FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[1]In this paper I have rewritten and enlarged an address before the State Historical Society of Wisconsin on the Character and Influence of the Fur Trade in Wisconsin, published in the Proceedings of the Thirty-sixth Annual Meeting, 1889. I am under obligations to Mr. Reuben G. Thwaites, Secretary of this society, for his generous assistance in procuring material for my work, and to Professor Charles H. Haskins, my colleague, who kindly read both manuscript and proof and made helpful suggestions. The reader will notice that throughout the paper I have used the wordNorthwestin a limited sense as referring to the region included between the Great Lakes and the Ohio and Mississippi rivers.[2]On the trading colony, see Roscher und Jannasch, Colonien, p. 12.[3]Consult: Müllenhoff, Altertumskunde I., 212; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples, New York, 1890, pp. 348 ff.; Pliny, Naturalis Historia, xxvii., 11; Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 98-99; Du Chaillu, Viking Age; and the citations in Dawkins, Early Man in Britain, 466-7; Keary, Vikings in Western Christendom, 23.[4]In illustration it may be noted that the early Scandinavian power in Russia seized upon the trade route by the Dnieper and the Duna. Keary, Vikings, 173. See alsopost, pp. 36, 38.[5]Starcke, Primitive Family.[6]Schrader, l.c.; see also Ihring, inDeutsche Rundschau, III., 357, 420; Kulischer, Der Handel auf primitiven Kulturstufen, inZeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft, X., 378.Vide post, p. 10.[7]W. Bosworth Smith, in a suggestive article in theNineteenth Century, December, 1887, shows the influence of the Mohammedan trade in Africa.[8]Smithsonian Report, 1872.[9]Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 1889, VII., 59. See also Thruston, Antiquities of Tennessee, 79 ff.[10]Mallery, in Bureau of Ethnology, I., 324; Clark, Indian Sign Language.[11]Shea, Discovery of the Mississippi, 34. Catilinite pipes were widely used, even along the Atlantic slope, Thruston, 80-81.[12]Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, I., ch. ii.[13]Minnesota Historical Collections, V., 267.[14]Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, 230, citing Menendez.[15]Neill, in Narrative and Critical History of America, IV., 164.[16]Champlain's Voyages (Prince Society), III., 183.[17]Morton, New English Canaan (Prince Society), 159.[18]Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, 32.[19]For additional evidence see Radisson, Voyages (Prince Society), 91, 173; Massachusetts Historical Collections, I., 151; Smithsonian Contributions, XVI., 30; Jesuit Relations, 1671, 41; Thruston, Antiquities, etc., 79-82; Carr, Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, 25, 27; andpostpp. 26-7, 36.[20]Reeves, Finding of Wineland the Good, 47.[21]N.Y. Hist. Colls., I., 54-55, 59.[22]Smith, Generall Historie (Richmond, 1819), I., 87-8, 182, 199; Strachey's Travaile into Virginia, 157 (Hakluyt Soc. VI.); Parkman, Pioneers, 230.[23]Bradford, Plymouth Plantation.[24]Bradford, 104.[25]E.g., Plymouth Records, I., 50, 54, 62, 119; II., 10; Massachusetts Colonial Records, I., 55, 81, 96, 100, 322; II., 86, 138; III., 424; V., 180; Hazard, Historical Collections, II., 19 (the Commissioners of the United Colonies propose giving the monopoly of the fur trade to a corporation). On public truck-houses,vide post, p. 58.[26]Bradford, 108, gives the proceeds of the sale of these furs.[27]Force, Collections, Vol. I., No. 5, p. 53.[28]Weeden, I., 132, 160-1.[29]Winthrop, History of New England, I., 111, 131.[30]Connecticut Colonial Records, 1637, pp. 11, 18.[31]Weeden, I., 126.[32]New York Colonial Documents, I., 181, 389, §7.[33]Ibid.182; Collection de manuscrits relatifs à la Nouvelle-France, I., 254; Radisson, 93.[34]Parkman, Jesuits in North America; Radisson; Margry, Découvertes et Établissemens, etc., IV., 586-598; Tailhan, Nicholas Perrot.[35]Morgan, League of the Iroquois.[36]N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 408-9; V., 687, 726; Histoire et Commerce des Colonies Angloises, 154.[37]N.Y. Col. Docs., III., 471, 474; IX., 298, 319.[38]Ibid.IX., 57. The same proposal was made in 1681 by Du Chesneau,ibid.IX., 165.[39]Parkman's works; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 165; Shea's Charlevoix, IV., 16: "The English, indeed, as already remarked, from that time shared with the French in the fur trade; and this was the chief motive of their fomenting war between us and the Iroquois, inasmuch as they could get no good furs, which come from the northern districts, except by means of these Indians, who could scarcely effect a reconciliation with us without precluding them from this precious mine."[40]Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 50.[41]Charter of 1606.[42]Ramsay, Tennessee, 63.[43]On the Southwestern Indians see Adair, American Indians.[44]Ramsay, 75.[45]Spottswood's Letters, Virginia Hist. Colls., N.S., I., 67.[46]Byrd Manuscripts, I., 180. The reader will find a convenient map for the southern region in Roosevelt, Winning of the West, I.[47]Spottswood's Letters, I., 40; II., 149, 150.[48]Ramsay, 64. Note the bearing of this route on the Holston settlement.[49]Georgia Historical Collections, I., 180; II., 123-7.[50]Spottswood. II., 331, for example.[51]Ramsay, 65.[52]Boone, Life and Adventures.[53]Observations on the North American Land Co., pp. xv., 144, London, 1796.[54]Margry, VI.[55]Allen, Lewis and Clarke Expedition, I., ix.;vide post, pp. 70-71.[56]Vide post, p. 71.[57]Century Magazine, XLI., 759.[58]Jessie Benton Frémont inCentury Magazine, XLI., 766-7.[59]Century Magazine, XLI., p. 759;vide post, p. 74.[60]Parkman's works, particularly Old Régime, make any discussion of the importance of the fur trade to Canada proper unnecessary. La Hontan says: "For you must know that Canada subsists only upon the trade of skins or furs, three-fourths of which come from the people that live around the Great Lakes." La Hontan, I., 53, London, 1703.[61]Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., VIII., 10-11.[62]Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., IV., 224, n. 1; Margry, V. See also Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., map and pp. 38-9, 128.[63]Mackinaw.[64]See Doty's enumeration, Wis. Hist. Colls., VII., 202.[65]Jes. Rels., 1672, p. 37; La Hontan, I., 105 (1703).[66]On these early locations, consult the authorities cited by Shea in Wis. Hist. Colls., III., 125et seq., and by Branson in his criticism on Shea,ibid.IV., 223. See also Butterfield's Discovery of the Northwest in 1634, andMag. West. Hist., V., 468, 630; and Minn. Hist. Colls., V.[67]Some early estimates were as follows: 1640, "Great numbers" (Margry, I., 48); 1718, 80 to 100 warriors (N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 889); 1728, 60 or 80 warriors (Margry, VI., 553); 1736, 90 warriors (Chaurignerie, cited in Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, III., 282); 1761, 150 warriors (Gorrell, Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 32).[68]Margry, I., 46.[69]Jes. Rels., 1667, 1670.[70]1718, estimated at 80 to 100 warriors (N.Y. Col. Docs., IX.,889); 1762, estimated at 150 warriors (Gorrell, Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 32).[71]Jes. Rels., 1670.[72]French leagues.[73]1670, Foxes estimated at 400 warriors (Jes. Rels., 1670); 1667, Foxes, 1000 warriors (Jes. Rels., 1667); 1695, Foxes and Mascoutins, 1200 warriors (N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 633); 1718, Sauks 100 or 120, Foxes 500 warriors (2 Penn. Archives, VI., 54); 1728, Foxes, 200 warriors (Margry, V.); 1762, Sauks and Foxes, 700 warriors (Gorrell, Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 32). This, it must be observed, was after the Fox wars.[74]Jes. Rels., 1670; Butterfield's Discovery of the Northwest.[75]In 1820 those in Wisconsin numbered about 600 hunters.[76]On these Indians consult, besides authorities already cited, Shea's Discovery, etc. lx.; Jes. Rels.; Narr. and Crit. Hist. of Amer., IV., 168-170, 175; Radisson's Voyages; Margry, IV., 586-598.[77]Jes. Rels., 1666-7.[78]Jes. Rels., 1670.[79]Histoire du Canada, 193-4 (edition of 1866).[80]Dablon, Jesuit Relations, 1671.[81]See Parkman, Pioneers, 429 ff. (1890).[82]Margry, I., 50. The date rests on inference; see Bibliography of Nicolet in Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., and cf. Hebberd, Wisconsin under French Dominion, 14.[83]N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 160.[84]Margry, VI., 3; Coll. de Mamiscrits, I., 255, where the date is wrongly given as 1676. The italics are ours.[85]Radisson, Voyages (Prince Soc. Pubs.); Margry, I., 53-55, 83; Jes. Rels., 1660; Wis. Hist. Colls., X., XI; Narrative and Critical Hist. Amer., IV., 168-173.[86]Cf. Radisson, 173-5, and Jes. Rels., 1660, pp. 12, 30; 1663, pp. 17 ff.[87]Pottawattomies in the region of Green Bay.[88]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 67-8.[89]Ibid.XI., 90.[90]Radisson, 200, 217, 219.[91]Suite, in Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Science, Arts and Letters, V., 141; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 153, 140,152; Margry, VI., 3; Parkman, Old Régime, 310-315.[92]Cf. Jes. Rels., 1670, p. 92.[93]History of United States, II., 138 (1884).[94]Harrisse, Notes sur la Nouvelle France, 174-181.[95]Parkman, Old Régime, 328 ff., and La Salle, 98; Margry, II., 251; Radisson, 173.[96]See Talon's report quoted in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., IV., 175.[97]Margry abounds in evidences of La Salle's commercial activity, as does Parkman's La Salle. See also Dunn, Indiana, 20-1.[98]Margry, II., 254.[99]Margry, II., 251.[100]Tailhan's Perrot, 57.[101]Jes. Rels., 1670.[102]La Hontan, I., 53; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 159; Parkman, Old Régime, 305.[103]Margry, VI., 45.[104]Margry, I., 81.[105]N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 187. On the cost of such expeditions, see documents in Margry, I., 293-296; VI., 503-507. On the profits of the trade, see La Salle in 2 Penna. Archives, VI., 18-19.[106]See Radisson,ante, p. 28.[107]Vide post, p. 62.[108]Vide ante, p. 14; Radisson, 154; Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 427. Compare the effects of the introduction of bronze weapons into Europe.[109]Margry, II., 234. On the power possessed by the French through this trade consult also D'Iberville's plan for locating Wisconsin Indians on the Illinois by changing their trading posts; see Margry, IV., 586-598.[110]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 67-8, 90; Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., IV., 182; Perrot, 327; Margry, VI., 507-509, 653-4.[111]N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 296, 308; IV., 735.[112]Quoted in Sheldon, Early History of Michigan, 310.[113]Tailhan's Perrot, 156.[114]Wis. Hist. Colls., X., 54, 300-302, 307, 321.[115]Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., IV., 186.[116]Margry, VI., 60. Near Ashland, Wis.