NOW when the abbot had obtained the favour and grace of King Richard by gifts and money, so that he had good reason to believe that he could succeed according to his desire in all his undertakings, the King died, and the abbot lost his labour and outlay. However, King John, immediately after his coronation, setting aside all other affairs, came down to St. Edmund, drawn thither by his vow and by devotion. We, indeed, believed that he was come to make offering of some great matter; but all he offered was one silken cloth, which his servants had borrowed from our sacrist, and to this day have not paid for. He availed himself of the hospitality of St. Edmund, which was attended with enormous expense, and upon his departure bestowed nothing at all, either of honour or profit, upon the saint, save thirteen pence sterling, which he offered at his mass on the day of his departure.
About that time some of our officials made complaint, stating in our chapter that Ralph the porter, our servant, maintained causes and actions against them to the damage of the church and to the prejudice of the convent. It was ordered by the prior, with the assent of us all, that he should be punished according to the custom whereby our servants are usually punished, that is, by the withholding of their stipends. It was therefore ordered that the cellarer should withhold from him, not the corody which of right belonged to his office according to the tenour of his charter, but certain additions and perquisites which the cellarer and sub-cellarer allowed him without knowledge of the convent at large. Now the aforesaid Ralph, accompanied by certain of the abbot's table, complained to the abbot on his return from London, that the prior and convent had disseised him of his corody, whereof he was seised when the abbot had first come to the abbacy. They also stated to the abbot that this act was done without his sanction, and to his dishonour, and unreasonably, without his advice, and without investigation. The abbot indeed believed him, and, in other wise than was either fitting or customary, became excited. He instantly justified Ralph, and affirmed that he wasinnocent. Coming into chapter and complaining thereof, he said that what had been done was to his prejudice and without his consent. And it was answered by one of us, the others all joining him, that this was done by the prior, and with the assent of the whole convent.
The abbot was confused at this, saying, "I have nourished and brought up children, and they have rebelled against me." Not overlooking this (as he ought to have done) for the sake of peace to the many, but rather exhibiting his power with a resolution not to be over-mastered, he openly gave command to the cellarer that he should restore to Ralph, fully and wholly, all that had been taken from him, and that he should drink nothing but water till he had restored everything. But Jocell the cellarer, hearing this, chose for that day to drink water, rather than restore the corody to Ralph against the will of the convent. When this came to the abbot's knowledge on the morrow, he forbade both meat and drink to the cellarer until he restored all. With these words the abbot immediately departed from the town, and stayed away for eight days.
On the same day on which the abbot had departed,the cellarer arose in chapter, and exhibiting the precept of the abbot, and holding his keys in his hand, said that he had rather be deposed from his office than do anything in opposition to the convent. And then there began a great tumult in the convent, such as I had never before seen; and they said that the precept of the abbot was not to be obeyed. But the seniors and more prudent men of the convent, discreetly holding their tongues, upon being urged gave it as their opinion that the abbot was to be obeyed in everything, except in things manifestly against God's pleasure; and intimated that we must bear with this scandalous behaviour for a time for the sake of peace, lest worse should befall. Now when the prior had begun to sing "Verba mea" for all deceased, as is the rule, the novices withstood him, and with them nearly the half of the convent; and raising their voices, they all cried out in answer, and opposed it. Nevertheless, the senior part of the convent prevailed, although they were few as compared with the rest.
The abbot, although absent, yet by his messengers terrified some by threats. Some others he drew over to him by fair words; and the more influential men of the convent, as though they were afraid even of hisgarment, he caused to secede from the counsel of the generality, that that gospel should be fulfilled which says, "Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation." Moreover, the abbot said that he would by no means come amongst us, by reason of the conspiracies and oaths which, as he said, we had made against him, that we should kill him with our knives. However, returning home, and sitting in his inner chamber, he gave orders to one of our brethren whom he vehemently suspected, that he should come to him; and because he would not come, fearing to be taken and bound, he was excommunicated; and the whole day after he was put into fetters, remaining till morning in the infirmary. Three others the abbot also included in a lighter sentence, in order that the others might fear.
On the morrow it was resolved that the abbot should be sent for, and that we should humble ourselves before him, both in word and demeanour, so that his anger might be appeased; and it was done accordingly. He, on the other hand, answering meekly enough, but always alleging his own rectitude, laid the blame upon us. Yet when he saw that we were willing to be overcome, was himself fairly overcome. Bursting into tears, he swore that he had nevergrieved for any one thing as he had upon the present occasion, as well on his own account as on our account also, and more especially for the scandal, the evil report which had already gone abroad concerning our dissension, to the effect that the monks of St. Edmund wished to kill their abbot.
