"MenMay bear the blazon wrought of centuries, holdTheir armouries higher than arms imperial; yetKnow that the least their countryman, whose handHath done his country service, lives their peer,And peer of all their fathers."
"MenMay bear the blazon wrought of centuries, holdTheir armouries higher than arms imperial; yetKnow that the least their countryman, whose handHath done his country service, lives their peer,And peer of all their fathers."
While our sorely-tried army is halting for a brief rest at St. Quentin, let us follow the fortunes of the French on the west and the east of the British line of retirement. We have not much information to go upon. A French official account of the retreat was published in our newspapers on March 22, 1915; but it was a mere outline of the course of events, with many gaps which can only be filled up when the war is over and many facts now hidden are brought to light.
First, let us look at the German movements on the west of the British line of retreat. You already know that von Kluck was pushing forward his extreme right through Belgium and North France with the utmost speed. The force which he used for this purpose consisted of cavalry, horse artillery, and machine and quick-firing guns mounted on motor cars. His infantry were carried on motor lorries, and the whole force was thus able to cover great distances in a day. He had two objects in view. In the first place, he wished to cut the railway communications between the British army and its bases at Boulogne and Havre, and by doing so make the task of supplying it with reinforcements, food, and ammunition from these places impossible; and, in the second place, he wished to outflank the British, and drive them eastwards into the arms of von Buelow.
I have already told you of the gallant stand made by a small British detachment and a French Territorial force at Tournai. When these were overcome, von Kluck had no difficulty in advancing; for, with the exception of a corps of French Territorials at Arras, there were no soldiers to oppose him but groups of British guarding the lines ofcommunication. Many of these detached parties were driven off or captured, and the story of their misfortunes gave rise to rumours of terrible British defeats. As a matter of fact, the operations in the west were all on the fringe of the real fighting which was going on in the centre and in the east.
Daring Uhlans rode towards the Channel, and in Belgium it was thought that they would seize Ostend, and thus cut off England from Antwerp, where the Belgian army was preparing to make a stand. To prevent Ostend from falling into the hands of the Germans, a body of British marines was hastily carried across the Channel to hold the town.
Von Kluck's swift-moving forces occupied Lille.[64]It is a handsomeand attractive town, with important linen and woollen manufactures, and its fortress was supposed to be very strong. Nevertheless the Allies did not attempt to defend it. The Germans occupied the town without firing a shot. Then they marched south towards Arras, where, as you know, a French Territorial corps was stationed. Arras is a very old town, which has played an important part in French history. After the battle of Agincourt (1415) peace was signed in Arras by the English and French. In the Middle Ages the town was so famous for the tapestry with which the rough interior walls of castle rooms were then covered, that such hangings were known by its name. You will remember that in Shakespeare's playKing JohnHubert was sent to tell poor Prince Arthur that his eyes were to be put out. At the opening of the scene he said to the executioners who accompanied him: "Look thou stand within thearras"—that is, behind the curtain of needlework hanging on the wall.
Arras stands on the main railway which runs from the ports of Calais and Boulogne to Amiens. If the Germans could cut this line, the British would not be able to use either of these ports as a basis of supplies. If they could seize the important junction of Amiens,[65]they would cut the British off from Havre, and would force them to seek fresh bases somewhere on the west coast of France. This, of course, would entail a longer voyage for the transports and supply ships, and men and stores would have to make a long journey across country before they could reach the place where they were needed. Now you understand how important Arras and Amiens were to the Allies. As soon as Arras was threatened, the railway officials hurried away southwards every supply and ammunition train which was either on the line or on the sidings at Boulogne.
The French Territorials took up a position to the south of the town, and there prepared to oppose the German advance. For a time they held their own; but they were hopelessly outnumbered, and were soon in peril of being cut off. Two of their batteries had been captured, and they were nearly surrounded when a British detachment came to their rescue. Where it came from we have never been told, but probably it had been guarding the lines of communication at Amiens. It arrived in the very nick oftime, and was able to hold the enemy, while all that was left of the French Territorials got safely away.
Without delay the Germans pushed on towards Amiens. Meanwhile the railway officials of that city were sending all the engines and carriages in the station southwards, so that the enemy might not seize them. I have already told you that the capture of the railway at Arras had made Boulogne and Calais useless as bases of supply for our army, and that the seizure of the line at Amiens would cut it off from all the Channel ports. A new British base had to be chosen, and St. Nazaire,[66]at the mouth of the river Loire, was selected, an advanced base being established at Le Mans, on the Sarthe, about fifty miles to the north-east of the port.
Outside Amiens there was a fierce artillery duel; but when the Allies had fired their last shell they were forced to retreat, and the city surrendered. Between nine and ten on the morning of 31st August the war-stained German soldiers poured into the place, but by evening they were all out again, following up the pursuit. The retreating French blew up the bridges across the Somme, and endeavoured in this and other ways to delay the German advance.
Amiens is a busy town of cotton and woollen mills, and contains one of the most glorious Gothic cathedrals in all Christendom. The western front is wonderfully adorned with reliefs and statues, and double rows of medallions representing scenes from Holy Scripture. John Ruskin, the great writer of art, calls these carvings "the Bible of Amiens." Happily the Germans were advancing so hurriedly that they had no time to do any mischief to this miracle of architecture.
Now we must learn what happened on the east side of the British line of retreat. Look carefully at the map on page130. On 22nd August von Buelow crossed the Sambre, and defeated the French army No. 2. About the same time the Saxon army under von Hausen crossed the Meuse above Namur, and fell upon its right flank. Taken in front and in flank it was forced to retreat to the south-west. Meanwhile von Hausen had also been engaged with the left wing of No. 3. While he was driving in the left of this army some of his other divisions had crossed the Meuse at Dinant, and were attacking No. 3 in front. Thus No. 3 was forced to retreat. Von Hausen now fought his way along the western bank of the Meuse, and at the same time No. 4 Army was attacked in front by the Duke of Würtemberg's forces and by those of the Crown Prince. No. 4 was also forced to retreat; but by the 28th of August the three defeated French armies had regained touch on a line roughly extending from near Rethel[67]to the Meuse north of Verdun.
Hard fighting followed, and on the 29th the French were driven out of Rethel, and were forced to retreat once more. The town was set on fire by bursting shells, and more than half of it was burned. A Saxon officer, whose diary afterwards fell into the hands of the French, blamed them for the destruction of the place. He said that the French burned the town in order to prevent the Germans from pushing their ammunition wagons across the river Aisne, on both sides of which Rethel is built. We need not pause to apportion the blame. The inhabitants fled, and then the Germans looted and destroyed to their hearts'content. "The place is a disgrace to our army," wrote the Saxon officer.
The Germans now crossed the Aisne, and the French fell back rapidly.
Now let us leave this main line of retreat for a few moments and follow the fortunes of a French army which had been pushed into Lorraine as far back as 14th August, in order to hold the Bavarians, who were operating south of Metz. Up to the 20th of August this French army did very well, but on that day it was badly beaten by the Bavarians at Château Salins,[68]a place about twenty-five miles south-east of Metz. In this battle the Bavarians claimed to have captured thousands of prisoners and 150 guns. No doubt they won an important victory.
The French now fell back to the Vosges mountains, not far from Nancy, and on the 23rd and 24th the Germans, largely reinforced, advanced into the region of Luneville. This forced the French to retire south. On the 25th, however, they made two successful counter-attacks, one from the south to the north and the other from the west to the east, and forced the enemy to fall back. For fifteen days they held up the Bavarians, and by the end of that time the turn of the tide had come, and the French were advancing all along the line.
All these operations involved much fierce fighting, and the Germans were not always victors. Some of the French counter-attacks during the retreat were very successful, and the Germans were checked again and again. For example, on 24th August, near Spincourt, north-east of Verdun, the French had a real success. They drove back the Germans, pursued them with great effect, and captured a number of guns. Nevertheless, by the evening of the 27th, all the strongholds in North France, except Maubeuge, were in the hands of the enemy. Montmédy and Mezières surrendered, almost without firing a shot; but Longwy,[69]though it was an out-of-date fortress, and had but a small garrison, made a heroic resistance, and held out for twenty-four days.