[117]Consult French MSS., 3d series, VI., Parl. Library, Ottawa, cited in Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 422; Id., V., 425. In 1731 M. La Ronde, having constructed at his own expense a bark of forty tons on Lake Superior, received the post of La Pointe de Chagouamigon as a gratuity to defray his expenses. See also the story of Verenderye's posts, in Parkman's article inAtlantic Monthly, June, 1887, and Margry, VI. See also 2 Penna. Archives, VI., 18; La Hontan, I., 53; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 159; Tailhan, Perrot, 302.[118]La Hontan, I., 105.[119]Near Ashland, Wis.[120]Tailhan, Perrot, 139, 302.[121]Frontenac, 315-316. Cf. Perrot, 302.[122]Perrot, 331; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 633.[123]Ibid.[124]N.Y. Col. Docs., IV., 732-7.[125]N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 673.[126]Shea, Early Voyages, 49.[127]Kingsford, Canada, II., 394; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 635.[128]Margry, V.,219.[129]Ibid.IV., 597.[130]Wis. Hist. Colls., III., 149; Smith, Wisconsin, II., 315.[131]Coll. de Manus., III., 622.[132]See Hebberd's account, Wisconsin under French Dominion; Coll. de Manus., I., 623; Smith, Wisconsin, II., 315.[133]Margry, VI., 543.[134]Tailhan, Perrot,passim; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 570, 619, 621; Margry, VI., 507-509, 553, 653-4; Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 422, 425; Wis. Hist. Colls., III., 154.[135]N.Y. Col. Docs., V., 726 ff.[136]Ibid.IV., 732, 735, 796-7; V., 687, 911.[137]Margry, VI., 553, 563, 575-580; Neill inMag. Western History, November, 1887.[138]Perrot, 148; Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 42; Hebberd, Wisconsin under French Dominion, chapters on the Fox wars.[139]Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 190-1.[140]Oneida county.[141]Sawyer county.[142]Margry, VI.[143]Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 84, and citations;vide post, p. 41.[144]Fergus, Historical Series, No. 12; Breese, Early History of Illinois; Dunn, Indiana; Hubbard, Memorials of a Half Century; Monette, History of the Valley of the Mississippi, I., ch. iv.[145]Henry, Travels, ch. x.[146]See Memoir in Wis. Hist. Colls., VII.; III., 224; VII., 127, 152, 166.[147]Henry, Travels.[148]Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 35.[149]Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 435-6.[150]Indians. Compare Wis. Hist. Colls., III., 256; VII., 158, 117, 179.[151]The French minister for the colonies expressing approval of this post writes in 1752: "As it can hardly be expected that any other grain than corn will grow there, it is necessary at least for a while to stick to it, and not to persevere stubbornly in trying to raise wheat." On this Dr. E.D. Neill comments: "Millions of bushels of wheat from the region west and north of Lake Superior pass every year ... through the ship canal at Sault Ste. Marie." The corn was for supplying the voyageurs.[152]Margry, VI., 758.[153]Canadian Archives, 1886, clxxii.[154]Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 84.[155]Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 433. Washington was guided to the fort along an old trading route by traders; the trail was improved by the Ohio Company, and was used by Braddock in his march (Sparks, Washington's Works, II., 302).[156]Wis. Hist. Colls., V., 117.[157]Ibid., 115.[158]Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, II., 425-6. He was prominently engaged in other battles; see Wis. Hist. Colls., VII., 123-187.[159]Wis. Hist. Colls., V., 117.[160]Neill, inMag. West. Hist., VII., 17, and Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 434-436. For other examples see Wis. Hist. Colls., V., 113-118; Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 430-1.[161]Va. Hist. Colls., N.S., II, 329.[162]N.Y. Col. Docs., V., 726.[163]Indian relations had a noteworthy influence upon colonial union; see Lucas, Appendiculae Historicae, 161, and Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, ch. iv.[164]Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 59; Sparks, Washington's Works, II., 302.[165]Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 21.[166]Ibid.II., 403.[167]Bigelow, Franklin's Works, III., 43, 83, 98-100.[168]Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 26-38.[169]Parkman, Pontiac, I., 185. Consult N.Y. Col. Docs., VI., 635, 690, 788, 872, 974.[170]Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 26.[171]Carver, Travels.[172]Porlier Papers, Wis. Pur Trade MSS., in possession of Wis. Hist. Soc.; also Wis. Hist. Colls., III., 200-201.[173]Henry, Travels.[174]Canadian Archives, 1888, p. 61 ff.[175]Sparks, Franklin's Works, IV., 303-323.[176]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI.[177]Ibid.[178]Jay, Address before the N.Y. Hist. Soc. on the Treaty Negotiations of 1782-3, appendix; map in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., VII., 148.[179]But Vergennes had a just appreciation of the value of the region for settlement as well. He recognized and feared the American capacity for expansion.[180]Hansard, XXIII., 377-8, 381-3, 389, 398-9, 405, 409-10, 423, 450, 457, 465.[181]American State Papers, Foreign Relations, I., 190.[182]Ibid.487.[183]As early as 1794 the company had established a stockaded fort at Sandy lake. After Jay's treaty conceding freedom of entry, the company dotted this region with posts and raised the British flag over them. In 1805 the center of trade was changed from Grand Portage to Fort William Henry, on the Canada side. Neill, Minnesota, 239 (4th edn.). Bancroft, Northwest Coast, I., 560.Vide ante, p. 20, andpost, p. 55.[184]Amer. State Papers, For. Rels., I., p. 509.[185]Treaties and Conventions, etc., 1776-1887, p. 380.[186]Lodge, Hamilton's Works, IV., 514.[187]Michigan Pioneer Colls., XV., 8; cf. 10, 12, 23 and XVI., 67.[188]Wis. Fur Trade MSS., 1814 (State Hist. Soc.).[189]Wis. Hist. Colls., XL, 260. Mich. Pioneer Colls., XVI., 103-104.[190]Wis. Hist. Colls., XL, 255. Cf. Mich. Pioneer Colls., XVI., 67. Rolette, one of the Prairie du Chien traders, was tried by the British for treason to Great Britain.[191]Amer. State Papers, For. Rels., III., 705.[192]Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., L, 562. See map in Collet's Travels, atlas.[193]On this company see Mackenzie, Voyages; Bancroft, Northwest Coast, I., 378-616, and citations;Hunt's Merch. Mag., III., 185; Irving, Astoria; Ross, The Fur Hunters of the Far West; Harmon, Journal; Report on the Canadian Archives, 1881, p. 61 et seq. This fur-trading life still goes on in the more remote regions of British America. See Robinson, Great Fur Land, ch. xv.[194]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 123-5.[195]Mackenzie, Voyages, xxxix. Harmon, Journal, 36. In the fall of 1784, Haldimand granted permission to the Northwest Company to build a small vessel at Detroit, to be employed next year on Lake Superior. Calendar of Canadian Archives, 1888, p. 72.[196]Besides the authorities cited above, see "Anderson's Narrative," in Wis. Hist. Colls., IX., 137-206.[197]An estimate of the cost of an expedition in 1717 is given in Margry, VI., 506. At that time the wages of a good voyageur for a year amounted to about $50. Provisions for the two months' trip from Montreal to Mackinaw cost about $1.00 per month per man. Indian corn for a year cost $16; lard, $10;eau de vie, $1.30; tobacco, 25 cents. It cost, therefore, less than $80 to support a voyageur for one year's trip into the woods. Gov. Ninian Edwards, writing at the time of the American Fur Company (post, p. 57), says: "The whole expense of transporting eight thousand weight of goods from Montreal to the Mississippi, wintering with the Indians, and returning with a load of furs and peltries in the succeeding season, including the cost of provisions and portages and the hire of five engages for the whole time does not exceed five hundred and twenty-five dollars, much of which is usually paid to those engages when in the Indian country, in goods at an exorbitant price." American State Papers, VI., 65.[198]This distinction goes back at least to 1681 (N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 152). Often the engagement was for five years, and the voyageur might be transferred from one master to another, at the master's will.The following is a translation of a typical printed engagement, one of scores in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, the written portions in brackets:"Before a Notary residing at the post of Michilimakinac, Undersigned; Was Present [Joseph Lamarqueritte] who has voluntarily engaged and doth bind himself by these Presents to M[onsieur Louis Grignion] here present and accepting, at [his] first requisition to set off from this Post [in the capacity of Winterer] in one of [his] Canoes or Bateaux to make the Voyage [going as well as returning] and to winter for [two years at the Bay]."And to have due and fitting care on the route and while at the said [place] of the Merchandise, Provisions, Peltries, Utensils and of everything necessary for the Voyage; to serve, obey and execute faithfully all that the said Sieur [Bourgeois] or any other person representing him to whom he may transport the present Engagement, commands him lawfully and honestly; to do [his] profit, to avoid anything to his damage, and to inform him of it if it come to his knowledge, and generally to do all that a good [Winterer] ought and is obliged to do; without power to make any particular trade, to absent himself, or to quit the said service, under pain of these Ordinances, and of loss of wages. This engagement is therefore made, for the sum of [Eight Hundred] livres or shillings, ancient currency of Quebec, that he promises [and] binds himself to deliver and pay to the said [Winterer one month] after his return to this Post, and at his departure [an Equipment each year of 2 Shirts, 1 Blanket of 3 point, 1 Carot of Tobacco, 1 Cloth Blanket, 1 Leather Shirt, 1 Pair of Leather Breeches, 5 Pairs of Leather Shoes, and Six Pounds of Soap.]"For thus, etc., promising, etc., binding, etc., renouncing, etc."Done and passed at the said [Michilimackinac] in the year eighteen hundred [Seven] the [twenty-fourth] of [July before] twelve o'clock; & have signed with the exception of the said [Winterer] who, having declared himself unable to do so, has made his ordinary mark after the engagement was read to him.his"JOSEPH X LAMARQUERITTE. [SEAL]mark.Louis GEIGNON. [SEAL]"SAML. ABBOTT,Not. Pub."Endorsed—"Engagement of Joseph Lamarqueritte to Louis Grignon."[199]For Canadian boat-songs seeHunt's Merch. Mag., III., 189; Mrs. Kinzie, Wau Bun; Bela Hubbard, Memorials of a Half-Century; Robinson, Great Fur Land.[200]Wis. Fur Trade MSS. (Wis. Hist. Soc.). Published in Proceedings of the Thirty-Sixth Annual Meeting of the State Hist. Soc. of Wis. 1889, pp. 81-82.[201]See Mich. Pioneer Colls., XV., XVI., 67, 74. The government consulted the Northwest Company, who made particular efforts to "prevent the Americans from ever alienating the minds of the Indians." To this end they drew up memoirs regarding the proper frontiers.[202]Reaume's petition in Wis. Fur Trade MSS. in possession of Wisconsin Historical Society.[203]On this company consult Irving, Astoria; Bancroft, Northwest Coast, I., ch. xvi.; II., chs. vii-x;Mag. Amer. Hist.XIII., 269; Franchere, Narrative; Ross, Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon, or Columbia River (1849); Wis. Fur Trade MSS. (State Hist. Sec.).