene, i. 348;Scala., p. 144). It was known as the Black Parliament.
51Till his penance till Dumbertane.“Confined in Dumbarton Castle for punishment in prison” (a sa penaunz en prisoun.—Scala., p. 144); “for life” (Fordun;Skene, i. 348). Gray says that Dumbarton was the only castle in Scotland not now dismantled (ibid.).
56thai drawin war.As in Fordun: “first drawn with horses and finally executed” (Skene, i. 348). Gray says Brechin, Logy, and Maleherbe were hanged and drawn in Perth. Fordun adds Richard Brown, a squire.
74Scottis man.Umfraville was a prisoner since Bannockburn. At this date (1320) he was still in Scotland, though on July 24, 1314, Edward was granting safe-conducts to some of his friends for a journey to France in quest of money for his ransom (Bain, iii., No. 374). On April 20, 1320, there is a safe-conduct for Sir Ingelram de Umfraville, “a Scottish knight passing through England on his affairs beyond seas,” with a considerable following, which was cancelled for one in October (ibid., 694). Meantime his name is on the record of the Arbroath Parliament in April, 1320 (see below). On January 26, 1321, he is being restored to his estates, “as Ingelram, who was a prisoner in Scotland, has escaped, and shown that he never left his allegiance” (ibid., 721). These facts have been held to invalidate Barbour’s statement (Maxwell’sRobert the Bruce, pp. 276-7), but they have obviously a suspicious air. He appears to have somewhat prolonged his escape; there was clearly a doubt as to his loyalty; and the date fits in curiously with the narrative. Finally, it has to be explained how Umfraville’s name appears in the list of signatories to the famous letter to the Pope from the barons and Community of Scotland on April 6, 1320: “While there exist a hundred of us we will never submit to England” (Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 114).
125the Kyngis curtasy.Cf.note onBk.XIII. 531.
131oftsis.There had been frequent negotiations for peace since immediately after Bannockburn (cf.Fœderaiii., p. 495).
186war trewis tane.The truce was arranged at Thorpe, near York, to last for thirteen years (see line 188) from June 12, 1323.
191-6Bot Inglis men apon the se Distroyit, etc.Of such cases, probably those referred to here, we have precise details in Bain’sCalendar, vol. iii. On September 7, 1326, an inquiry is ordered by Edward II. into the case of certain Scottish merchants who, on their way to Flanders, took refuge in an English ship from fear of pirates, and were brought to Scarborough, where they were all arrested by the Sheriff of York and the magistrates of Scarborough, and put in prison (No. 887). On September 28 three justices are commissioned to inquire into the seizure of a Flemish vessel at Whitby, when nine Scottish merchants, sixteen Scottish pilgrims, and thirteen women were murdered (lines 195, 234), and the cargo and goods to the value of £2,000 carried off (line 196); the vessel being cast adrift, and afterwards captured by others, when the rest of the cargo was appropriated. Apparently this inquiry was fruitless, for another is ordered at Yarmouth on October 15 (No. 889). Then, on October 12, there was the case of a Scottish clerk arrested on the high seas, brought with his two servants and goods to Scarborough, and imprisoned by the Sheriff of York, to be discharged later by the King’s order (No. 889). And Adam Rolok and other Scots had been taken from a ship touching at Brunham and lodged in Norwich prison, from which they were not released till September 24, 1328 (No. 965). Neglecting Barbour’s full explanation, confirmed as it is by Bain’sCalendar, historians profess to find the origins of this campaign obscure, or lay all the blame upon the Scots (Hume Brown,History, i., p. 166; Lang,Historyi. 232; Le Bel,Chronique, ed. 1904, i., p. 37, editorial note).
205Walter Steward.Died April 9, 1326.
230-1twa yheir ... and ane half.Nearly four years after;cf.note on 188.
238gaf the trewis up.Le Bel, the Flemish chronicler, says he “defied” Edward about Easter because he saw Edward II. deposed, his Government upset, and that the new King was but a boy; and therefore hoped to conquer a part of England (Les Vrayes Chroniques, i., p. 34, edit. 1863;Froissart, trans. Johnes, i. 15).