A tragic story connected with the capture of Longwy appeared in one ofthe leading French newspapers at the end of March 1915. It may not be true, but I think you would like to hear it.
The German Emperor, surrounded by his Staff, was dining at an hotel in Luxembourg, and was awaiting the arrival of the general who had just captured Longwy (27th August). As soon as he arrived the Emperor, frantic with rage, addressed him as follows: "How is it that to capture this fortress, defended only by a few battalions, you have uselessly sacrificed thousands of our best soldiers?"
The general went livid, and knowing that a superior officer visited by the wrath of the Emperor in the presence of his equals is condemned for ever, drew himself up and made this daring reply: "Your Majesty, if my soldiers advanced in close formation against Longwy, and were thus uselessly massacred, it was by the command of your scamp of a son, who, at a safe distance of twelve and a half miles behind the front, kept on sending me telephone orders, 'To the assault,' always to the assault."
Having thus spoken, the general left the imperial presence amidst the dumb amazement of the assembly, and on the pavement outside the hotel shot himself. A week later a postcard was on sale throughout Germany, bearing the portrait of the Crown Prince, with the words, "The victor of Longwy."
When Longwy fell the tricolour alone flew from the fortress of Maubeuge, which was better able to stand a bombardment than almost any other stronghold of France. Its outlying defences had been strengthened with concrete and armour plates, and heavy guns had been mounted in steel turrets. The Germans were very anxious to capture it, because it gave them command of a good railway line from Aix right through the Meuse valley.
The siege began soon after the British retreat from Mons. The French commandant had thrown up lines of earthworks between the forts, and had garrisoned them with soldiers. Just before the German guns began to thunder at the forts, detachments of French from the No. 2 Army that hadbeen beaten at the Sambre came to reinforce the defenders, and further assistance was rendered by a British field battery that had been cut off when our line retired. The commandant had about 30,000 men to defend the place, and right nobly was it held. Not until the 7th of September did it yield. The outlying forts had then been battered down by 11-inch guns, throwing a 760-pound shell.
A story went the round of the papers that, long before the war, a Belgian had bought land near Maubeuge, and on it had begun to build a factory for making railway engines. It was said that the real owner of the land was Krupp, the great manufacturer of guns and armaments for the German Government; and that while the factory was being built, concrete gun platforms had been constructed, on which the Germans mounted their siege guns as soon as they arrived. The story, however, had nofoundation. The guns which the Germans used in the siege of Maubeuge were smaller than those which battered down Namur. They did not need concrete foundations, but could be fired from an ordinary road or from a platform of sleepers. The story, however, was widely believed, and alleged gun platforms were actually discovered in innocent British factories!
The French official account of the retreat tells us that, when the defence of the Meuse collapsed, General Joffre decided on a general retreat, but determined to make a series of counter-attacks whenever opportunity offered, so that the enemy might be kept busy. He had to choose a position where the retreat was to end, and this position had to be so chosen that the different armies could reach it at the same time and be ready without delay to advance. If, however, he found that he could begin his forward movement before this point was reached, he was prepared to alter his plans.
After the war of 1870-71, when the French began building fortresses to guard their eastern frontier, they arranged that if the enemy should capture Montmédy, Mezières, Hirson, Maubeuge, and Lille, as they had now done, a stand was to be made for the defence of Paris along an undulating plateau of chalk which rises gently from the valley of the Marne, but falls steeply on the north-east to the plains of Northern France. These uplands, as seen from the north, resemble the Surrey and Sussex Downs, and are known as the Heights of Champagne. On them grow the grapes which make the sparkling wine known as champagne. Several streams, the largest of which is the Aisne,[70]cut their way through the plateau; stumps of trees and belts of woodland are common, and on the western side towards the Oise there are wide stretches of forest.