[204]U.S. Statutes at Large, III., 332. Cf. laws in 1802 and 1822.[205]Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 103; Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 9. The Warren brothers, who came to Wisconsin in 1818, were descendants of the Pilgrims and related to Joseph Warren who fell at Bunker Hill; they came from Berkshire, Mass., and marrying the half-breed daughters of Michael Cadotte, of La Pointe, succeeded to his trade.[206]See the objections of British traders, Mich. Pioneer Colls., XVI., 76 ff. The Northwest Company tried to induce the British government to construe the treaty so as to prevent the United States from erecting the forts, urging that a fort at Prairie du Chien would "deprive the Indians of their 'rights and privileges'", guaranteed by the treaty.[207]Mass. Coll. Recs., I., 55: III., 424.[208]Acts and Resolves of the Prov. of Mass. Bay, I., 172.[209]Bigelow, Franklin's Works, II., 316, 221. A plan for public trading houses came before the British ministry while Franklin was in England, and was commented upon by him for their benefit.[210]Hening, Statutes, VII., 116.[211]Journals of Congress, 1775, pp. 162, 168, 247.[212]Ibid., 1776, p. 41.[213]Ford's Washington's Writings, X., 309.[214]Annals of Cong., IV., 1273; cf.ibid., V., 231.[215]Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., I., 583.[216]Annals of Cong., VI., 2889.[217]Annals of Congress, V., 230 ff., 283; Abridgment of Debates, VII., 187-8.[218]Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., I., 684; II., 181.[219]Amer. State Papers, VI., Ind. Affs., II., 203; Ind. Treaties, 399et seq.; Wis. Hist. Colls., VII., 269;Washington Gazette, 1821, 1822, articles by Ramsay Crooks under signature "Backwoodsman," and speech of Tracy in House of Representatives, February 23, 1821; Benton, Thirty Years View;id., Abr. Deb., VII., 1780.[220]To understand the importance of these two points seepost, pp. 62-5.[221]In an address before the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, on the Character and Influence of the Fur Trade in Wisconsin (Proceedings, 1889, pp. 86-98), I have given details as to Wisconsin settlements, posts, routes of trade, and Indian location and population in 1820.[222]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 377. Compare the articles used by Radisson,ante, p. 29. For La Salle's estimate of amount and kind of goods needed for a post, and the profits thereon, see Penna. Archives, 2d series, VI., 18-19. Brandy was an important item, one beaver selling for a pint. For goods and cost in 1728 see a bill quoted by E.D. Neill, on p. 20,Mag. West. Hist., Nov., 1887, Cf. 4 Mass. Hist. Colls., III., 344; Byrd Manuscripts, I., 180 ff.; Minn. Hist. Colls., II., 46; Senate Doc. No. 90, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., II., 42 ff.[223]Wis. Fur Trade MSS. Cf. Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 377, and Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., II., 360. The amount of liquor taken to the woods was very great. The French Jesuits had protested against its use in vain (Parkman's Old Régime); the United States prohibited it to no purpose. It was an indispensable part of a trader's outfit. Robert Stuart, agent of the American Fur Company at Mackinaw, once wrote to John Lawe, one of the leading traders at Green Bay, that the 56 bbls. of whiskey which he sends is "enough to last two years, and half drown all the Indians he deals with." See also Wis. Hist. Colls., VII., 282; McKenney's Tour to the Lakes, 169, 299-301; McKenney's Memoirs, I., 19-21. An old trader assured me that it was the custom to give five or six gallons of "grog"—one-fourth water—to the hunter when he paid his credits; he thought that only about one-eighth or one-ninth part of the whole sales was in whiskey.[224]A light boat sometimes called a "Mackinaw boat," about 32 feet long, by 6-1/2 to 15 feet wide amidships, and sharp at the ends.[225]See Wis. Hist. Colls., II., 108.[226]Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 263.[227]See Wis. Hist. Colls., VII., 220, 286; III., 235; McKenney's Tour, 194; Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, II., 55. Sometimes a family made 1500 lbs. in a season.[228]Lewis Cass in Senate Docs., No. 90, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., II., 1.[229]See D'Iberville's plans for relocating Indian tribes by denying them credit at certain posts, Margry, IV., 597. The system was used by the Dutch, and the Puritans also; see Weeden, Economic and Social Hist. New Eng., I., 98. In 1765, after the French and Indian war, the Chippeways of Chequamegon Bay told Henry, a British trader, that unless he advanced them goods on credit, "their wives and children would perish; for that there were neither ammunition nor clothing left among them." He distributed goods worth 3000 beaver skins. Henry, Travels, 195-6. Cf. Neill, Minnesota, 225-6; N.Y. Col. Docs., VII., 543; Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., II., 64, 66, 329, 333-5;North American Review, Jan., 1826, p. 110.[230]Biddle, an Indian agent, testified in 1822 that while the cost of transporting 100 wt. from New York to Green Bay did not exceed five dollars, which would produce a charge of less than 10 percent on the original cost, the United States factor charged 50 per cent additional. The United States capital stock was diminished by this trade, however. The private dealers charged much more. Schoolcraft in 1831 estimated that $48.34 in goods and provisions at cost prices was the average annual supply of each hunter, or $6.90 to each soul. The substantial accuracy of this is sustained by my data. See Sen. Doc., No. 90, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., II., 45; State Papers, No. 7, 18th Cong., 1st Sess., I.; State Papers, No. 54, 18th Cong., 2d Sess., III.; Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, III., 599; Invoice Book, Amer. Fur Co., for 1820, 1821; Wis. Fur Trade MSS. in possession of Wisconsin Historical Society.[231]The following is a typical account, taken from the books of Jacques Porlier, of Green Bay, for the year 1823: The Indian Michel bought on credit in the fall: $16 worth of cloth; a trap, $1.00; two and a half yards of cotton, $3.12-1/2; three measures of powder, $1.50; lead, $1.00; a bottle of whiskey, 50 cents, and some other articles, such as a gun worm, making in all a bill of about $25. This he paid in full by bringing in eighty-five muskrats, worth nearly $20; a fox, $1.00, and a mocock of maple sugar, worth $4.00.[232]A.J. Vieau, who traded in the thirties, gave me this information.[233]For the value of the beaver at different periods and places consult indexes, under "beaver," in N.Y. Col. Docs,; Bancroft, Northwest Coast; Weeden, Economic and Social Hist. New Eng.; and see Morgan, American Beaver, 243-4; Henry, Travels, 192; 2 Penna. Archives, VI., 18; Servent, in Paris Ex. Univ. 1867, Rapports, VI., 117, 123; Proc. Wis. State Hist. Soc., 1889, p. 86.[234]Minn. Hist. Colls. II., 46, gives the following table for 1836:St. Louis Prices.Minn. Price.Nett Gain.Three pt. blanket=$3 2560 rat skins at 20 cents =$12 00$8 751-1/2 yds. Stroud=2 3760 rat skins at 20 cents =12 009 631 N.W. gun=6 50100 rat skins at 20 cents =20 0013 501 lb. lead=062 rat skins at 20 cents =40341 lb. powder=2810 rat skins at 20 cents =2 001 721 tin kettle=2 5060 rat skins at 20 cents =12 009 501 knife=204 rat skins at 20 cents =80601 lb. tobacco=128 rat skins at 20 cents =1 601 381 looking glass=044 rat skins at 20 cents =80761-1/2 yd. scarlet cloth=3 0060 rat skins at 20 cents =12 009 00See also the table of prices in Senate Docs., No. 90, 22d Cong., 1st Sess.; II., 42et seq.[235]Douglass, Summary, I., 176.[236]Morgan, American Beaver, 243.[237]Proc. Wis. Hist. Soc., 1889, pp. 92-98.[238]Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., II., 66.[239]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 220, 223.[240]The centers of Wisconsin trade were Green Bay, Prairie du Chien, and La Pointe (on Madelaine island, Chequamegon bay). Lesser points of distribution were Milwaukee and Portage. From these places, by means of the interlacing rivers and the numerous lakes of northern Wisconsin, the whole region was visited by birch canoes or Mackinaw boats.[241]Schoolcraft in Senate Doc. No. 90, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., II,. 43.[242]Lawe to Vieau, in Wis. Fur Trade MSS. See also U.S. Indian Treaties, and Wis. Hist. Colls., V., 236.[243]House Ex. Docs., 19th Cong., 2d Sess., II., No. 7.[244]For example see the Vieau Narrative in Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., and the Wis. Fur Trade MSS.[245]Butler, Wild North Land; Robinson, Great Fur Land, ch. xv.[246]Notwithstanding Kulischer's assertion that there is no room for this in primitive society.VideDer Handel auf den primitiven Culturstufen, inZeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft, X., No. 4, p. 378. Compare instances of inter-tribal trade givenante, pp. 11, 26.[247]On the "metis,"boís-brulés, or half-breeds, consult Smithsonian Reports, 1879, p. 309, and Robinson, Great Fur Land, ch. iii.[248]Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 135; Biddle to Atkinson, 1819, in Ind. Pamphlets, Vol. I, No. 15 (Wis. Hist. Soc. Library).[249]Parkman, Pioneers of France, 230; Carr, Mounds of the Mississippi, p. 8, n. 8; Smith's Generall Historie, I., 88, 90, 155 (Richmond, 1819).[250]Jefferson, Works, II., 60, 250, 370.[251]Allen's Lewis and Clarke Expedition, p. ix (edition of 1814. The introduction is by Jefferson).[252]Jefferson's messages of January 18, 1803, and February 19, 1806. See Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., I., 684.[253]See Adams, Maryland's Influence upon Land Cessions to U.S., J.H.U. Studies, 3d Series, No. I., pp. 80-82.[254]Ibid.Vide ante, p. 41.[255]Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., VIII., 10. Compare Adams, as above. At Jefferson's desire, in January and February of 1788, Washington wrote various letters inquiring as to the feasibility of a canal between Lake Erie and the Ohio, "whereby the fur and peltry of the upper country can be transported"; saying: "Could a channel once be opened to convey the fur and peltry from the Lakes into the eastern country, its advantages would be so obvious as to induce an opinion that it would in a short time become the channel of conveyance for much the greater part of the commodities brought from thence." Sparks, Washington's Works, IX., 303, 327.[256]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 230.[257]Cong. Rec., XXIII., 57. I found this interesting confirmation of my views after this paper was written. CompareHarper's Magazine, Sept. 1890, p. 565.[258]The traffic in furs in the Middle Ages was enormous, says Friedlander, Sittengeschichte, III., 62. Numerous cities in England and on the Continent, whose names are derived from the word "beaver" and whose seals bear the beaver, testify to the former importance in Europe of this animal; seeCanadian Journal, 1859, 359. See Du Chaillu, Viking Age, 209-10; Marco Polo, bk. iv., ch. xxi. "Wattenbach, inHistorische Zeitschrift, IX., 391, shows that German traders were known in the lands about the Baltic at least as early as the knights.