241Donald Erll of Mar.Cf.note onBk.XIII. 687. He had been brought up at the Court of Edward II., and had served for him against the Scots, but, on his deposition, returned to his native land. The Scots readily received him and restored him to his earldom (Gesta Edw. Tertii, p. 96;Bain, iii. 744;Scala., p. 151). He hoped to get Scottish aid in restoring Edward II. (Chron. de Lanercost, p. 259). The leaders of this expedition are given as in Barbour inScalacronica,Chron. de Lanercost, andGesta Edwardi Tertii, with the exception of the Steward, who is not mentioned. Le Bel, who was present with the troops of John of Hainault, names only Moray and Douglas, whom he erroneously styles William, here as elsewhere (i., p. 48).
248In England.June 15; and a second raid to Weardale in August (Fordun.Skene, i. 351-2). Before July 20 (Lanercost, p. 259). By the West March, says Hailes, citing Froissart (i.e., le Bel), but this is certainly not clear. No one seems to have known how they came: “They had passed the river (? Tyne, Eden) so quietly that neither they of Carlisle nor they of Newcastle knew anything of it” (Le Bel, i., p. 46, edit. 1863).
250ten thousand.Le Bel says there were three thousand men-at-arms, knights, and squires, and about twenty thousand variously armed upon little hackneys (p. 48). These numbers are clearly in excess. It is from Jehan le Bel in this connection that Froissart has taken his famous and familiar description of a Scots Border raid (Johnes, ch. xvii.).
254Wardill.Weardale, in Durham (Fordun,Gesta Annalia, cxl.).
256The King wes ded.Edward II. was in ward since January 7, but did not die till September 21.
257that wes yhing.Edward III. was fifteen.
261Isabel.Daughter of Philip IV. of France.
262wes weddid.Not till January 28, 1328, to the second daughter (Philippa) of Count or Earl William of Holland and Hainault. Barbour, of course, writes about fifty years after.
267Schir Johne of Hennaut.John of Hainault, lord of Beaumont, brother of the Count, then “in the flower of his age” (Le Bel, i., p. 12). He came at Edward’s request, and brought five hundred well-mounted men-at-arms from Hainault, Flanders, Bohemia, Cambresis, and Artois: later he was joined by fifty more (Le Bel, i. 36, 37). Jehan le Bel and his brother were in the company.
271In-to York.The English army assembled at York, and there awaited the arrival of the Hainaulters (Le Bel, p. 36); or of the chief lords (Gesta Edw., p. 96). There was a wait at York of more than six weeks until news should come about the Scots (Le Bel, p. 45). The English preparations seem to have anticipated the Scottish raid, though Barbour puts it otherwise.
275neir fifty thousand.According toLe Bel, it was said the English had seven thousand knights and squires, thirty thousand armed men, half of whom were mounted on little hackneys, and twenty-four thousand archers on foot—sixty-one thousand men (i., p. 49). The English were three times the number of the Scots (Murimuth, p. 53;Baker, 97). Froissart, modifyingLe Bel, gives in another place more than forty thousand men-at-arms (i., p. 17).
278Xviii yheir.Edward, born November, 1312, was only fifteen.
279Cokdaill.The Cock flows into the Wharfe, a tributary of the Yorkshire Ouse. Sir Herbert Maxwell says Coquetdale (Robert the Bruce, p. 311).
287sevyn battellis.According to Le Bel, the English were in three battles of infantry, each battle having two wings of five hundred men-at-arms (p. 49).
316north half Wer, toward Scotland.Maxwell insists that the Scots were on the south bank, on account of an order from Edward on August 3, located at Stanhope, to which may be added a later reference to his having been there (Robert the Bruce, p. 312 and note;Bain, iii., Nos. 929, 933). But the Scots were certainly at Stanhope Park, on the north bank (see below on 490 and 513). Mr. J. T. T. Brown, also on the strength of the first citation fromBain, says that “Froissart and the Scottish poet are both alike in error in placing the Scottish army on the north bank and the English on the opposite of the Wear” (The Wallace and Bruce Restudied, p. 144). In what he writes, Froissart simply followsLe Bel, who was present. Neither expressly says that the Scots were on the north bank, but it is made clear in both that the river separated the forces. Nothing is said by Barbour of how the English hunted for the Scots, but could not find them; of their rough and hurried ride to the Tyne at Hexham to cut off the expected Scottish retreat; or of their rush south when it was discovered by a squire that the Scots were on the Wear—all of which is graphically described by Le Bel and transferred to his own work by Froissart (Le Bel, i., ch. xii.;Froissart, ch. xvii.).
322Stude in a strynth.They were drawn up in three battles on the slope of the mountain on which they were encamped (Le Bel, p. 62). Gray says the Scots were in three divisions on a fine plain, and calls this first position also Stanhope (Scala., p. 154). But it is clear from the detailed accounts of Barbour and Le Bel that the Scots were on a hill.