The little map on the opposite page will help you to understand the defensive character of the Heights of Champagne. Notice the two towns which were fortified to defend the scarp of the heights against attack from the north and north-east—La Fère,[71]on the Oise, an entrenched camp, with a circle of forts on both sides of the river; and Laon,[72]an old city built on a long spur which encloses a remarkable V-shapedvalley, partly wooded and partly covered with gardens and vineyards. The carriage road to the upper town of Laon ascends in curves from near the station, but foot passengers may climb to it by means of a stairway of 260 steps and a series of inclined planes. On the highest part of the hill stands the ancient citadel, and towering above its ramparts are the bold and graceful towers of a beautiful cathedral. The forts erected round this city were so placed that their fire crossed that of the forts at La Fère. Lines of defence extended along the steep north-eastern face of the plateau, and also along its eastern side to the valley of the Aisne. Beyond the Aisne valley the eastern system of defences was continued to the valley of the Marne. About midway between the two rivers, but to the east of the plateau, is the fortress of Rheims,[73]one of the most interesting cities of France, and the chief centre of the trade in champagne. Rheims stands on the plain, and behind it risethe vine-clad uplands. In front of it is the bold wooded hill known as the Mountain of Rheims. This hill, at the time of which we are speaking, was strongly fortified.
Such was the position chosen in 1874 as the great line of defence against an army advancing on Paris. While the French retreat was in progress, many persons in this country thought that a great stand would be sure to be made in this region; but, to their surprise, the French continued their southward march.
Now, why was not a stand made at the Heights of Champagne? The fact was, that the German armies were advancing so rapidly that the French had no time to pause and reorganize their line so that it could meet the enemy with any chance of success. The French had reached the plateau by the 29th August; but they dared not halt their columns, because the enemy was hard at their heels.
By this time von Kluck had passed the confluence of the Oise and the Aisne, and a cavalry corps on his left had actually reached the Marne. This movement threatened the left flank of the French, and they were bound to continue their retreat to prevent themselves from being turned in this direction. At the same time von Buelow was at Laon, on the edge of the plateau, and farther east von Hausen had crossed the Aisne, while other German armies were in contact with the French between Vouziers[74]and Verdun.
Had the French accepted battle at the Heights of Champagne they would have done so very recklessly. If they had suffered defeat, they would have been cut off from the British on their left, and from a new army which was being formed near Paris. General Joffre therefore decided to continue his retreat until he could engage the enemy in a better position. He did so, and on 5th September lay along the Seine and the Aube, with the British gathered between the Seine and the Marne, and on their flank the newly-created army. All the units of the Allied forces were now linked up, and the moment had arrived when General Joffre could order an attack. On the evening of the 5th he addressed the following message to the commanders of his armies: "The hour has come to advance at all costs, and to die where you stand rather than give way."
Late in March 1915 General Joffre told an interviewer that his army was not crushed in Belgium by overwhelming numbers. "That," he said, "is quite wrong; our army was numerous. We ought to have won the Battle of Charleroi.[75]We ought to have won it ten times out of eleven. We lost it through our own faults of command.
"Before the war broke out I had already noted that among our generals many were worn out. Some had appeared to be incapable—not good enough for their work. Others inspired me with doubt, and I made up my mind to replace them with younger men. I should have done so, but the war came too soon. Besides, there were others in whom I had faith who have not responded to my hopes. . . . Their merit turned out to be below the mark. I had to remedy these defects. Some of these generals were my best comrades. But if I love my friends much, I love France more. I relieved them of their posts."
I have already told you how the French were crushed in Belgium; how they retreated, remedied their defects, re-formed their line along the Seine and the Aube,[76]turned their faces to the foe, and prepared to advance. All this happened between 21st August and 5th September. The account is not, however, complete, for you have yet to learn how the British army continued and ended its southern march. When I broke off my story to relate the misfortunes of the French, our gallant lads, you will remember, were making a brief halt in the neighbourhood of St. Quentin. We must now rejoin them, and see how they fared during the latter part of their retreat.
If you turn to the map on page16, you will notice a French army marked 6, lying to the south of the fortress of Maubeuge. This army was a cavalry corps of three divisions, held in reserve. It had taken no part in the battle on the Sambre, but now it came into action on our left rear, and brought relief to Allenby's hard-worked horsemen, who had been struggling almost night and day to beat back the German advance. Some of the Territorial divisions of the 5th Army, which had retreated to the Oise, also came to the assistance of the British. They closed in to the west of Smith-Dorrien's corps, and von Kluck, seeing his right flank threatened by them, was obliged to detach a strong column to hold them in check. Further, some divisions of the 2nd French Army, which had been beaten at Charleroi and had retreated south-west, now appeared, and struck severe blows on the enemy at Guise[77]and St. Quentin. This removed some of the pressure from Haig's corps. The British were thus able to retreat without much molestation, and by the evening of Friday, the 28th, they were assembled along the Oise from La Fère to Noyon.
It was a very weary army which reached this position. It had fought and marched incessantly for six days, but it was still undaunted, and was eager for the moment when it should receive the order, "Right about turn! quick march!" You can form some idea of the great feat which it had performed when I tell you that besides fighting many rearguard actions it had marched more than eighty miles—that is, on an average, at least fourteen miles a day. After such an experience most armies would have been a complete wreck. Not so the British. The rank and file were now fully aware that, man for man, they were more than a match for the Germans, and they were heartened by the knowledge that they had foiled the frenzied efforts of an army that vastly outnumbered them, and had striven with all its might to overwhelm them.
Though the general pursuit had slackened, von Kluck's cavalry were still on the heels of the British rear. On the Friday afternoon on which our men reached the La Fère-Noyon position two columns of the enemy's horse moved south-east from St. Quentin in the attempt to attack our flank at La Fère. Allenby, with two of his cavalry brigades, rode out to meetthem. The German column on the left consisted of Uhlans and of the cavalry of the famous Prussian Guard. General Gough, with the 4th Hussars and the 5th Lancers, charged down upon these much-vaunted horsemen, and drove them back in headlong flight. Against the other column, which was advancing further to the right, Sir Philip Chetwode led the Scots Greys, the 12th Lancers, and the 20th Hussars.
If you are a Scottish boy or girl, you will be certain to maintain that the Scots Greys are the finest cavalrymen in the world. Your English friends may not, perhaps, agree with you; but even though they may prefer the 9th Lancers or some other English regiment, they will be quite willing to give very high praise indeed to the Scots Greys. They have a glorious record, and every one remembers how famously they bore themselves at the Battle of Waterloo, where they charged down upon the French with the Gordons clinging to their stirrup-leathers, horsemen and footmen shouting, "Scotland for ever!" Napoleon knew them well, and always feared "those terrible grey horses."
A friend of mine has talked with wounded officers and men who took part in the engagement at St. Quentin, and has given me the following account of the part played by the Scots Greys in the fight:—
The column of German cavalry opposed to Sir Philip Chetwode's brigade must have numbered about 10,000. The main body was stationed behind a wood, between which and the British brigade there was a slight valley. When the attack began our men dismounted and opened a brisk rifle fire on the advance guard of the Germans, who were hidden amongst the corn stooks at the top of the opposite slope and amongst the turnips in a field that lay behind. They had a machine gun with them, and their horses were picketed at the rear of the wood.
For a time our horse artillery shelled the wood, and our men continued their rifle fire. Our shells burst over and beyond the wood, and stampeded the picketed horses. Then came the order to mount and charge. The 12th Lancers went first, bearing to the right of the wood, and the Scots Greys followed, bearing to the left. With a wild hurrah they topped the slight rise, and crashed into the Germans, some of whom were on the knee trying to defend themselves with their long lances. Othersheld up their hands in token of surrender, and the first line of the gallant Greys dropped the points of their sword and spared their lives. In many cases, after the first line had passed, the Germans who had pretended to surrender fired with revolvers, and shot the chivalrous Scots in the back. The second line of Greys, however, made them pay dearly for this treachery. They cut down all within reach without mercy, and, making their horses rear and plunge and lash out with their fore feet, knocked down and trampled many others. Before the wood was reached, the German machine gun had been captured, and five hundred of the enemy had been killed or taken prisoners. They were big men, and evidently belonged to one of the Kaiser's "crack" regiments.
One of the Greys now reconnoitred the wood, and at the sight of him the men left in charge of the picketed horses bolted. The Grey followed them, and to his amazement saw the main body of the German cavalry in full and disorderly flight. You may be sure that the Greys and the Lancers were much disappointed that they had no chance of coming to grips with the fleeing horsemen. By this time they had nothing but contempt for the German cavalry. You will remember that at the beginning of the retreat a German cavalry division had declined "to take on" a British brigade. Sir John French tells us that already our cavalry had established "a decided superiority over that of the enemy."
This exploit won some respite for our men, and the pursuit was shaken off for a time. The Germans were weary with much marching and fighting, and our engineers had checked their advance by blowing up all the river and canal bridges as soon as they were crossed. That evening our much-tried men enjoyed comfortable meals, the refreshment of a bath, and a good eight hours' sleep.
The German pursuit, however, was soon continued with great vigour. At one o'clock on Saturday Sir John French knew that at least two corps of the enemy were advancing towards his front. At this time he received a visit from General Joffre, who brought him good news. He had ordered the 5th French Army on the Oise to move forward and attack the Germans on the Somme, and this meant less pressure on the British. But the best news of all was that, quite unknown to the enemy, a new 6th French Armyhad been formed on the British left flank, and was ready to be launched against von Kluck as soon as the whole Allied line should be in the required position. There was still a good deal of retreating to be done before the word to advance could be given, and that morning the British forces retired to a position a few miles north of the line Compiègne[78]-Soissons,[79]along the river Aisne.
Compiègne is an interesting country town near the junction of the Oise, and in the midst of heavily forested country. It was a favourite residence of French kings, and is perhaps known to you as the place where Joan of Arc was taken prisoner by the Burgundians in 1430. A monument to her memory stands in front of the fine Hôtel de Ville. At the end of the town near the forest there is a royal palace, which was built in the reign of Louis XV. The forest itself is fifty-nine miles in circumference, and has many beautiful walks. In the summer it is a favourite resort of Parisians.
The retiral of the British army from the La Fère-Noyon line was the signal for the Germans to advance. Small rearguard actions were continually fought, and on 1st September there was an engagement of a very fierce character, during which Battery L of the Royal Horse Artillery covered itself with glory. I must tell you the story in detail.
Gunner J. C. Eyles, one of the survivors of L Battery, says: "After bivouacking at Compiègne some of us had a fine river swim, and, what is more, we washed our underclothing for the first time since we left England in August. And it wanted it, too! I was a bit unlucky, for my clothes were still wet when I was ordered to take outpost duty at night. Therefore I had to pack my wet things on the front of my saddle, and do duty in only my tunic and riding pants. It was just a bit cold.
"On the following day we had a long, weary march until dusk, when I had the misfortune, while giving my horse water from a stream, to lose trace of my battery. Making the best of a bad job, I tracked towards what I thought would be our lines. While trudging along with my horse, my revolver in my hand, I heard the sound of galloping hoofs. I pulled into the grassy slope on the side of the road, thinking that my time had come, and that that would be a good place to face it. Dismounting, I awaited events, and after a minute or so I was relieved to see two of the 2nd Dragoon Guards, to whom I shouted in good old English. It was lucky I did, too: I had been unconsciously walking straight towards the German lines, and the two British soldiers were, as a matter of fact,being chased by a large patrol of Uhlans. In a second I was riding off with the dragoons, and, like them, escaped."
The gunner rejoined his battery, and found the men exhausted but looking forward to advancing against the foe. Early on the morning of 1st September Battery L was at Néry,[80]a little village about two and a half miles south of the southern edge of the forest. It was a chilly morning, and the surrounding country was heavily veiled in fog. About 4 a.m. the battery received the order to unsaddle and rest the horses. Overnight a ridge about 600 or 800 yards away had been occupied by French troops, but during the darkness they had retreated. No order to retire had reached L Battery, probably because the Germans had cut the telegraph wires.
About 4.30 many of the gunners and drivers were lying on the ground with their tunics off, and others were shaving and washing. The horses were unsaddled, and had their nosebags on. Suddenly ten or a dozen German guns galloped up to the ridge, unlimbered, and opened a heavy fire on the battery; while Maxims, which had been brought up on motor cars, enfiladed them with a murderous rain of bullets. The first volley killed most of the horses, and strewed the ground with dead and dying men. The survivors attempted to reach their guns and make a reply; but three of the guns were so battered by the enemy's shells that they were useless. The other three, however, were brought into action; but before long two of them were silenced, and the gunners shot down.
"Captain Bradbury, who had been walking behind the guns giving orders and encouraging the men to fight to the last like true R.H.A. soldiers, was killed. Lieutenant Giffard, although seriously wounded, continued at his post of duty, telling the gunners to 'stick it,' and refusing to leave until he was practically forced by some of our men to seek cover behind a haystack. All the other officers were killed, and all our sergeants were dead with the exception of one. But a fine last stand was made at that last gun by Gunner Derbyshire and Driver Osborne, under the orders of Battery Sergeant-Major Dorrell. Quite unconcernedly they continued their duty—Driver Osborne, although wounded in the back, supplying the ammunition; and Gunner Derbyshire firing the gun, apparently unaffected by being hurled from his feet two or three times,owing to the great force of impact as shells struck the ground near at hand.
"Other survivors had been ordered to take cover, and it was no pleasant experience to crawl like snakes, as we did, through a very muddy mangold-wurzel field, especially when you have only shirt and trousers on. However, that didn't hurt us. Meanwhile I Battery of the R.H.A., stationed about two miles to our rear, evidently realizing the true state of affairs, gave the Germans a hot taste of British gunnery—so hot, in fact, that everyone of the Kaiser's guns was silenced. Then cavalry (of the 1st Brigade) and a force of the Middlesex attacked; the German guns were captured, and over six hundred prisoners were taken. To the end Gunner Derbyshire and Driver Osborne held out, and although the only comment of each is, 'I only did my duty,' the battery is naturally proud that they have been recommended for the Victoria Cross."
I cannot leave this incident without quoting the fine verses which appeared in theTimesshortly after the glorious valour of Battery L was reported in England. They are worth learning by heart.
Battery L of the R.H.A.—Oh, the cold gray light o' the dawn—Woke as the mists were wreathing pale,Woke to the moan of the shrapnel hail;Battery L of the R.H.A.Sprang to their guns in the dawn.Six guns all at the break o' day—Oh, the crash of the shells at dawn—And out of the six guns only one,Left for the fight ere the fight's begun,Battery L of the R.H.A.Swung her round in the dawn.They swung her clear, and they blazed away—Oh, the blood-red light o' the dawn—Osborne, Derbyshire, brave Dorrell,These are the heroes of Battery L,These are the men of the R.H.A.Who fought that gun in the dawn.Ay, that was a fight that was fought that day,As the gray mists fled from the dawn,Till they broke up the enemy one by one,Silenced him steadily gun by gun—Battery L of the R.H.A.,One lone gun in the dawn.
Battery L of the R.H.A.—Oh, the cold gray light o' the dawn—Woke as the mists were wreathing pale,Woke to the moan of the shrapnel hail;Battery L of the R.H.A.Sprang to their guns in the dawn.Six guns all at the break o' day—Oh, the crash of the shells at dawn—And out of the six guns only one,Left for the fight ere the fight's begun,Battery L of the R.H.A.Swung her round in the dawn.They swung her clear, and they blazed away—Oh, the blood-red light o' the dawn—Osborne, Derbyshire, brave Dorrell,These are the heroes of Battery L,These are the men of the R.H.A.Who fought that gun in the dawn.Ay, that was a fight that was fought that day,As the gray mists fled from the dawn,Till they broke up the enemy one by one,Silenced him steadily gun by gun—Battery L of the R.H.A.,One lone gun in the dawn.
James L. Harvey.
On the same day, at a place about fifteen miles east of Néry, another fierce rearguard action was fought. The Germans surprised the 4th Guards Brigade—Grenadiers, Coldstreams, and Irish—amidst the woods. They were in a field by a stream, preparing for a long-delayed "tub," when the first shell crashed into them. At once the bugles rang out, and the Guards, angry at being balked of their bath, scrambled into their trenches and loaded their rifles, eager for the enemy's onset.
The German cavalry dashed out of the woods in great strength, and drove forward the British left, thinking that they had only to walk over a broken and defeated army. They were soon undeceived. The Guards held their fire until the enemy was well within effective range, and then the rifles rang out and the Maxims got to work. Many German saddles were emptied; the horsemen broke and fled.
Meanwhile the German guns were worming their way nearer and nearer to the British line, and behind them the infantry were coming on in close-knit ranks. Our artillery now opened fire, and rifles and guns swept lanes of death through the ranks of the enemy. They wavered and retired.
Again the enemy, reinforced by machine guns and artillery, with cavalry on the flanks, bore down upon the British. At this moment our cavalry appeared, and the Guards, leaping to their feet, doubled towards the top of a neighbouring hill which the Germans were bent on seizing. The enemy reached it first, dug himself in, and brought up his guns, which immediately began a furious cannonade. Our men went to earth at once in hastily-made trenches. Three German cavalry regiments now flung themselves at the thin khaki line of the Irish Guards; but these gallant fellows were quite undismayed. With wonderful coolness they fired continuously on the advancing foe, and at the word "Charge!" swept forward with gleaming bayonets, singing "God save Ireland." For a few minutes there was a mad confusion of plunging horses, whirling sabres,and stabbing bayonets, and then all was over. The German horsemen turned tail, and the Irishmen, dropping to earth, picked them off as they retired. The German infantry behind the retreating cavalry hesitated to advance; but their artillery moved up to new positions, and fired upon our men with deadly effect. The British horsemen were loosed at them: some of the guns limbered up and dashed off into safety; those that remained were captured and their gunners were sabred. This done, the British cavalry charged into the German masses again and again.
The enemy had been soundly thrashed, and the British continued their retreat unmolested. For five days they marched southwards without attack. On 3rd September they crossed the Marne, blowing up the bridges on their line of retirement. That day our left was almost within gunshot of the eastern forts of Paris. Two days later the British army lay south of the Grand Morin,[81]a tributary of the Marne. The long retreat was over.
It is impossible to overpraise the indomitable spirit of the British army during its retirement from the Belgian frontier. Our men bore the heavy fighting, the weary marches through chilly and often wet nights, the awful strain on nerves and temper, with wonderful fortitude. All that they asked was to be allowed to stand and "go for" the enemy. An officer thus describes the talk of the men during the last days of the retreat:—
"'Hang it all, sir,' one man said to me, 'if we can do thirty miles a day without food and sleep in a retreat, we could do fifty in an advance.' Constantly the question I was asked was, 'When are they going to let us halt and have another go at them?' or, 'How soon do you think it will be before they let us turn and get a bit of our own back?' or, 'I suppose it's a trap we're leading them Germans into. We're the bait, so to speak, and the French all this time are getting in behind them.' It was fine to listen to and watch them—ragged, footsore, bearded, dirty, and unkempt, gaunt-eyed from lack of sleep, but upheld by that invincible spirit which is the glory of the race."
From Mons to the Grand Morin our men had tramped 135 miles, as the crow flies, in fourteen days. For the British troops the long days of theretreat "had been like a moving picture seen through a haze of weariness and confusion. Blazing days among the coal heaps and grimy villages of Hainault, which reminded our north countrymen of Lancashire and Durham; nights of aching travel on upland roads through fields of beet and grain; dawns that broke over slow streams and grassy valleys upon eyes blind with lack of sleep; the cool beech woods of Compiègne; the orchards of Ourcq[82]and Marne now heavy with plum and cherry. And hour after hour the rattle of musketry and the roaring swell of the great shells; the hurried entrenchments and the long, deadly vigils; or the sudden happy chance of a blow back, when the bayonet took revenge for dusty miles and crippled bodies and lost comrades. On the evening of the 4th the van of the retreat saw from the slopes above the Grand Morin a land of coppice and pasture rolling southwards to a broad valley, and far off the dusk of many trees. It was the forest of Fontainebleau[83]and the vale of the Seine. The Allies had fallen back behind all but one of the four rivers which from north and east open the way to Paris."[84]