[1]In this paper I have rewritten and enlarged an address before the State Historical Society of Wisconsin on the Character and Influence of the Fur Trade in Wisconsin, published in the Proceedings of the Thirty-sixth Annual Meeting, 1889. I am under obligations to Mr. Reuben G. Thwaites, Secretary of this society, for his generous assistance in procuring material for my work, and to Professor Charles H. Haskins, my colleague, who kindly read both manuscript and proof and made helpful suggestions. The reader will notice that throughout the paper I have used the wordNorthwestin a limited sense as referring to the region included between the Great Lakes and the Ohio and Mississippi rivers.

[2]On the trading colony, see Roscher und Jannasch, Colonien, p. 12.

[3]Consult: Müllenhoff, Altertumskunde I., 212; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples, New York, 1890, pp. 348 ff.; Pliny, Naturalis Historia, xxvii., 11; Montelius, Civilization of Sweden in Heathen Times, 98-99; Du Chaillu, Viking Age; and the citations in Dawkins, Early Man in Britain, 466-7; Keary, Vikings in Western Christendom, 23.

[4]In illustration it may be noted that the early Scandinavian power in Russia seized upon the trade route by the Dnieper and the Duna. Keary, Vikings, 173. See alsopost, pp. 36, 38.

[5]Starcke, Primitive Family.

[6]Schrader, l.c.; see also Ihring, inDeutsche Rundschau, III., 357, 420; Kulischer, Der Handel auf primitiven Kulturstufen, inZeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft, X., 378.Vide post, p. 10.

[7]W. Bosworth Smith, in a suggestive article in theNineteenth Century, December, 1887, shows the influence of the Mohammedan trade in Africa.

[8]Smithsonian Report, 1872.

[9]Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 1889, VII., 59. See also Thruston, Antiquities of Tennessee, 79 ff.

[10]Mallery, in Bureau of Ethnology, I., 324; Clark, Indian Sign Language.

[11]Shea, Discovery of the Mississippi, 34. Catilinite pipes were widely used, even along the Atlantic slope, Thruston, 80-81.

[12]Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, I., ch. ii.

[13]Minnesota Historical Collections, V., 267.

[14]Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, 230, citing Menendez.

[15]Neill, in Narrative and Critical History of America, IV., 164.

[16]Champlain's Voyages (Prince Society), III., 183.

[17]Morton, New English Canaan (Prince Society), 159.

[18]Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, 32.

[19]For additional evidence see Radisson, Voyages (Prince Society), 91, 173; Massachusetts Historical Collections, I., 151; Smithsonian Contributions, XVI., 30; Jesuit Relations, 1671, 41; Thruston, Antiquities, etc., 79-82; Carr, Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, 25, 27; andpostpp. 26-7, 36.

[20]Reeves, Finding of Wineland the Good, 47.

[21]N.Y. Hist. Colls., I., 54-55, 59.

[22]Smith, Generall Historie (Richmond, 1819), I., 87-8, 182, 199; Strachey's Travaile into Virginia, 157 (Hakluyt Soc. VI.); Parkman, Pioneers, 230.

[23]Bradford, Plymouth Plantation.

[24]Bradford, 104.

[25]E.g., Plymouth Records, I., 50, 54, 62, 119; II., 10; Massachusetts Colonial Records, I., 55, 81, 96, 100, 322; II., 86, 138; III., 424; V., 180; Hazard, Historical Collections, II., 19 (the Commissioners of the United Colonies propose giving the monopoly of the fur trade to a corporation). On public truck-houses,vide post, p. 58.

[26]Bradford, 108, gives the proceeds of the sale of these furs.

[27]Force, Collections, Vol. I., No. 5, p. 53.

[28]Weeden, I., 132, 160-1.

[29]Winthrop, History of New England, I., 111, 131.

[30]Connecticut Colonial Records, 1637, pp. 11, 18.

[31]Weeden, I., 126.

[32]New York Colonial Documents, I., 181, 389, §7.

[33]Ibid.182; Collection de manuscrits relatifs à la Nouvelle-France, I., 254; Radisson, 93.

[34]Parkman, Jesuits in North America; Radisson; Margry, Découvertes et Établissemens, etc., IV., 586-598; Tailhan, Nicholas Perrot.

[35]Morgan, League of the Iroquois.

[36]N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 408-9; V., 687, 726; Histoire et Commerce des Colonies Angloises, 154.

[37]N.Y. Col. Docs., III., 471, 474; IX., 298, 319.

[38]Ibid.IX., 57. The same proposal was made in 1681 by Du Chesneau,ibid.IX., 165.

[39]Parkman's works; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 165; Shea's Charlevoix, IV., 16: "The English, indeed, as already remarked, from that time shared with the French in the fur trade; and this was the chief motive of their fomenting war between us and the Iroquois, inasmuch as they could get no good furs, which come from the northern districts, except by means of these Indians, who could scarcely effect a reconciliation with us without precluding them from this precious mine."

[40]Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 50.

[41]Charter of 1606.

[42]Ramsay, Tennessee, 63.

[43]On the Southwestern Indians see Adair, American Indians.

[44]Ramsay, 75.

[45]Spottswood's Letters, Virginia Hist. Colls., N.S., I., 67.

[46]Byrd Manuscripts, I., 180. The reader will find a convenient map for the southern region in Roosevelt, Winning of the West, I.

[47]Spottswood's Letters, I., 40; II., 149, 150.

[48]Ramsay, 64. Note the bearing of this route on the Holston settlement.

[49]Georgia Historical Collections, I., 180; II., 123-7.

[50]Spottswood. II., 331, for example.

[51]Ramsay, 65.

[52]Boone, Life and Adventures.

[53]Observations on the North American Land Co., pp. xv., 144, London, 1796.

[54]Margry, VI.

[55]Allen, Lewis and Clarke Expedition, I., ix.;vide post, pp. 70-71.

[56]Vide post, p. 71.

[57]Century Magazine, XLI., 759.

[58]Jessie Benton Frémont inCentury Magazine, XLI., 766-7.

[59]Century Magazine, XLI., p. 759;vide post, p. 74.

[60]Parkman's works, particularly Old Régime, make any discussion of the importance of the fur trade to Canada proper unnecessary. La Hontan says: "For you must know that Canada subsists only upon the trade of skins or furs, three-fourths of which come from the people that live around the Great Lakes." La Hontan, I., 53, London, 1703.

[61]Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., VIII., 10-11.

[62]Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., IV., 224, n. 1; Margry, V. See also Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., map and pp. 38-9, 128.

[63]Mackinaw.

[64]See Doty's enumeration, Wis. Hist. Colls., VII., 202.

[65]Jes. Rels., 1672, p. 37; La Hontan, I., 105 (1703).

[66]On these early locations, consult the authorities cited by Shea in Wis. Hist. Colls., III., 125et seq., and by Branson in his criticism on Shea,ibid.IV., 223. See also Butterfield's Discovery of the Northwest in 1634, andMag. West. Hist., V., 468, 630; and Minn. Hist. Colls., V.

[67]Some early estimates were as follows: 1640, "Great numbers" (Margry, I., 48); 1718, 80 to 100 warriors (N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 889); 1728, 60 or 80 warriors (Margry, VI., 553); 1736, 90 warriors (Chaurignerie, cited in Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, III., 282); 1761, 150 warriors (Gorrell, Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 32).

[68]Margry, I., 46.

[69]Jes. Rels., 1667, 1670.

[70]1718, estimated at 80 to 100 warriors (N.Y. Col. Docs., IX.,889); 1762, estimated at 150 warriors (Gorrell, Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 32).

[71]Jes. Rels., 1670.

[72]French leagues.

[73]1670, Foxes estimated at 400 warriors (Jes. Rels., 1670); 1667, Foxes, 1000 warriors (Jes. Rels., 1667); 1695, Foxes and Mascoutins, 1200 warriors (N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 633); 1718, Sauks 100 or 120, Foxes 500 warriors (2 Penn. Archives, VI., 54); 1728, Foxes, 200 warriors (Margry, V.); 1762, Sauks and Foxes, 700 warriors (Gorrell, Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 32). This, it must be observed, was after the Fox wars.

[74]Jes. Rels., 1670; Butterfield's Discovery of the Northwest.

[75]In 1820 those in Wisconsin numbered about 600 hunters.

[76]On these Indians consult, besides authorities already cited, Shea's Discovery, etc. lx.; Jes. Rels.; Narr. and Crit. Hist. of Amer., IV., 168-170, 175; Radisson's Voyages; Margry, IV., 586-598.

[77]Jes. Rels., 1666-7.

[78]Jes. Rels., 1670.

[79]Histoire du Canada, 193-4 (edition of 1866).

[80]Dablon, Jesuit Relations, 1671.

[81]See Parkman, Pioneers, 429 ff. (1890).

[82]Margry, I., 50. The date rests on inference; see Bibliography of Nicolet in Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., and cf. Hebberd, Wisconsin under French Dominion, 14.

[83]N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 160.

[84]Margry, VI., 3; Coll. de Mamiscrits, I., 255, where the date is wrongly given as 1676. The italics are ours.

[85]Radisson, Voyages (Prince Soc. Pubs.); Margry, I., 53-55, 83; Jes. Rels., 1660; Wis. Hist. Colls., X., XI; Narrative and Critical Hist. Amer., IV., 168-173.

[86]Cf. Radisson, 173-5, and Jes. Rels., 1660, pp. 12, 30; 1663, pp. 17 ff.

[87]Pottawattomies in the region of Green Bay.

[88]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 67-8.

[89]Ibid.XI., 90.

[90]Radisson, 200, 217, 219.

[91]Suite, in Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Science, Arts and Letters, V., 141; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 153, 140,152; Margry, VI., 3; Parkman, Old Régime, 310-315.

[92]Cf. Jes. Rels., 1670, p. 92.

[93]History of United States, II., 138 (1884).

[94]Harrisse, Notes sur la Nouvelle France, 174-181.

[95]Parkman, Old Régime, 328 ff., and La Salle, 98; Margry, II., 251; Radisson, 173.

[96]See Talon's report quoted in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., IV., 175.

[97]Margry abounds in evidences of La Salle's commercial activity, as does Parkman's La Salle. See also Dunn, Indiana, 20-1.

[98]Margry, II., 254.

[99]Margry, II., 251.

[100]Tailhan's Perrot, 57.

[101]Jes. Rels., 1670.

[102]La Hontan, I., 53; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 159; Parkman, Old Régime, 305.

[103]Margry, VI., 45.

[104]Margry, I., 81.

[105]N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 187. On the cost of such expeditions, see documents in Margry, I., 293-296; VI., 503-507. On the profits of the trade, see La Salle in 2 Penna. Archives, VI., 18-19.

[106]See Radisson,ante, p. 28.

[107]Vide post, p. 62.

[108]Vide ante, p. 14; Radisson, 154; Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 427. Compare the effects of the introduction of bronze weapons into Europe.

[109]Margry, II., 234. On the power possessed by the French through this trade consult also D'Iberville's plan for locating Wisconsin Indians on the Illinois by changing their trading posts; see Margry, IV., 586-598.

[110]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 67-8, 90; Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., IV., 182; Perrot, 327; Margry, VI., 507-509, 653-4.

[111]N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 296, 308; IV., 735.

[112]Quoted in Sheldon, Early History of Michigan, 310.

[113]Tailhan's Perrot, 156.

[114]Wis. Hist. Colls., X., 54, 300-302, 307, 321.

[115]Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., IV., 186.

[116]Margry, VI., 60. Near Ashland, Wis.

[117]Consult French MSS., 3d series, VI., Parl. Library, Ottawa, cited in Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 422; Id., V., 425. In 1731 M. La Ronde, having constructed at his own expense a bark of forty tons on Lake Superior, received the post of La Pointe de Chagouamigon as a gratuity to defray his expenses. See also the story of Verenderye's posts, in Parkman's article inAtlantic Monthly, June, 1887, and Margry, VI. See also 2 Penna. Archives, VI., 18; La Hontan, I., 53; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 159; Tailhan, Perrot, 302.

[118]La Hontan, I., 105.

[119]Near Ashland, Wis.

[120]Tailhan, Perrot, 139, 302.

[121]Frontenac, 315-316. Cf. Perrot, 302.

[122]Perrot, 331; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 633.

[123]Ibid.

[124]N.Y. Col. Docs., IV., 732-7.

[125]N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 673.

[126]Shea, Early Voyages, 49.

[127]Kingsford, Canada, II., 394; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 635.

[128]Margry, V.,219.

[129]Ibid.IV., 597.

[130]Wis. Hist. Colls., III., 149; Smith, Wisconsin, II., 315.

[131]Coll. de Manus., III., 622.

[132]See Hebberd's account, Wisconsin under French Dominion; Coll. de Manus., I., 623; Smith, Wisconsin, II., 315.

[133]Margry, VI., 543.

[134]Tailhan, Perrot,passim; N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 570, 619, 621; Margry, VI., 507-509, 553, 653-4; Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 422, 425; Wis. Hist. Colls., III., 154.

[135]N.Y. Col. Docs., V., 726 ff.

[136]Ibid.IV., 732, 735, 796-7; V., 687, 911.

[137]Margry, VI., 553, 563, 575-580; Neill inMag. Western History, November, 1887.

[138]Perrot, 148; Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 42; Hebberd, Wisconsin under French Dominion, chapters on the Fox wars.

[139]Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 190-1.

[140]Oneida county.

[141]Sawyer county.

[142]Margry, VI.

[143]Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 84, and citations;vide post, p. 41.

[144]Fergus, Historical Series, No. 12; Breese, Early History of Illinois; Dunn, Indiana; Hubbard, Memorials of a Half Century; Monette, History of the Valley of the Mississippi, I., ch. iv.

[145]Henry, Travels, ch. x.

[146]See Memoir in Wis. Hist. Colls., VII.; III., 224; VII., 127, 152, 166.

[147]Henry, Travels.

[148]Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 35.

[149]Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 435-6.

[150]Indians. Compare Wis. Hist. Colls., III., 256; VII., 158, 117, 179.

[151]The French minister for the colonies expressing approval of this post writes in 1752: "As it can hardly be expected that any other grain than corn will grow there, it is necessary at least for a while to stick to it, and not to persevere stubbornly in trying to raise wheat." On this Dr. E.D. Neill comments: "Millions of bushels of wheat from the region west and north of Lake Superior pass every year ... through the ship canal at Sault Ste. Marie." The corn was for supplying the voyageurs.

[152]Margry, VI., 758.

[153]Canadian Archives, 1886, clxxii.

[154]Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 84.

[155]Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 433. Washington was guided to the fort along an old trading route by traders; the trail was improved by the Ohio Company, and was used by Braddock in his march (Sparks, Washington's Works, II., 302).

[156]Wis. Hist. Colls., V., 117.

[157]Ibid., 115.

[158]Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, II., 425-6. He was prominently engaged in other battles; see Wis. Hist. Colls., VII., 123-187.

[159]Wis. Hist. Colls., V., 117.

[160]Neill, inMag. West. Hist., VII., 17, and Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 434-436. For other examples see Wis. Hist. Colls., V., 113-118; Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 430-1.

[161]Va. Hist. Colls., N.S., II, 329.

[162]N.Y. Col. Docs., V., 726.

[163]Indian relations had a noteworthy influence upon colonial union; see Lucas, Appendiculae Historicae, 161, and Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, ch. iv.

[164]Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 59; Sparks, Washington's Works, II., 302.

[165]Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I., 21.

[166]Ibid.II., 403.

[167]Bigelow, Franklin's Works, III., 43, 83, 98-100.

[168]Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 26-38.

[169]Parkman, Pontiac, I., 185. Consult N.Y. Col. Docs., VI., 635, 690, 788, 872, 974.

[170]Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 26.

[171]Carver, Travels.

[172]Porlier Papers, Wis. Pur Trade MSS., in possession of Wis. Hist. Soc.; also Wis. Hist. Colls., III., 200-201.

[173]Henry, Travels.

[174]Canadian Archives, 1888, p. 61 ff.

[175]Sparks, Franklin's Works, IV., 303-323.

[176]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI.

[177]Ibid.

[178]Jay, Address before the N.Y. Hist. Soc. on the Treaty Negotiations of 1782-3, appendix; map in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., VII., 148.

[179]But Vergennes had a just appreciation of the value of the region for settlement as well. He recognized and feared the American capacity for expansion.

[180]Hansard, XXIII., 377-8, 381-3, 389, 398-9, 405, 409-10, 423, 450, 457, 465.

[181]American State Papers, Foreign Relations, I., 190.

[182]Ibid.487.

[183]As early as 1794 the company had established a stockaded fort at Sandy lake. After Jay's treaty conceding freedom of entry, the company dotted this region with posts and raised the British flag over them. In 1805 the center of trade was changed from Grand Portage to Fort William Henry, on the Canada side. Neill, Minnesota, 239 (4th edn.). Bancroft, Northwest Coast, I., 560.Vide ante, p. 20, andpost, p. 55.

[184]Amer. State Papers, For. Rels., I., p. 509.

[185]Treaties and Conventions, etc., 1776-1887, p. 380.

[186]Lodge, Hamilton's Works, IV., 514.

[187]Michigan Pioneer Colls., XV., 8; cf. 10, 12, 23 and XVI., 67.

[188]Wis. Fur Trade MSS., 1814 (State Hist. Soc.).

[189]Wis. Hist. Colls., XL, 260. Mich. Pioneer Colls., XVI., 103-104.

[190]Wis. Hist. Colls., XL, 255. Cf. Mich. Pioneer Colls., XVI., 67. Rolette, one of the Prairie du Chien traders, was tried by the British for treason to Great Britain.

[191]Amer. State Papers, For. Rels., III., 705.

[192]Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., L, 562. See map in Collet's Travels, atlas.

[193]On this company see Mackenzie, Voyages; Bancroft, Northwest Coast, I., 378-616, and citations;Hunt's Merch. Mag., III., 185; Irving, Astoria; Ross, The Fur Hunters of the Far West; Harmon, Journal; Report on the Canadian Archives, 1881, p. 61 et seq. This fur-trading life still goes on in the more remote regions of British America. See Robinson, Great Fur Land, ch. xv.

[194]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 123-5.

[195]Mackenzie, Voyages, xxxix. Harmon, Journal, 36. In the fall of 1784, Haldimand granted permission to the Northwest Company to build a small vessel at Detroit, to be employed next year on Lake Superior. Calendar of Canadian Archives, 1888, p. 72.

[196]Besides the authorities cited above, see "Anderson's Narrative," in Wis. Hist. Colls., IX., 137-206.

[197]An estimate of the cost of an expedition in 1717 is given in Margry, VI., 506. At that time the wages of a good voyageur for a year amounted to about $50. Provisions for the two months' trip from Montreal to Mackinaw cost about $1.00 per month per man. Indian corn for a year cost $16; lard, $10;eau de vie, $1.30; tobacco, 25 cents. It cost, therefore, less than $80 to support a voyageur for one year's trip into the woods. Gov. Ninian Edwards, writing at the time of the American Fur Company (post, p. 57), says: "The whole expense of transporting eight thousand weight of goods from Montreal to the Mississippi, wintering with the Indians, and returning with a load of furs and peltries in the succeeding season, including the cost of provisions and portages and the hire of five engages for the whole time does not exceed five hundred and twenty-five dollars, much of which is usually paid to those engages when in the Indian country, in goods at an exorbitant price." American State Papers, VI., 65.

[198]This distinction goes back at least to 1681 (N.Y. Col. Docs., IX., 152). Often the engagement was for five years, and the voyageur might be transferred from one master to another, at the master's will.The following is a translation of a typical printed engagement, one of scores in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, the written portions in brackets:"Before a Notary residing at the post of Michilimakinac, Undersigned; Was Present [Joseph Lamarqueritte] who has voluntarily engaged and doth bind himself by these Presents to M[onsieur Louis Grignion] here present and accepting, at [his] first requisition to set off from this Post [in the capacity of Winterer] in one of [his] Canoes or Bateaux to make the Voyage [going as well as returning] and to winter for [two years at the Bay]."And to have due and fitting care on the route and while at the said [place] of the Merchandise, Provisions, Peltries, Utensils and of everything necessary for the Voyage; to serve, obey and execute faithfully all that the said Sieur [Bourgeois] or any other person representing him to whom he may transport the present Engagement, commands him lawfully and honestly; to do [his] profit, to avoid anything to his damage, and to inform him of it if it come to his knowledge, and generally to do all that a good [Winterer] ought and is obliged to do; without power to make any particular trade, to absent himself, or to quit the said service, under pain of these Ordinances, and of loss of wages. This engagement is therefore made, for the sum of [Eight Hundred] livres or shillings, ancient currency of Quebec, that he promises [and] binds himself to deliver and pay to the said [Winterer one month] after his return to this Post, and at his departure [an Equipment each year of 2 Shirts, 1 Blanket of 3 point, 1 Carot of Tobacco, 1 Cloth Blanket, 1 Leather Shirt, 1 Pair of Leather Breeches, 5 Pairs of Leather Shoes, and Six Pounds of Soap.]"For thus, etc., promising, etc., binding, etc., renouncing, etc."Done and passed at the said [Michilimackinac] in the year eighteen hundred [Seven] the [twenty-fourth] of [July before] twelve o'clock; & have signed with the exception of the said [Winterer] who, having declared himself unable to do so, has made his ordinary mark after the engagement was read to him.his"JOSEPH X LAMARQUERITTE. [SEAL]mark.Louis GEIGNON. [SEAL]"SAML. ABBOTT,Not. Pub."Endorsed—"Engagement of Joseph Lamarqueritte to Louis Grignon."

The following is a translation of a typical printed engagement, one of scores in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, the written portions in brackets:

"Before a Notary residing at the post of Michilimakinac, Undersigned; Was Present [Joseph Lamarqueritte] who has voluntarily engaged and doth bind himself by these Presents to M[onsieur Louis Grignion] here present and accepting, at [his] first requisition to set off from this Post [in the capacity of Winterer] in one of [his] Canoes or Bateaux to make the Voyage [going as well as returning] and to winter for [two years at the Bay].

"And to have due and fitting care on the route and while at the said [place] of the Merchandise, Provisions, Peltries, Utensils and of everything necessary for the Voyage; to serve, obey and execute faithfully all that the said Sieur [Bourgeois] or any other person representing him to whom he may transport the present Engagement, commands him lawfully and honestly; to do [his] profit, to avoid anything to his damage, and to inform him of it if it come to his knowledge, and generally to do all that a good [Winterer] ought and is obliged to do; without power to make any particular trade, to absent himself, or to quit the said service, under pain of these Ordinances, and of loss of wages. This engagement is therefore made, for the sum of [Eight Hundred] livres or shillings, ancient currency of Quebec, that he promises [and] binds himself to deliver and pay to the said [Winterer one month] after his return to this Post, and at his departure [an Equipment each year of 2 Shirts, 1 Blanket of 3 point, 1 Carot of Tobacco, 1 Cloth Blanket, 1 Leather Shirt, 1 Pair of Leather Breeches, 5 Pairs of Leather Shoes, and Six Pounds of Soap.]

"For thus, etc., promising, etc., binding, etc., renouncing, etc.

"Done and passed at the said [Michilimackinac] in the year eighteen hundred [Seven] the [twenty-fourth] of [July before] twelve o'clock; & have signed with the exception of the said [Winterer] who, having declared himself unable to do so, has made his ordinary mark after the engagement was read to him.

his"JOSEPH X LAMARQUERITTE. [SEAL]mark.Louis GEIGNON. [SEAL]"SAML. ABBOTT,Not. Pub."

Endorsed—"Engagement of Joseph Lamarqueritte to Louis Grignon."

[199]For Canadian boat-songs seeHunt's Merch. Mag., III., 189; Mrs. Kinzie, Wau Bun; Bela Hubbard, Memorials of a Half-Century; Robinson, Great Fur Land.

[200]Wis. Fur Trade MSS. (Wis. Hist. Soc.). Published in Proceedings of the Thirty-Sixth Annual Meeting of the State Hist. Soc. of Wis. 1889, pp. 81-82.

[201]See Mich. Pioneer Colls., XV., XVI., 67, 74. The government consulted the Northwest Company, who made particular efforts to "prevent the Americans from ever alienating the minds of the Indians." To this end they drew up memoirs regarding the proper frontiers.

[202]Reaume's petition in Wis. Fur Trade MSS. in possession of Wisconsin Historical Society.

[203]On this company consult Irving, Astoria; Bancroft, Northwest Coast, I., ch. xvi.; II., chs. vii-x;Mag. Amer. Hist.XIII., 269; Franchere, Narrative; Ross, Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon, or Columbia River (1849); Wis. Fur Trade MSS. (State Hist. Sec.).

[204]U.S. Statutes at Large, III., 332. Cf. laws in 1802 and 1822.

[205]Wis. Hist. Colls., I., 103; Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 9. The Warren brothers, who came to Wisconsin in 1818, were descendants of the Pilgrims and related to Joseph Warren who fell at Bunker Hill; they came from Berkshire, Mass., and marrying the half-breed daughters of Michael Cadotte, of La Pointe, succeeded to his trade.

[206]See the objections of British traders, Mich. Pioneer Colls., XVI., 76 ff. The Northwest Company tried to induce the British government to construe the treaty so as to prevent the United States from erecting the forts, urging that a fort at Prairie du Chien would "deprive the Indians of their 'rights and privileges'", guaranteed by the treaty.

[207]Mass. Coll. Recs., I., 55: III., 424.

[208]Acts and Resolves of the Prov. of Mass. Bay, I., 172.

[209]Bigelow, Franklin's Works, II., 316, 221. A plan for public trading houses came before the British ministry while Franklin was in England, and was commented upon by him for their benefit.

[210]Hening, Statutes, VII., 116.

[211]Journals of Congress, 1775, pp. 162, 168, 247.

[212]Ibid., 1776, p. 41.

[213]Ford's Washington's Writings, X., 309.

[214]Annals of Cong., IV., 1273; cf.ibid., V., 231.

[215]Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., I., 583.

[216]Annals of Cong., VI., 2889.

[217]Annals of Congress, V., 230 ff., 283; Abridgment of Debates, VII., 187-8.

[218]Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., I., 684; II., 181.

[219]Amer. State Papers, VI., Ind. Affs., II., 203; Ind. Treaties, 399et seq.; Wis. Hist. Colls., VII., 269;Washington Gazette, 1821, 1822, articles by Ramsay Crooks under signature "Backwoodsman," and speech of Tracy in House of Representatives, February 23, 1821; Benton, Thirty Years View;id., Abr. Deb., VII., 1780.

[220]To understand the importance of these two points seepost, pp. 62-5.

[221]In an address before the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, on the Character and Influence of the Fur Trade in Wisconsin (Proceedings, 1889, pp. 86-98), I have given details as to Wisconsin settlements, posts, routes of trade, and Indian location and population in 1820.

[222]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 377. Compare the articles used by Radisson,ante, p. 29. For La Salle's estimate of amount and kind of goods needed for a post, and the profits thereon, see Penna. Archives, 2d series, VI., 18-19. Brandy was an important item, one beaver selling for a pint. For goods and cost in 1728 see a bill quoted by E.D. Neill, on p. 20,Mag. West. Hist., Nov., 1887, Cf. 4 Mass. Hist. Colls., III., 344; Byrd Manuscripts, I., 180 ff.; Minn. Hist. Colls., II., 46; Senate Doc. No. 90, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., II., 42 ff.

[223]Wis. Fur Trade MSS. Cf. Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 377, and Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., II., 360. The amount of liquor taken to the woods was very great. The French Jesuits had protested against its use in vain (Parkman's Old Régime); the United States prohibited it to no purpose. It was an indispensable part of a trader's outfit. Robert Stuart, agent of the American Fur Company at Mackinaw, once wrote to John Lawe, one of the leading traders at Green Bay, that the 56 bbls. of whiskey which he sends is "enough to last two years, and half drown all the Indians he deals with." See also Wis. Hist. Colls., VII., 282; McKenney's Tour to the Lakes, 169, 299-301; McKenney's Memoirs, I., 19-21. An old trader assured me that it was the custom to give five or six gallons of "grog"—one-fourth water—to the hunter when he paid his credits; he thought that only about one-eighth or one-ninth part of the whole sales was in whiskey.

[224]A light boat sometimes called a "Mackinaw boat," about 32 feet long, by 6-1/2 to 15 feet wide amidships, and sharp at the ends.

[225]See Wis. Hist. Colls., II., 108.

[226]Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 263.

[227]See Wis. Hist. Colls., VII., 220, 286; III., 235; McKenney's Tour, 194; Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, II., 55. Sometimes a family made 1500 lbs. in a season.

[228]Lewis Cass in Senate Docs., No. 90, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., II., 1.

[229]See D'Iberville's plans for relocating Indian tribes by denying them credit at certain posts, Margry, IV., 597. The system was used by the Dutch, and the Puritans also; see Weeden, Economic and Social Hist. New Eng., I., 98. In 1765, after the French and Indian war, the Chippeways of Chequamegon Bay told Henry, a British trader, that unless he advanced them goods on credit, "their wives and children would perish; for that there were neither ammunition nor clothing left among them." He distributed goods worth 3000 beaver skins. Henry, Travels, 195-6. Cf. Neill, Minnesota, 225-6; N.Y. Col. Docs., VII., 543; Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., II., 64, 66, 329, 333-5;North American Review, Jan., 1826, p. 110.

[230]Biddle, an Indian agent, testified in 1822 that while the cost of transporting 100 wt. from New York to Green Bay did not exceed five dollars, which would produce a charge of less than 10 percent on the original cost, the United States factor charged 50 per cent additional. The United States capital stock was diminished by this trade, however. The private dealers charged much more. Schoolcraft in 1831 estimated that $48.34 in goods and provisions at cost prices was the average annual supply of each hunter, or $6.90 to each soul. The substantial accuracy of this is sustained by my data. See Sen. Doc., No. 90, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., II., 45; State Papers, No. 7, 18th Cong., 1st Sess., I.; State Papers, No. 54, 18th Cong., 2d Sess., III.; Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, III., 599; Invoice Book, Amer. Fur Co., for 1820, 1821; Wis. Fur Trade MSS. in possession of Wisconsin Historical Society.

[231]The following is a typical account, taken from the books of Jacques Porlier, of Green Bay, for the year 1823: The Indian Michel bought on credit in the fall: $16 worth of cloth; a trap, $1.00; two and a half yards of cotton, $3.12-1/2; three measures of powder, $1.50; lead, $1.00; a bottle of whiskey, 50 cents, and some other articles, such as a gun worm, making in all a bill of about $25. This he paid in full by bringing in eighty-five muskrats, worth nearly $20; a fox, $1.00, and a mocock of maple sugar, worth $4.00.

[232]A.J. Vieau, who traded in the thirties, gave me this information.

[233]For the value of the beaver at different periods and places consult indexes, under "beaver," in N.Y. Col. Docs,; Bancroft, Northwest Coast; Weeden, Economic and Social Hist. New Eng.; and see Morgan, American Beaver, 243-4; Henry, Travels, 192; 2 Penna. Archives, VI., 18; Servent, in Paris Ex. Univ. 1867, Rapports, VI., 117, 123; Proc. Wis. State Hist. Soc., 1889, p. 86.

[234]Minn. Hist. Colls. II., 46, gives the following table for 1836:St. Louis Prices.Minn. Price.Nett Gain.Three pt. blanket=$3 2560 rat skins at 20 cents =$12 00$8 751-1/2 yds. Stroud=2 3760 rat skins at 20 cents =12 009 631 N.W. gun=6 50100 rat skins at 20 cents =20 0013 501 lb. lead=062 rat skins at 20 cents =40341 lb. powder=2810 rat skins at 20 cents =2 001 721 tin kettle=2 5060 rat skins at 20 cents =12 009 501 knife=204 rat skins at 20 cents =80601 lb. tobacco=128 rat skins at 20 cents =1 601 381 looking glass=044 rat skins at 20 cents =80761-1/2 yd. scarlet cloth=3 0060 rat skins at 20 cents =12 009 00See also the table of prices in Senate Docs., No. 90, 22d Cong., 1st Sess.; II., 42et seq.

[234]Minn. Hist. Colls. II., 46, gives the following table for 1836:

St. Louis Prices.Minn. Price.Nett Gain.Three pt. blanket=$3 2560 rat skins at 20 cents =$12 00$8 751-1/2 yds. Stroud=2 3760 rat skins at 20 cents =12 009 631 N.W. gun=6 50100 rat skins at 20 cents =20 0013 501 lb. lead=062 rat skins at 20 cents =40341 lb. powder=2810 rat skins at 20 cents =2 001 721 tin kettle=2 5060 rat skins at 20 cents =12 009 501 knife=204 rat skins at 20 cents =80601 lb. tobacco=128 rat skins at 20 cents =1 601 381 looking glass=044 rat skins at 20 cents =80761-1/2 yd. scarlet cloth=3 0060 rat skins at 20 cents =12 009 00

See also the table of prices in Senate Docs., No. 90, 22d Cong., 1st Sess.; II., 42et seq.

[235]Douglass, Summary, I., 176.

[236]Morgan, American Beaver, 243.

[237]Proc. Wis. Hist. Soc., 1889, pp. 92-98.

[238]Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., II., 66.

[239]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 220, 223.

[240]The centers of Wisconsin trade were Green Bay, Prairie du Chien, and La Pointe (on Madelaine island, Chequamegon bay). Lesser points of distribution were Milwaukee and Portage. From these places, by means of the interlacing rivers and the numerous lakes of northern Wisconsin, the whole region was visited by birch canoes or Mackinaw boats.

[241]Schoolcraft in Senate Doc. No. 90, 22d Cong., 1st Sess., II,. 43.

[242]Lawe to Vieau, in Wis. Fur Trade MSS. See also U.S. Indian Treaties, and Wis. Hist. Colls., V., 236.

[243]House Ex. Docs., 19th Cong., 2d Sess., II., No. 7.

[244]For example see the Vieau Narrative in Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., and the Wis. Fur Trade MSS.

[245]Butler, Wild North Land; Robinson, Great Fur Land, ch. xv.

[246]Notwithstanding Kulischer's assertion that there is no room for this in primitive society.VideDer Handel auf den primitiven Culturstufen, inZeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft, X., No. 4, p. 378. Compare instances of inter-tribal trade givenante, pp. 11, 26.

[247]On the "metis,"boís-brulés, or half-breeds, consult Smithsonian Reports, 1879, p. 309, and Robinson, Great Fur Land, ch. iii.

[248]Minn. Hist. Colls., V., 135; Biddle to Atkinson, 1819, in Ind. Pamphlets, Vol. I, No. 15 (Wis. Hist. Soc. Library).

[249]Parkman, Pioneers of France, 230; Carr, Mounds of the Mississippi, p. 8, n. 8; Smith's Generall Historie, I., 88, 90, 155 (Richmond, 1819).

[250]Jefferson, Works, II., 60, 250, 370.

[251]Allen's Lewis and Clarke Expedition, p. ix (edition of 1814. The introduction is by Jefferson).

[252]Jefferson's messages of January 18, 1803, and February 19, 1806. See Amer. State Papers, Ind. Affs., I., 684.

[253]See Adams, Maryland's Influence upon Land Cessions to U.S., J.H.U. Studies, 3d Series, No. I., pp. 80-82.

[254]Ibid.Vide ante, p. 41.

[255]Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., VIII., 10. Compare Adams, as above. At Jefferson's desire, in January and February of 1788, Washington wrote various letters inquiring as to the feasibility of a canal between Lake Erie and the Ohio, "whereby the fur and peltry of the upper country can be transported"; saying: "Could a channel once be opened to convey the fur and peltry from the Lakes into the eastern country, its advantages would be so obvious as to induce an opinion that it would in a short time become the channel of conveyance for much the greater part of the commodities brought from thence." Sparks, Washington's Works, IX., 303, 327.

[256]Wis. Hist. Colls., XI., 230.

[257]Cong. Rec., XXIII., 57. I found this interesting confirmation of my views after this paper was written. CompareHarper's Magazine, Sept. 1890, p. 565.

[258]The traffic in furs in the Middle Ages was enormous, says Friedlander, Sittengeschichte, III., 62. Numerous cities in England and on the Continent, whose names are derived from the word "beaver" and whose seals bear the beaver, testify to the former importance in Europe of this animal; seeCanadian Journal, 1859, 359. See Du Chaillu, Viking Age, 209-10; Marco Polo, bk. iv., ch. xxi. "Wattenbach, inHistorische Zeitschrift, IX., 391, shows that German traders were known in the lands about the Baltic at least as early as the knights.

Back to Index Next