328Weris wattir.“Below this mountain was a strong, swift river” (Le Bel, p. 62). “The King took up a position before them on the Wear wattir for three days” (Scala., p. 154).
350Archibald ... of Douglas.Youngest brother of Sir James, “the Tineman” (i.e., the Loser), afterwards Regent of Scotland; killed at Halidon Hill, 1333. His especial share in this raid was to plunder the bishopric of Durham (Scala., p. 154; Maxwell’sHistory of the House of Douglas, vol. i., pp. 70, 71, 75).
353-4These lines appear to mean that Douglas alternately advanced and retired so as to draw the English on. TheScots on the next day, according to Le Bel, “ran forwards and backwards in skirmishing” (couroient et racouroient tout en eshcarmuchant, p. 64).
374Schir Williame of Erskyn.It is noted that Bruce died in debt to Erskine (Excheq. Rolls, i., p. 404).
396Tymbrys for helmys.Wooden crests on helmets, common in the fourteenth century. Apparently the novelty was not in the crests, but in the material; hitherto they would have been made ofcuir-bouilli(seeBk.XII., 23, note). Edward III. bore an eagle: “Tymbre de legle (? l’aigle)” (Bain, iii., p. lxviii.).
399crakkis of war.Early cannon (cf.onBk.XVII., line 250). It is not easy to understand how the English carried these with them in their forced marches over hill and dale. Le Bel does not mention them. They do not appear again in warfare till Creçy (1346), if then (Oman,Art of War, p. 611).
402That nycht.“The night of St. Peter in August” (la nuit Saint-Pierre d’aoust,Le Bel, 64). St. Peter’s Day was August 1, but as Mass was heard on the morrow, the “night” was probably that of July 31, St. Peter’s Eve.
405The Inglis men.Le Bel (Froissart) does not relate the incidents given by Barbour, or these operations, except in general terms. Many “companions,” he says, with the assistance of their horses, crossed the river, and some on foot; prisoners were taken, and others wounded or killed on both sides; and this went on continuously for three days (p. 64). The English learned from their prisoners that the Scots had neither bread, salt, nor wine, and so they hoped to starve them out; but they had plenty of beef, and were not particular about how they ate it, without salt or bread, “boiled or roasted as it liked them;” as well as some oatmeal, of which they made cakes (i., p. 65).
431all arayit.Each of the first two days, Le Bel tells us, the English were drawn up in order of battle, though it came only to fruitless skirmishing.
482Fyres in gret foysoun.The Scots, writes Le Bel, always made a wonderful number of fyres between night and morning; and by this and their blowing of horns and shouting together it seemed as if all the devils of hell were assembled there (pp. 64, 65;Johnes, i., ch. xviii.).
486Twa myle.“Two small leagues” (Le Bel). “A short league” (Scala.). “League,” as usual, signifies just a mile, as when Le Bel credits the Scots with an average day’s march of from twenty to thirty-two “leagues” (p. 4).
488defend thame bettir.“A much stronger place than before” (Le Bel, 65).
490a park.Stanhope Park, a hunting-ground of the Bishop of Durham, on the north bank of the Wear. “The Scots entered the park of Stanhope and there lodged; likewisealso the English on the other side of a certain stream pitched camp and rested” (Gesta Edw., p. 96). The Scots moved to “within the park of Stanhope” (dedenz le park de Stanhope,Scala., p. 154). “The Scots betook themselves to the park of Stanhope” (Lanercost, p. 259). The Scottish army was “at Stanhope Park” (apud Stanhop park,Contin. Chron.,Murimuth, p. 53;Chron.,Knighton, i., p. 445;Baker, p. 97;Hemingburgh, ii., p. 298). And those who have rejected Barbour’s statement as to the northward position of the Scots, resting on a single citation from Bain (see on 316), would have found, a few pages farther on, an express reference to the time when the Scots were surrounded and beset (circumdati et obsessi)in the park of Stanhopeby the King’s army (Bain, No. 957, June 29, 1328). Edward, being so near, could very well speak of himself as “at Stanhope.” Bain later admits the Scots were at Stanhope (Edwards in Scotland, p. 77).
492full of treis.At Stanhope Park “they were lodged in a wood” (Le Bel, 65). “In the woddys of Stanhop park in dyverse busshementis” (Fabyan, p. 439).
495Be nychtyrtale.I.e., by night-time, as in Chaucer: