CHAPTER XI.

ΟΚΛΕΠΤΗΣΕΡΧΕΤΑΙ [ΕΓΡΗΓΟΡΗΣΕΝΚΑΙ] ΟΥΚΑΝΑΦΗΚΕΝ

his house to be broken through.' Here, the clause within brackets, which has fallen out for an obvious reason, does not appear in Codd. [Symbol: Aleph] and D. But the omission did not begin with [Symbol: Aleph]. Two copies of the Old Latin are also without the words εγρηγορησεν και,—which are wanting besides in Cureton's Syriac. Tischendorf accordingly omits them. And yet, who sees not that such an amount of evidence as this is wholly insufficient to warrant the ejection of the clause as spurious? What is the 'Science' worth which cannot preserve to the body a healthy limb like this?

[The instances of omission which have now been examined at some length must by no means be regarded as the only specimens of this class of corrupt passages[336]. Many more will occur to the minds of the readers of the present volume and of the earlier volume of this work. In fact, omissions are much more common than Additions, or Transpositions, or Substitutions: and this fact, that omissions, or what seem to be omissions, are apparently so common,—to say nothing of the very strong evidence wherewith they are attested—when taken in conjunction with the natural tendency of copyists to omit words and passages, cannot but confirm the general soundness of the position.How indeed can it possibly be more true to the infirmities of copyists, to the verdict of evidence on the several passages, and to the origin of the New Testament in the infancy of the Church and amidst associations which were not literary, to suppose that a terse production was first produced and afterwards was amplified in a later age with a view to 'lucidity and completeness[337],' rather than that words and clauses and sentences were omitted upon definitely understood principles in a small class of documents by careless or ignorant or prejudiced scribes? The reply to this question must now be left for candid and thoughtful students to determine.]

FOOTNOTES:

[258]It will be observed that these are empirical, not logical, classes. Omissions are found in many of the rest.

[259]Last Twelve Verses of St. Mark's Gospel, chapter v. and Appendix B.

[260]See Dr. Gwynn's remarks in Appendix VII of The Traditional Text, pp. 298-301.

[261]The Revision Revised, pp. 42-45, 422-424: Traditional Text, p. 109, where thirty-eight testimonies are quoted before 400A.D.

[262]The expression of Jerome, that almost all the Greek MSS. omit this passage, is only a translation of Eusebius. It cannot express his own opinion, for he admitted the twelve verses into the Vulgate, and quoted parts of them twice, i.e. ver. 9, ii. 744-5, ver. 14, i. 327 c.

[263]Dr. Dobbin has calculated 330 omissions in St. Matthew, 365 in St. Mark, 439 in St Luke, 357 in St. John, 384 in the Acts, and 681 in the Epistles—3,556 in all as far as Heb. ix. 14, where it terminates. Dublin University Magazine, 1859, p. 620.

[264]Such as in Cod. D after St. Luke vi. 4. 'On the same day He beheld a certain man working on the sabbath, and said unto him, "Man, blessed art thou if thou knowest what thou doest; but if thou knowest not, thou art cursed and a transgressor of the law"' (Scrivener's translation, Introduction, p. 8). So also a longer interpolation from the Curetonian after St. Matt. xx. 28. These are condemned by internal evidence as well as external.

[265]και 'ο πεσων επι τον λιθον τουτον συνθλασθησεται; εφ' ον δ' αν πεση, λικμησει αυτον.

[266]iv. 25 d, 343 d.—What proves these two quotations to be from St. Matt. xxi. 44, and not from St. Luke xx. 18, is, that they alike exhibit expressions which are peculiar to the earlier Gospel. The first is introduced by the formula ουδεποτε ανεγνωτε (ver. 42: comp. Orig. ii. 794 c), and both exhibit the expression επι τον λιθον τουτον (ver. 44), not επ' εκεινον τον λιθον. Vainly is it urged on the opposite side, that πας 'ο πεσων belongs to St. Luke,—whereas και 'ο πεσων is the phrase found in St. Matthew's Gospel. Chrysostom (vii. 672) writes πας 'ο πιπτων while professing to quote from St. Matthew; and the author of Cureton's Syriac, who had this reading in his original, does the same.

[267]P. 193.

[268]P. 11.

[269]vii. 672 a [freely quoted as Greg. Naz. in the Catena of Nicetas, p. 669] xii. 27 d.

[270]Ap. Mai, ii. 401 dis.

[271]Ap. Chrys. vi. 171 c.

[272]vii. 171 d.

[273]iii2. 86, 245: v. 500 e, 598 d.

[274]682-3 (Massuet 277).

[275]iii. 786.

[276]Theoph. 235-6 (= Mai, iv. 122).

[277]ii. 660 a, b, c.

[278]'Praeterit et Lucifer.'

[279]Ap.Galland. vi. 191 d.

[280]Ibid. vii. 20 c.

[281]Ibid. ix. 768 a.

[282][I am unable to find any place in the Dean's writings where he has made this explanation. The following note, however, is appended here]:—With verse 43, the long lesson for the Monday in Holy-week (ver. 18-43) comes to an end.Verse 44 has a number all to itself (in other words, is sect. 265) in the fifth of the Syrian Canons,—which contains whatever is found exclusively in St. Matthew and St. Luke.

[282][I am unable to find any place in the Dean's writings where he has made this explanation. The following note, however, is appended here]:—

With verse 43, the long lesson for the Monday in Holy-week (ver. 18-43) comes to an end.

Verse 44 has a number all to itself (in other words, is sect. 265) in the fifth of the Syrian Canons,—which contains whatever is found exclusively in St. Matthew and St. Luke.

[283]'Omnino ex Lc. assumpta videntur.'

[284]The section in St. Matthew is numbered 265,—in St. Luke, 274: both being referred to Canon V, in which St. Matthew and St. Luke are exclusively compared.

[285]Vol. i. 13.

[286]Letter to Pope Damasus. See my book on St. Mark, p. 28.

[287]Dial. § 78,ad fin.(p. 272).

[288]Opp. ii. 215 a: v. part ii. 118 c.

[289]See Holmes and Parsons' ed. of the LXX,—vol. iv.in loc.

[290]Opp. pp. 143 and 206. P. 577 is allusive only.

[291]Opp. vii. 158 c: ix. 638 b.

[292]Opp. ii. 1345: iii. 763-4.

[293]§ xv:—on which his learned editor (Bp. Jacobson) pertinently remarks,—'Hunc locum Prophetae Clemens exhibuisset sicut a Christo laudatam, S. Marc. vii. 6, si pro απεστιν dedisset απεχει.'

[294]Opp. i. 1502: iii. 1114.

[295]Ap.Epiphanium, Opp. i. 218 d.

[296]Opp. p. 461.

[297]Opp. iii. 492 (a remarkable place): ii. 723: iv. 121.

[298]De Trinitate, p. 242.

[299]Opp. ii. 413 b. [Observe how this evidence leads us to Alexandria.]

[300]Opp. vii. 522 d. The other place, ix. 638 b, is uncertain.

[301]It is uncertain whether Eusebius and Basil quote St. Matthew or Isaiah: but a contemporary of Chrysostom certainly quotes the Gospel,—Chrys. Opp. vi. 425 d (cf. p. 417, line 10).

[302]But Eus.Es 589τους μ.

[303]I have numbered the clauses for convenience.—It will perhaps facilitate the study of this place, if (on my own responsibility) I subjoin a representation of the same words in Latin:—(1) Diligite inimicos vestros,(2) benedicite maledicentes vos,(3) benefacite odientibus vos,(4) et orate pro calumniantibus vos,(5) et persequentibus vos.

[303]I have numbered the clauses for convenience.—It will perhaps facilitate the study of this place, if (on my own responsibility) I subjoin a representation of the same words in Latin:—

(1) Diligite inimicos vestros,(2) benedicite maledicentes vos,(3) benefacite odientibus vos,(4) et orate pro calumniantibus vos,(5) et persequentibus vos.

[304]Opp. iv. 324bis, 329bis, 351. Gall. xiv. App. 106.

[305]'A large majority, all but five, omit it. Some add it in the margin.' Traditional Text, p. 149.

[306]Opp. p. 79, cf. 146.

[307]Scap. c. 1.

[308]Opp. iv. 946.

[309]Haer. III. xviii. 5.

[310]Dem. Evan. xiii. 7.

[311]In Bapt. Christ.

[312]Orig. Opp. i. 812.

[313]Opp. i. 768: iv. 353.

[314]Opp. i. 827: ii. 399.

[315]Spect. c. 16: (Anim. c. 35): Pat. c. 6.

[316][In Ep. Joh. IV. Tract, ix. 3 (1, 3 (ver. 45 &c.)); In Ps. cxxxviii. 37 (1, 3); Serm. XV. 8 (1, 3, 5); Serm. LXII.in loc.(1, 3, 4, 5).]

[317]In Ps. xxxviii. 2.

[318]Opp. pp. 303, 297.

[319]Pro S. Athanas. ii.

[320]Ps. cxviii. 10. 16; 9. 9.

[321]Ep. ii.

[322]Opp. iii. 167: iv. 619: v. 436:—ii. 340: v. 56: xii. 654:—ii. 258: iii. 41:—iv. 267: xii. 425.

[323]Opp. iii. 379.

[324]Praep. 654: Ps. 137, 699: Es. 589.

[325]Pp. 3. 198.

[326]Opp. p. 605 and 307.

[327]Leg. pro Christian. 11.

[328]Ad Autolycum, iii. 14.

[329]Opp. i. 40.

[330]Ad Philipp. c. 12.

[331]§ 1.

[332]Theodoret once (iv. 946) gives the verse as Tischendorf gives it: but on two other occasions (i. 827: ii. 399) the same Theodoret exhibits the second member of the sentence thus,—ευλογειτε τους διωκοντας 'υμας (so pseud.-Athan. ii. 95), which shews how little stress is to be laid on such evidence as the first-named place furnishes.Origen also (iv. 324 bis, 329 bis, 351) repeatedly gives the place as Tischendorf gives it—but on one occasion, which it will be observed isfatalto his evidence (i. 768), he gives the second member thus,—iv. 353:και προσευχεσθε 'υπερ των επηρεαζοντων 'υμας..·. 1. 4.Next observe how Clemens Al. (605) handles the same place:—αγαπατε τους εχθρους 'υμων, ευλογειτε τους καταρωμενους 'υμας, και προσευχεσθε 'υπερ των επηρεαζυντων 'υμιν, και τα 'ομοια..·. 1, 2, 4.—3, 5.Justin M. (i. 40) quoting the same place from memory (and with exceeding licence), yet is observed to recognize in partboththe clauses which labour under suspicion:.·. 1, 2, 4.—3, 5.ευχεσθε 'υπερ των εχθρων 'υμων και αγαπατε τους μισουντας 'υμας, which roughly represents και ευλογειτε τους καταρωμενους 'υμιν και ευχεσθε 'υπερ των επηρεαζοντων 'υμας.The clause which hitherto lacks support is that which regards τους μισουντας 'υμας. But the required help is supplied by Irenaeus (i. 521), who (loosely enough) quotes the place thus,—Diligite inimicos vestros, et orate pro eis, qui vos oderunt..·. 1 (made up of 3, 4).—2, 5.And yet more by the most venerable witness of all, Polycarp, who writes:—ad Philipp. c. 12:—Orate pro persequentibus et odientibus vos..·. 4, 5.—1, 2, 3.I have examined [Didaché]Justin,Irenaeus,Eusebius,Hippolytus,Cyril Al.,Greg. Naz.,Basil,Athan.,Didymus,Cyril Hier.,Chrys.,Greg. Nyss.,Epiph.,Theod.,Clemens.And the following are the results:—Didaché. Ευλογειτε τους καταρωμενους 'υμιν, και προσευχεσθε 'υπερ των εχθρων 'υμων, νηστευετε 'υπερ των διωκοντων 'υμας ... 'υμεις δε αγαπατε τους μισουντας 'υμας..·. 2, 3, 4, 5.Aphraates, Dem. ii. The Latin Translation runs:—Diligite inimicos vestros, benedicite ei qui vobis maledicit, orate pro eis qui vos vexunt et persequuntur.Eusebius Prae 654..·. 2, 4, 5, omitting 1, 3.Eusebius Ps 699..·. 4, 5, omitting 1, 2, 3.Eusebius Es 589..·. 1, 3, 4, 5, omitting 2.Clemens Al. 605..·. 1, 2, 4, omitting 3, 5.Greg. Nyss. iii. 379..·. 3, 4, 5, omitting 1, 2.Vulg. Diligite inimicos vestros, benefacite his qui oderunt vos, et orate pro persequentibus et calumniantibus vos..·. 1, 3, 5, 4, omitting 2.Hilary, 297. Benedicite qui vos persequuntur, et orate pro calumniantibus vos ac persequentibus vos..·. 2, 4, 5, omitting thefirst and third.Hilary, 303. Diligite inimicos vestros, et orate pro calumniantibus vos ac persequentibus vos..·. 1, 4, 5, omitting thesecond and third. Cf. 128.Cyprian, 79 (cf. 146). Diligite inimicos vestros, et orate pro his qui vos persequuntur..·. 1, 5, omitting 2, 3, 4.Tertullian. Diligite (enim) inimicos vestros, (inquit,) et orate pro maledicentibus vos—which apparently is meant for a quotation of 1, 2. .·. 1, 2, omitting 3, 4, 5.Tertullian. Diligite (enim) inimicos vestros, (inquit,) et maledicentibus benedicite, et orate pro persecutoribus vestris—which is a quotation of 1, 2, 5. .·. 1, 2, 5, omitting 3, 4.Tertullian. Diligere inimicos, et orare pro eis qui vos persequuntur. .·. 1, 5, omitting 2, 3, 4.Tertullian. Inimicos diligi, maledicentes benedici..·. 1, 2, omitting 3, 4, 5.Ambrose. Diligite inimicos vestros benefacite iis qui oderunt vos: orate pro calumniantibus et persequentibus vos..·. 1, 3, 4, 5, omitting 2.Ambrose. Diligite inimicos vestros, orate pro calumniantibus et persequentibus vos..·. 1, 4, 5, omitting 2, 3.Augustine. Diligite inimicos vestros benefacite his qui vos oderunt: et orate pro eis qui vos persequuntur..·. 1, 3, 5, omitting 2, 4.'Benedicite qui vos persequuntur, et orate pro calumniantibus vos ac persequentibus vos.' Hilary, 297.Cyril Al. twice (i. 270: ii. 807) quotes the place thus,—ευ ποιειτε τους εχθρους 'υμων, και προσευχεσθε 'υπερ των επηρεαζοντων 'υμας.Chrys. (iii. 355) saysαυτος γαρ ειπεν, ευχεσθε 'υπερ των εχθρων ['υμων]and repeats the quotation at iii. 340 and xii. 453.So Tertull. (Apol. c. 31), pro inimicis deum orare, etpersecutoribusnostris bone precari..·. 1, 5.If the lost Greek of Irenaeus (i. 521) were recovered, we should probably findαγαπατε τους εχθρους 'υμων, και προσευχεσθε 'υπερ των μισουντων 'υμας:and of Polycarp (ad Philipp. c. 12),προσευχεσθε 'υπερ των διωκοντων και μισουντων 'υμας.

Origen also (iv. 324 bis, 329 bis, 351) repeatedly gives the place as Tischendorf gives it—but on one occasion, which it will be observed isfatalto his evidence (i. 768), he gives the second member thus,—iv. 353:

και προσευχεσθε 'υπερ των επηρεαζοντων 'υμας..·. 1. 4.

Next observe how Clemens Al. (605) handles the same place:—

αγαπατε τους εχθρους 'υμων, ευλογειτε τους καταρωμενους 'υμας, και προσευχεσθε 'υπερ των επηρεαζυντων 'υμιν, και τα 'ομοια..·. 1, 2, 4.—3, 5.

Justin M. (i. 40) quoting the same place from memory (and with exceeding licence), yet is observed to recognize in partboththe clauses which labour under suspicion:.·. 1, 2, 4.—3, 5.

ευχεσθε 'υπερ των εχθρων 'υμων και αγαπατε τους μισουντας 'υμας, which roughly represents και ευλογειτε τους καταρωμενους 'υμιν και ευχεσθε 'υπερ των επηρεαζοντων 'υμας.

The clause which hitherto lacks support is that which regards τους μισουντας 'υμας. But the required help is supplied by Irenaeus (i. 521), who (loosely enough) quotes the place thus,—

Diligite inimicos vestros, et orate pro eis, qui vos oderunt..·. 1 (made up of 3, 4).—2, 5.

And yet more by the most venerable witness of all, Polycarp, who writes:—ad Philipp. c. 12:—

Orate pro persequentibus et odientibus vos..·. 4, 5.—1, 2, 3.

I have examined [Didaché]Justin,Irenaeus,Eusebius,Hippolytus,Cyril Al.,Greg. Naz.,Basil,Athan.,Didymus,Cyril Hier.,Chrys.,Greg. Nyss.,Epiph.,Theod.,Clemens.

And the following are the results:—

Didaché. Ευλογειτε τους καταρωμενους 'υμιν, και προσευχεσθε 'υπερ των εχθρων 'υμων, νηστευετε 'υπερ των διωκοντων 'υμας ... 'υμεις δε αγαπατε τους μισουντας 'υμας..·. 2, 3, 4, 5.

Aphraates, Dem. ii. The Latin Translation runs:—Diligite inimicos vestros, benedicite ei qui vobis maledicit, orate pro eis qui vos vexunt et persequuntur.

Eusebius Prae 654..·. 2, 4, 5, omitting 1, 3.

Eusebius Ps 699..·. 4, 5, omitting 1, 2, 3.

Eusebius Es 589..·. 1, 3, 4, 5, omitting 2.

Clemens Al. 605..·. 1, 2, 4, omitting 3, 5.

Greg. Nyss. iii. 379..·. 3, 4, 5, omitting 1, 2.

Vulg. Diligite inimicos vestros, benefacite his qui oderunt vos, et orate pro persequentibus et calumniantibus vos..·. 1, 3, 5, 4, omitting 2.

Hilary, 297. Benedicite qui vos persequuntur, et orate pro calumniantibus vos ac persequentibus vos..·. 2, 4, 5, omitting thefirst and third.

Hilary, 303. Diligite inimicos vestros, et orate pro calumniantibus vos ac persequentibus vos..·. 1, 4, 5, omitting thesecond and third. Cf. 128.

Cyprian, 79 (cf. 146). Diligite inimicos vestros, et orate pro his qui vos persequuntur..·. 1, 5, omitting 2, 3, 4.

Tertullian. Diligite (enim) inimicos vestros, (inquit,) et orate pro maledicentibus vos—which apparently is meant for a quotation of 1, 2. .·. 1, 2, omitting 3, 4, 5.

Tertullian. Diligite (enim) inimicos vestros, (inquit,) et maledicentibus benedicite, et orate pro persecutoribus vestris—which is a quotation of 1, 2, 5. .·. 1, 2, 5, omitting 3, 4.

Tertullian. Diligere inimicos, et orare pro eis qui vos persequuntur. .·. 1, 5, omitting 2, 3, 4.

Tertullian. Inimicos diligi, maledicentes benedici..·. 1, 2, omitting 3, 4, 5.

Ambrose. Diligite inimicos vestros benefacite iis qui oderunt vos: orate pro calumniantibus et persequentibus vos..·. 1, 3, 4, 5, omitting 2.

Ambrose. Diligite inimicos vestros, orate pro calumniantibus et persequentibus vos..·. 1, 4, 5, omitting 2, 3.

Augustine. Diligite inimicos vestros benefacite his qui vos oderunt: et orate pro eis qui vos persequuntur..·. 1, 3, 5, omitting 2, 4.

'Benedicite qui vos persequuntur, et orate pro calumniantibus vos ac persequentibus vos.' Hilary, 297.

Cyril Al. twice (i. 270: ii. 807) quotes the place thus,—

ευ ποιειτε τους εχθρους 'υμων, και προσευχεσθε 'υπερ των επηρεαζοντων 'υμας.

Chrys. (iii. 355) says

αυτος γαρ ειπεν, ευχεσθε 'υπερ των εχθρων ['υμων]

and repeats the quotation at iii. 340 and xii. 453.

So Tertull. (Apol. c. 31), pro inimicis deum orare, etpersecutoribusnostris bone precari..·. 1, 5.

If the lost Greek of Irenaeus (i. 521) were recovered, we should probably find

αγαπατε τους εχθρους 'υμων, και προσευχεσθε 'υπερ των μισουντων 'υμας:

and of Polycarp (ad Philipp. c. 12),

προσευχεσθε 'υπερ των διωκοντων και μισουντων 'υμας.

[333]Dialogus Adamantiiis not adducible within my limits, because 'it is in all probability the production of a later age.' My number was eight.

[334]Observe that 5 = 'υπερ ... των διωκοντων.For—Didache (§ 1), 2 (3), 3 (2), 4, 5.Polycarp (xii), 3 (2), 5.Justin Martyr, Apol. i. 15, 3 (2), 2 (3), 4 (4), 5? 'υπερ των εχθρων (=διωκοντων?), but the passage more like St. Luke, the context more like St. Matt., ver. 45.Athenagoras (Leg. pro Christian. 11), 1, 2 (3). 5. ver. 45.Tertullian (De Patient, vi), 1, 2 (3), 5, pt. ver. 45. Add Apol. c. 31. 1, 5.Theophilus Ant. (Ad Autolycum iii. 14), 1, 4 (4), 'υπερ and ver. 46.Clemens Alex. (Strom, iv. 14), 1, 2 (3), 4 (4), pt. ver. 45; (Strom, vii. 14), favours St. Matt.Origen (De Orat. i), 1, 4 (4), 'υπερ and in the middle of two quotations from St. Matthew; (Cels. viii. 45), 1, 4 (4) 'υπερ and all ver. 45.Eusebius (Praep. Evan. xiii. 7), 2 (3), 4 (4), 5, all ver. 45; (Comment, in Is. 66), 1, 3 (2), 4 (4), 5, also ver. 45; (In Ps. cviii), 4, 5.Apost. Const, (i. 2), 1, 3 (2), 4 (4), 5, 'υπερ and ver. 45.Greg. Naz. (Orat. iv. 124), 2 (3), 4 (4), 5, 'υπερευχεσθαι.Greg. Nyss. (In Bapt. Christi), 3 (2), 4 (4), 5, 'υπερ, ver. 45.Lucifer (Pro S. Athan. ii) omits 4 (4), but quotes ver. 44 ... end of chapter.Pacianus (Epist. ii), 2 (3), 5.Hilary (Tract, in Ps. cxviii. 9. 9), 2 (3), 4 (4), 5; (ibid. 10. 16), 1, 4 (4), 5. (The reviewer omits 'ac persequentibus vos' in both cases.)Ambrose (In Ps. xxxviii. 2), 1, 3, 4, 5; (In Ps. xxxviii. 10), 1, 4 (4), 5.Aphraates (Dem. ii), 1, 2 (3), 4 (4), 5, εθνικοι.Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (p. 89), 2 (3), 3 (2), 4 (4), ver. 45.Number = 25.

[334]Observe that 5 = 'υπερ ... των διωκοντων.

For—

Didache (§ 1), 2 (3), 3 (2), 4, 5.

Polycarp (xii), 3 (2), 5.

Justin Martyr, Apol. i. 15, 3 (2), 2 (3), 4 (4), 5? 'υπερ των εχθρων (=διωκοντων?), but the passage more like St. Luke, the context more like St. Matt., ver. 45.

Athenagoras (Leg. pro Christian. 11), 1, 2 (3). 5. ver. 45.

Tertullian (De Patient, vi), 1, 2 (3), 5, pt. ver. 45. Add Apol. c. 31. 1, 5.

Theophilus Ant. (Ad Autolycum iii. 14), 1, 4 (4), 'υπερ and ver. 46.

Clemens Alex. (Strom, iv. 14), 1, 2 (3), 4 (4), pt. ver. 45; (Strom, vii. 14), favours St. Matt.

Origen (De Orat. i), 1, 4 (4), 'υπερ and in the middle of two quotations from St. Matthew; (Cels. viii. 45), 1, 4 (4) 'υπερ and all ver. 45.

Eusebius (Praep. Evan. xiii. 7), 2 (3), 4 (4), 5, all ver. 45; (Comment, in Is. 66), 1, 3 (2), 4 (4), 5, also ver. 45; (In Ps. cviii), 4, 5.

Apost. Const, (i. 2), 1, 3 (2), 4 (4), 5, 'υπερ and ver. 45.

Greg. Naz. (Orat. iv. 124), 2 (3), 4 (4), 5, 'υπερευχεσθαι.

Greg. Nyss. (In Bapt. Christi), 3 (2), 4 (4), 5, 'υπερ, ver. 45.

Lucifer (Pro S. Athan. ii) omits 4 (4), but quotes ver. 44 ... end of chapter.

Pacianus (Epist. ii), 2 (3), 5.

Hilary (Tract, in Ps. cxviii. 9. 9), 2 (3), 4 (4), 5; (ibid. 10. 16), 1, 4 (4), 5. (The reviewer omits 'ac persequentibus vos' in both cases.)

Ambrose (In Ps. xxxviii. 2), 1, 3, 4, 5; (In Ps. xxxviii. 10), 1, 4 (4), 5.

Aphraates (Dem. ii), 1, 2 (3), 4 (4), 5, εθνικοι.

Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (p. 89), 2 (3), 3 (2), 4 (4), ver. 45.

Number = 25.

[335]See Traditional Text, p. 55.

[336]For one of the two most important omissions in the New Testament, viz. thePericope de Adultera, see Appendix I. See also Appendix II.

[337]Westcott and Hort, Introduction, p. 134.

One of the most prolific sources of Corrupt Readings, isTransposition, or the arbitrary inversion of the order of the sacred words,—generally in the subordinate clauses of a sentence. The extent to which this prevails in Codexes of the type of B[Symbol: Aleph]CD passes belief. It is not merely the occasional writing of ταυτα παντα for παντα ταυτα,—or 'ο λαος ουτος for ουτος 'ο λαος, to which allusion is now made: for if that were all, the phenomenon would admit of loyal explanation and excuse. But what I speak of is a systematic putting to wrong of the inspired words throughout the entire Codex; an operation which was evidently regarded in certain quarters as a lawful exercise of critical ingenuity,—perhaps was looked upon as an elegant expedient to be adopted for improving the style of the original without materially interfering with the sense.

Let me before going further lay before the reader a few specimens of Transposition.

Take for example St. Mark i. 5,—και εβαπτιζοντο παντες,—is unreasonably turned into παντες και εβαπτιζοντο; whereby the meaning of the Evangelical record becomeschanged, for παντες is now made to agree with 'Ιεροσολυμιται, and the Evangelist is represented as making the very strong assertion thatallthe people of Jerusalem came to St. John and were baptized. This is the private property of BDLΔ.

And sometimes I find short clauses added which I prefer to ascribe to the misplaced critical assiduity of ancient Critics. Confessedly spurious, these accretions to the genuine text often bear traces of pious intelligence, and occasionally of considerable ability. I do not suppose that they 'crept in' from the margin: but that they were inserted by men who entirely failed to realize the wrongness of what they did,—the mischievous consequences which might possibly ensue from their well-meant endeavours to improve the work of theHoly Ghost.

[Take again St. Mark ii. 3, in which the order in προς αυτον παραλυτικον φεροντες,—is changed by [Symbol: Aleph]BL into φεροντες προς αυτον παραλυτικον. A few words are needed to explain to those who have not carefully examined the passage the effect of this apparently slight alteration. Our Lord was in a house at Capernaum with a thick crowd of people around Him: there was no room even at the door. Whilst He was there teaching, a company of people come to Him (ερχονται προς αυτον), four of the party carrying a paralytic on a bed. When they arrive at the house, a few of the company, enough to represent the whole, force their way in and reach Him: but on looking back they see that the rest are unable to bring the paralytic near to Him (προσεγγισαι αυτω[338]). Upon which they all go out and uncover the roof, take up the sick man on his bed, and the rest of the familiar story unfolds itself. Some officious scribe wished to remove all antiquity arising from the separation of παραλυτικονfrom αιρομενον which agrees with it, and transposed φεροντες to the verb it is attached to, thus clumsily excluding the exquisite hint, clear enough to those who can read between the lines, that in the ineffectual attempt to bring in the paralytic only some of the company reached our Lord's Presence. Of course the scribe in question found followers in [Symbol: Aleph]BL.]

It will be seen therefore that some cases of transposition are of a kind which is without excuse and inadmissible. Such transposition consists in drawing back a word which occurs further on, but is thus introduced into a new context, and gives a new sense. It seems to be assumed that since the words are all there, so long as they be preserved, their exact collocation is of no moment. Transpositions of that kind, to speak plainly, are important only as affording conclusive proof that such copies as B[Symbol: Aleph]D preserve a text which has undergone a sort of critical treatment which is so obviously indefensible that the Codexes themselves, however interesting as monuments of a primitive age,—however valuable commercially and to be prized by learned and unlearned alike for their unique importance,—are yet to be prized chiefly as beacon-lights preserved by a watchful Providence to warn every voyaging bark against making shipwreck on a shore already strewn with wrecks[339].

Transposition may sometimes be as conveniently illustrated in English as in Greek. St. Luke relates (Acts ii. 45, 46) that the first believers sold their goods 'and parted them to all men, as every man had need. And they, continuing daily,' &c. For this, Cod. D reads, 'and parted them daily to all men as every man had need. And they continued in the temple.'

It is difficult to divine for what possible reason most of these transpositions were made. On countless occasions they do not in the least affect the sense. Often, they are incapable of being idiomatically represented, in English. Generally speaking, they are of no manner of importance, except as tokens of the licence which was claimed by disciples, as I suspect, of the Alexandrian school [or exercised unintentionally by careless or ignorant Western copyists]. But there arise occasions when we cannot afford to be so trifled with. An important change in the meaning of a sentence is sometimes effected by transposing its clauses; and on one occasion, as I venture to think, the prophetic intention of the Speaker is obscured in consequence. I allude to St. Luke xiii. 9, where under the figure of a barren fig-tree, ourLordhints at what is to befall the Jewish people, because in the fourth year of His Ministry it remained unfruitful. 'Lo, these three years,' (saith He to the dresser of His Vineyard), 'come I seeking fruit on this fig-tree, and find none; cut it down; why cumbereth it the ground?' 'Spare it for this year also' (is the rejoinder), 'and if it bear fruit,—well: but if not, next year thou shalt cut it down.' But on the strength of [Symbol: Aleph]BLTw, some recent Critics would have us read,—'And if it bear fruit next year,—well: but if not, thou shalt cut it down':—which clearly would add a year to the season of the probation of the Jewish race. The limit assigned in the genuine text is the fourth year: in the corrupt text of [Symbol: Aleph]BLTw, two bad Cursives, and the two chief Egyptian versions, this period becomes extended to the fifth.

To reason about such transpositions of words, a wearisome proceeding at best, soon degenerates into the veriest trifling. Sometimes, the order of the words is reallyimmaterial to the sense. Even when a different shade of meaning is the result of a different collocation, that will seem the better order to one man which seems not to be so to another. The best order of course is that which most accurately exhibits the Author's precise shade of meaning: but of this the Author is probably the only competent judge. On our side, an appeal to actual evidence is obviously the only resource: since in no other way can we reasonably expect to ascertain what was the order of the words in the original document. And surely such an appeal can be attended with only one result: viz. the unconditional rejection of the peculiar and often varying order advocated by the very few Codexes,—a cordial acceptance of the order exhibited by every document in the world besides.

I will content myself with inviting attention to one or two samples of my meaning. It has been made a question whether St. Luke (xxiv. 7) wrote,—λεγων, 'Οτι δει τον 'υιον του ανθρωπου παραδοθηναι, as all the MSS. in the world but four, all the Versions, and all the available Fathers'[340]evidence fromA.D.150 downwards attest: or whether he wrote,—λεγων τον 'υιον του ανθρωπου 'οτι δει παραδοθηναι, as [Symbol: Aleph]BCL,—and those four documents only—would have us believe? [The point which first strikes a scholar is that there is in this reading a familiar classicism which is alien to the style of the Gospels, and which may be a symptom of an attempt on the part of some early critic who was seeking to bring them into agreement with ancient Greek models.] But surely also it is even obvious that the correspondence of those four Codexes in such a particular as this must needs be the result of their having derived the reading from one and the same original. On the contrary,the agreement of all the rest in a trifling matter of detail like the present can be accounted for in only one way, viz., by presuming that they also have all been derived through various lines of descent from a single document: butthatdocument the autograph of the Evangelist. [For the great number and variety of them necessitates their having been derived through various lines of descent. Indeed, they must have the notes of number, variety, as well as continuity, and weight also.]

On countless occasions doubtless, it is very difficult—perhaps impossible—to determine, apart from external evidence, which collocation of two or more words is the true one, whether e.g. εχει ζωην for instance or ζωην εχει[341],—ηγερθη ευθεως or ευθεως ηγερθη[342],—χωλους, τυφλους—or τυφλους, χωλους[343],—shall be preferred. The burden of proof rests evidently with innovators on Traditional use.

Obvious at the same time is it to foresee that if a man sits down before the Gospel with the deliberate intention of improving the style of the Evangelists by transposing their words on an average of seven (B), eight ([Symbol: Aleph]), or twelve (D) times in every page, he is safe to convict himself of folly in repeated instances, long before he has reached the end of his task. Thus, when the scribe of [Symbol: Aleph], in place of εξουσιαν εδωκεν αυτω και κρισιν ποιειν[344], presents us with και κρισιν εδωκεν αυτω εξουσιαν ποιειν, we hesitate not to say that he has written nonsense[345]. And when BD instead of εισι τινες των ωδε 'εστηκοτων exhibit εισε των ωδε των 'εστηκοτων, we cannot but conclude thatthe credit of those two MSS. must be so far lowered in the eyes of every one who with true appreciation of the niceties of Greek scholarship observes what has been done.

[This characteristic of the old uncials is now commended to the attention of students, who will find in the folios of those documents plenty of instances for examination. Most of the cases of Transposition are petty enough, whilst some, as the specimens already presented to the reader indicate, constitute blots not favourable to the general reputation of the copies on which they are found. Indeed, they are so frequent that they have grown to be a very habit, and must have propagated themselves. For it is in this secondary character rather than in any first intention, so to speak, that Transpositions, together with Omissions and Substitutions and Additions, have become to some extent independent causes of corruption. Originally produced by other forces, they have acquired a power of extension in themselves.

It is hoped that the passages already quoted may be found sufficient to exhibit the character of the large class of instances in which the pure Text of the original Autographs has been corrupted by Transposition. That it has been so corrupted, is proved by the evidence which is generally overpowering in each case. There has clearly been much intentional perversion: carelessness also and ignorance of Greek combined with inveterate inaccuracy, characteristics especially of Western corruption as may be seen in Codex D and the Old Latin versions, must have had their due share in the evil work. The result has been found in constant slurs upon the sacred pages, lessening the beauty and often perverting the sense,—a source of sorrow to the keen scholar and reverent Christian, and reiterated indignity done in wantonness or heedlessness to the pure and easy flow of the Holy Books.]

[All the Corruption in the Sacred Text may be classed under four heads, viz. Omission, Transposition, Substitution, and Addition. We are entirely aware that, in the arrangement adopted in this Volume for purposes of convenience, Scientific Method has been neglected. The inevitable result must be that passages are capable of being classed under more heads than one. But Logical exactness is of less practical value than a complete and suitable treatment of the corrupted passages that actually occur in the four Gospels.

It seems therefore needless to supply with a scrupulousness that might bore our readers a disquisition upon Substitution which has not forced itself into a place amongst Dean Burgon's papers, although it is found in a fragmentary plan of this part of the treatise. Substituted forms or words or phrases, such as ΟΣ ('ος) for ΘΣ (Θεος)[346]ηπορει for εποιει (St. Mark vi. 20), or ουκ οιδατε δοκιμαζειν for δοκιμαζετε (St. Luke xii. 56), have their own special causes of substitution, and are naturally and best considered under the cause which in each case gave them birth.

Yet the class of Substitutions is a large one, if Modifications, as they well may be, are added to it[347]. It will be readily concluded that some substitutions are serious, some of less importance, and many trivial. Of the more important class, the reading of 'αμαρτηματος for κρισεως (St. Mark iii. 29) which the Revisers have adopted in compliance with [Symbol: Aleph]BLΔ and three Cursives, is a specimen. It is true that D reads 'αμαρτιας supported by the first corrector of C, and three of the Ferrar group (13, 69, 346): and that the change adopted is supported by the Old Latin versions except f, the Vulgate, Bohairic, Armenian, Gothic, Lewis, and Saxon. But the opposition which favours κρισεως is made up of A, C under the first reading and the second correction, ΦΣ and eleven other Uncials, the great bulk of the Cursives, f, Peshitto, and Harkleian, and is superior in strength. The internal evidence is also in favour of the Traditional reading, both as regards the usage of ενοχος, and the natural meaning given by κρισεως. 'αμαρτηματος has clearly crept in from ver. 28. Other instances of Substitution may be found in the well-known St. Luke xxiii. 45 (του 'ηλιου εκλιποντος), St. Matt. xi. 27 (βουληται αποκαλυψαι), St. Matt. xxvii. 34 (οινον for οξος), St. Mark i. 2 ('ησαια for τοις προφηταις), St. John i. 18 ('ο Μονογενης Θεος being a substitution made by heretics for 'ο Μονογενης 'υιος), St. Mark vii. 31 (δια Σιδωνος for και Σιδωνος). These instances may perhaps suffice: many more may suggest themselves to intelligent readers. Though most are trivial, their cumulative force is extremely formidable. Many of these changes arose from various causes which are described in many other places in this book.]

[The smallest of the four Classes, which upon a pure survey of the outward form divide among themselves the surface of the entire field of Corruption, is that of Additions[348]. And the reason of their smallness of number is discoverable at once. Whilst it is but too easy for scribes or those who have a love of criticism to omit words and passages under all circumstances, or even to vary the order, or to use another word or form instead of the right one, to insert anything into the sacred Text which does not proclaim too glaringly its own unfitness—in a word, to invent happily—is plainly a matter of much greater difficulty. Therefore to increase the Class of Insertions or Additions or Interpolations, so that it should exceed the Class of Omissions, is to go counter to the natural action of human forces. There is no difficulty in leaving out large numbers of the Sacred Words: but there is much difficulty in placing in the midst of them human words, possessed of such a character and clothed in such an uniform, as not to betray to keen observation their earthly origin.

A few examples will set this truth in clearer light. It is remarkable that efforts at interpolation occur most copiously amongst the books of those who are least fitted to make them. We naturally look amongst the representatives of the Western school where Greek was less understood than in the East where Greek acumen was imperfectly represented by Latin activity, and where translation into Latin and retranslation into Greek was a prolific cause of corruption. Take then the following passage from the Codex D (St. Luke vi. 4):—

'On the same day He beheld a certain man working on the sabbath, and said to him, "Man, blessed art thou if thou knowest what thou doest; but if thou knowest not, thou art cursed and a transgressor of the law."'

And another from the Curetonian Syriac (St. Matt. xx. 28), which occurs under a worse form in D.

'But seek ye from little to become greater, and not from greater to become less. When ye are invited to supper in a house, sit not down in the best place, lest some one come who is more honourable than thou, and the lord of the supper say to thee, "Go down below," and thou be ashamed in the presence of them that have sat down. But if thou sit down in the lower place, and one who is inferior to thee come in, the lord also of the supper will say to thee, "Come near, and come up, and sit down," and thou shalt have greater honour in the presence of them that have sat down.'

Who does not see that there is in these two passages no real 'ring of genuineness'?

Take next some instances of lesser insertions.]

Conspicuous beyond all things in the Centurion of Capernaum (St. Matt. viii. 13) was his faith. It occasioned wonder even in the Son of Man. Do we not, in thesignificant statement, that when they who had been sent returned to the house, 'they found the servant whole that had been sick[349],' recognize by implication the assurance that the Centurion, because he needed no such confirmation of his belief, wentnotwith them; but enjoyed the twofold blessedness of remaining withChrist, and of believing without seeing? I think so. Be this however as it may, [Symbol: Aleph]CEMUX besides about fifty cursives, append to St. Matt. viii. 13 the clearly apocryphal statement, 'And the Centurion returning to his house in that same hour found the servant whole.' It does not improve the matter to find that Eusebius[350], besides the Harkleian and the Ethiopic versions, recognize the same appendix. We are thankful, that no one yet has been found to advocate the adoption of this patent accretion to the inspired text. Its origin is not far to seek. I presume it was inserted in order to give a kind of finish to the story[351].

[Another and that a most remarkable Addition may be found in St. Matt. xxiv. 36, into which the words ουδε 'ο 'υιος, 'neither the Son' have been transferred from St. Mark xiii. 32 in compliance with a wholly insufficient body of authorities. Lachmann was the leader in this proceeding, and he has been followed by Tischendorf, Westcott and Hort, and the Revisers. The latter body add in their margin, 'Many authorities, some ancient, omitneither the Son.' How inadequate to the facts of the case this description is, will be seen when the authorities are enumerated. But first of those who have been regarded by the majority of the Revisers as the disposers of their decision, according to the information supplied by Tischendorf.

They are (a) of Uncials [Symbol: Aleph] (in the first reading and as re-corrected in the seventh century) BD; (b) five Cursives (for a present of 346 may be freely made to Tischendorf); (c) ten Old Latin copies also the Aureus (Words.), some of the Vulgate (four according to Wordsworth), the Palestinian, Ethiopic, Armenian; (d) Origen (Lat. iii. 874), Hilary (733a), Cyril Alex. (Mai Nova Pp. Bibliotheca, 481), Ambrose (i. 1478f). But Irenaeus (Lat. i. 386), Cyril (Zach. 800), Chrysostom (ad locum) seem to quote from St. Mark. So too, as Tischendorf admits, Amphilochius.

On the other hand we have, (a) the chief corrector of [Symbol: Aleph](ca)ΦΣ with thirteen other Uncials and the Greek MSS.of Adamantius and Pierius mentioned by Jerome[352]; (b) all the Cursives, as far as is known (except the aforenamed); (c) the Vulgate, with the Peshitto, Harkletan, Lewis, Bohairic, and the Sahidic; (d) Jerome (in the place just now quoted), St. Basil who contrasts the text of St. Matthew with that of St. Mark, Didymus, who is also express in declaring that the three words in dispute are not found in St. Matthew (Trin. 195), St. John Damascene (ii. 346), Apollonius Philosophus (Galland. ix. 247), Euthymius Zigabenus (in loc), Paulinus (iii. 12), St. Ambrose (ii. 656a), and Anastasius Sinaita (Migne, lxxxix. 941).

Theophylact (i. 133), Hesychius Presb. (Migne, lxiii. 142) Eusebius (Galland. ix. 580), Facundus Herm. (Galland. xi. 782), Athanasius (ii. 660), quote the words as from the Gospel without reference, and may therefore refer to St. Mark. Phoebadius (Galland. v. 251), though quoted against the Addition by Tischendorf, is doubtful.

On which side the balance of evidence inclines, our readers will judge. But at least they cannot surely justify the assertion made by the majority of the Revisers, that the Addition is opposed only by 'many authorities, some ancient,' or at any rate that this is a fair and adequate description of the evidence opposed to their decision.

An instance occurs in St. Mark iii. 16 which illustrates the carelessness and tastelessness of the handful of authorities to which it pleases many critics to attribute ruling authority. In the fourteenth verse, it had been already stated that our Lord 'ordained twelve,' και εποιησε δωδεκα; but because [Symbol: Aleph]BΔ and C (which was corrected in the ninth century with a MS. of the Ethiopic) reiterate these words two versesfurther on, Tischendorf with Westcott and Hort assume that it is necessary to repeat what has been so recently told. Meanwhile eighteen other uncials (including AΦΣ and the third hand of C); nearly all the Cursives; the Old Latin, Vulgate, Peshitto, Lewis, Harkleian, Gothic, Armenian, and the other MSS. of the Ethiopic omit them. It is plainly unnecessary to strengthen such an opposition by researches in the pages of the Fathers.

Explanation has been already given, how the introductions to Lections, and other Liturgical formulae, have been added by insertion to the Text in various places. Thus 'ο Ιησους has often been inserted, and in some places remains wrongly (in the opinion of Dean Burgon) in the pages of the Received Text. The three most important additions to the Received Text occur, as Dean Burgon thought, in St. Matt. vi. 18, where εν τω φανερω has crept in from v. 6 against the testimony of a large majority both of Uncial and of Cursive MSS.: in St. Matt. xxv. 13, where the clause εν 'η 'ο 'υιος του ανθρωπου ερχεται seemed to him to be condemned by a superior weight of authority: and in St. Matt. xxvii. 35, where the quotation ('ινα πληρωθη ... εβαλον κληρον) must be taken for similar reasons to have been originally a gloss.]

FOOTNOTES:

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