And when the abbot had told us how he went away on purpose till his anger had cooled, repeating this saying of the philosopher, "I would have taken vengeance upon thee had I not been angry," he arose, weeping, and embraced all and every one of us with the kiss of peace. He wept, and we also wept. The brethren who had been excommunicated were immediately absolved; and thus "the tempest ceased, and there was a great calm." Yet for all this the abbot gave private orders that the accustomed corody should be given without stint to Ralph the porter, as heretofore; to which matter, however, we shut our eyes, being at last made to understand that there is no lord who will not bear rule, and that battle is perilous which is undertaken against the stronger, and is begun against the more powerful party.
In the year of grace one thousand two hundred a marshalling took place of the knights of St. Edmundand of their fees, whereof their ancestors had been infeoffed.
Alberic de Vere holds five knights' fees and a half: namely, in Loddon and in Brome, one knight's fee; in Mendham and Preston, one knight's fee; in Rede, one knight's fee; and in Cockfield, half a knight's fee; and in Livermere, two knights' fees.William of Hastings holds five knights' fees: to wit, in Lidgate, and in Blunham and in Harling, three knights' fees; and in Tibenham and in Gissing, two.The Earl Roger holds three knights' fees in Norton and Brisingham.Robert Fitz Roger holds one knight's fee in Marlesford.Alexander of Kirkby holds one knight's fee in Kirkby.Roger of Eu holds two knights' fees, in Mickfield and in Topscroft.Arnald of Charneles and his co-parceners, one knight's fee, in Oakley, and in Quiddenham, and in Thurston, and Stuston.Osbert of Wachesham, one knight's fee in Marlingford and in Wortham.William of Tostock, one knight's fee in Randestune.Gilbert Fitz Ralph, three knights' fees: namely, in Thelnetham and in Hepworth, one knight's fee; in Reydon (in Blithing) and in Gissing, one knight's fee; and in Saxham, one knight's fee.Ralph of Buckenham, half a knight's fee in Buckenham.William of Bardwell, two knights' fees in Barningham, and in Bardwell, and in Hunston, and in Stanton.Robert of Langtoft holds three knights' fees, in Stow, and in Ashfield, and in Troston, and in Little Waltham in Essex.Adam of Cockfield, two knights' fees: namely, in Lavenham, and in Onehouse, one knight's fee; and in Lelesey.Robert Fitz Walter, one knight's fee, in Great Fakenham and in Sapiston.William Blund, one knight's fee in Thorp (in Blackbourn).Gilbert of Peche, two knights' fees: namely, in Waude and in Gedding, one knight's fee; in Felsham, and in Euston, and in Groton, one knight's fee.Gilbert of St. Clare, two knights' fees, in Bradfield and in Wattisfield.Geoffrey of Whelnetham and Gilbert of Manston, one knight's fee, in Whelnetham and in Manston.Hubert of Ansty, half a knight's fee in Briddinghoe.Gervase of Rothing, one knight's fee, in Chipley and in Rothing.Robert of Halsted, one knight's fee in Halsted, and half a knight's fee in Brockley.Reginald of Brockley, one knight's fee in Brockley.Simon of Patteshall, half a knight's fee in Whatfield.Peter Fitz Alan, half a knight's fee in Brockley.Ralph of Presseni, half a knight's fee in Stanningfield.Richard of Ickworth, two knights' fees, in Ickworth and in Wangford.Robert of Horning, half a knight's fee in Horning.Walter of Saxham, one knight's fee, in Ashfield and in Saxham.William of Wordwell, half a knight's fee in Whelnetham.Norman of Risby, half a knight's fee in Risby.Peter of Livermere and Alan of Flempton, one knight's fee in Livermere and Ampton.Roger of Morieux, one knight's fee in Thorpe.Hugh of Eleigh, in Eleigh, and in Preston, and in Bradfield, two knights' fees.Stephen of Brockdish, one fourth part of a knight's fee in Brockdish.Adam of Barningham, one fourth part of a knight's fee in Barningham.William of Wordwell, in Little Livermere and in Wordwell, one fourth part of a knight's fee.The total is fifty-two fees and one-half and one quarter.
Alberic de Vere holds five knights' fees and a half: namely, in Loddon and in Brome, one knight's fee; in Mendham and Preston, one knight's fee; in Rede, one knight's fee; and in Cockfield, half a knight's fee; and in Livermere, two knights' fees.
William of Hastings holds five knights' fees: to wit, in Lidgate, and in Blunham and in Harling, three knights' fees; and in Tibenham and in Gissing, two.
The Earl Roger holds three knights' fees in Norton and Brisingham.
Robert Fitz Roger holds one knight's fee in Marlesford.
Alexander of Kirkby holds one knight's fee in Kirkby.
Roger of Eu holds two knights' fees, in Mickfield and in Topscroft.
Arnald of Charneles and his co-parceners, one knight's fee, in Oakley, and in Quiddenham, and in Thurston, and Stuston.
Osbert of Wachesham, one knight's fee in Marlingford and in Wortham.
William of Tostock, one knight's fee in Randestune.
Gilbert Fitz Ralph, three knights' fees: namely, in Thelnetham and in Hepworth, one knight's fee; in Reydon (in Blithing) and in Gissing, one knight's fee; and in Saxham, one knight's fee.
Ralph of Buckenham, half a knight's fee in Buckenham.
William of Bardwell, two knights' fees in Barningham, and in Bardwell, and in Hunston, and in Stanton.
Robert of Langtoft holds three knights' fees, in Stow, and in Ashfield, and in Troston, and in Little Waltham in Essex.
Adam of Cockfield, two knights' fees: namely, in Lavenham, and in Onehouse, one knight's fee; and in Lelesey.
Robert Fitz Walter, one knight's fee, in Great Fakenham and in Sapiston.
William Blund, one knight's fee in Thorp (in Blackbourn).
Gilbert of Peche, two knights' fees: namely, in Waude and in Gedding, one knight's fee; in Felsham, and in Euston, and in Groton, one knight's fee.
Gilbert of St. Clare, two knights' fees, in Bradfield and in Wattisfield.
Geoffrey of Whelnetham and Gilbert of Manston, one knight's fee, in Whelnetham and in Manston.
Hubert of Ansty, half a knight's fee in Briddinghoe.
Gervase of Rothing, one knight's fee, in Chipley and in Rothing.
Robert of Halsted, one knight's fee in Halsted, and half a knight's fee in Brockley.
Reginald of Brockley, one knight's fee in Brockley.
Simon of Patteshall, half a knight's fee in Whatfield.
Peter Fitz Alan, half a knight's fee in Brockley.
Ralph of Presseni, half a knight's fee in Stanningfield.
Richard of Ickworth, two knights' fees, in Ickworth and in Wangford.
Robert of Horning, half a knight's fee in Horning.
Walter of Saxham, one knight's fee, in Ashfield and in Saxham.
William of Wordwell, half a knight's fee in Whelnetham.
Norman of Risby, half a knight's fee in Risby.
Peter of Livermere and Alan of Flempton, one knight's fee in Livermere and Ampton.
Roger of Morieux, one knight's fee in Thorpe.
Hugh of Eleigh, in Eleigh, and in Preston, and in Bradfield, two knights' fees.
Stephen of Brockdish, one fourth part of a knight's fee in Brockdish.
Adam of Barningham, one fourth part of a knight's fee in Barningham.
William of Wordwell, in Little Livermere and in Wordwell, one fourth part of a knight's fee.
The total is fifty-two fees and one-half and one quarter.
Now Geoffrey Ruffus, one of our monks, although he deported himself in somewhat too secular a manner, yet was a useful person to us in the keeping of the four manors of Barton, Pakenham, Rougham, and Bradfield, where there had often been heretofore a deficiency in the farms. But the abbot, although hearing of the evil report of his continence, yet winked at it for a long time, most likely because Geoffrey seemed to be serviceable to the community. At length, when the truth was known, the abbot suddenly made a seizure of his chests, put them in the vestry, and caused all the stock of the different manors to be kept most closely, and remanded Geoffrey to the cloister. There was found much gold and silver, to the value of two hundred marks, the whole of which the abbot said was to be laid by for the purpose of making the front of the shrine of St. Edmund.
On the feast of St. Michael it was decreed in chapter that two brethren, not one alone, should succeed to the keepership of the manors, whereof one was Roger of Hingham, who promised before us all that he was willing and able to undertake the charge of the manors and cellary together. The abbot gave his assent thereto, but the convent was reluctant. And Jocell, who had well and carefully managed his office,and for two years had been in charge of the cellary without incurring debt, as other cellarers had used to do, was deposed from the cellary and was made sub-cellarer. But at the end of the year, Roger, on rendering account of his receipts and outgoings, affirmed that he had received sixty marks from the stock of the manors to supply the deficiency of the cellarer. Therefore, upon counsel being taken, it was resolved that Jocell should be restored to the cellary; and Mildenhall and Chebenhall and Southwold were granted to him. The other manors were committed to Roger and Albin, and were divided from the cellary, lest the manors should be ruined by the cellary, or the cellary be ruined by the manors.
Adam of Cockfield being dead, the abbot could have had three hundred marks for the wardship of the only daughter of the same Adam; but because the grandfather of the damsel had taken her away privily, and inasmuch as the abbot was not able to obtain seisin of the damsel, unless by the aid of the archbishop, the abbot granted that wardship to Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, for the consideration of one hundred pounds. The archbishop, for five hundred marks, granted to Thomas de Burgh, the brother of the King's chamberlain, that samewardship; and the damsel was delivered to him, with her rights, by the hand of the abbot. Thomas, therefore, at once required the seisin of these manors, which we had in our hands after the death of Adam—Cockfield, Semer, and Groton—we believing that we had power to retain all of them in our demesne, or at least two of them, Semer and Groton; both because Robert of Cockfield, being on his deathbed, had publicly affirmed that he could claim nothing by right of inheritance in these two manors, and also because Adam, his son, had re-assigned to us those two manors in full court, and had made his charter thereof, wherein it was contained that he holds those two manors by the permission of the convent during his life only.
Thomas, therefore, suing a writ of recognition thereof, caused the knights to be summoned, that they should come to be sworn before the King at Tewkesbury. Our charter read in public had no force, for the whole court was against us. The oath being administered, the knights said that they knew nothing about our charters, or of any private agreements; but this they said they did believe, that Adam and his father and his grandfather, for a hundred years back, had holden the manors in fee-farm, one after theother, on the days of their respective deaths. Thus we were disseised by the judgment of the court, after much trouble and many charges expended, saving nevertheless our ancient fee-farm rents payable annually.
The lord abbot seemed to be "misled by a certain appearance of right," because, forsooth, the Scripture saith, "I will not give my glory to another." The abbot of Cluny coming to us, and received by us in such wise as he ought, our abbot would not give place, either in chapter or in the procession on Sunday, but he must needs sit and stand in the middle between the abbot of Cluny and the abbot of Chertsey. Wherefore divers thought different things, and many expressed their feelings in various ways.
ROBERT the prior was at this time in a dying state; but while he was yet alive many opinions were uttered as to appointing a new prior. Some one, therefore, related to us, that the abbot sitting in the choir, and steadfastly beholding all the brethren from the first to the last, found no one upon whom his spirit might rest to make him prior, save Herbert his chaplain. By these and similar acts the will of the abbot was made apparent to most of us. One of us hearing this, answered that it was not to be believed; asserting "that the abbot, a diligent and prudent man, to such a man, a youth and almost beardless novice of twelve years, who had only become a cloister monk four years ago, not approved in the cure of souls, nor in doctrinal learning—to such a one," said he, "he will never give the priorate."
Now, when the prior died, the abbot was staying in London; and a certain person said, "A month has scarcely elapsed since the abbot made Herbert the chaplain, sub-sacrist, and when he committed that office to him, in the chapel of St. Nicasius, he promised that if he could, by any means, make him prior, he would use his utmost exertions on his behalf." Some one hearing of this, who was desirous of making himself agreeable to the abbot and the future prior, most urgently solicited many of us, seniors and juniors alike, that when the opportunity presented itself they would nominate Herbert, at least with some others, for prior. He affirmed that by this means they would gratify the abbot, for such indeed was his desire.
There certainly were many of us, as well of the seniors as the juniors, who asserted that the same Herbert was an amiable and affable man, and worthy of much honour. Also, there were some—few in number, indeed, but whose advice was more respected, and who belonged to the wiser part of the convent—who were desirous of promoting Master Hermer the sub-prior to be prior, as being an experienced, learned and eloquent man, skilful and expert in the cure of souls, who at that time had governed the cloister forfourteen years in good discipline, an approved sub-prior, and well known. This man, I say, they were desirous of preferring, according to that saying of the wise man, "believe an experienced master."
But the greater number of us secretly grumbled in opposition, saying that he was a passionate, impatient, restless, fussy and fretful man, a litigious person, and a disturber of peace, deriding him, and saying, "The discretion of a man deferreth his anger, and it is his glory to pass over a transgression." Also, another one said, "This one thing, as being a scandal, is to be much guarded against, namely, that if the sub-prior be removed, henceforward learned clerks will not deign to take on them the religious habit in our house, if it should happen that any dumb image be set up, and a wooden log be preferred in such a convent as ours." And the same brother added somewhat more, saying that a person to be prior of our convent, should be such a one that if any question of great importance arose in the abbot's absence concerning ecclesiastical or secular affairs, it might be referred to the prior, as being the highest and most discreet person.
A certain one of our brethren, hearing these and such like things, said, "What good is it that yemultiply so many and such sayings? When the abbot comes home, he will do as he pleases about it. Perhaps he may seek the advice of each of us singly, and with great show of formality; but in the end, by allegations and by plausible reasonings and circumlocutions, he will at last come down to the fulfilment of his own desire; and the affair will end as he has all along intended."
The abbot, therefore, having returned, and sitting in chapter, set forth to us amply and eloquently enough what sort of man ought to be appointed prior. John the third prior answered, in the presence of us all, that the sub-prior was a worthy and fit person. But the greater number immediately opposed, saying, "A man of peace, let a man of peace be given us." Two of us, therefore, replied to them, saying that a person should be appointed who knew how to direct the souls of men, and to distinguish "between leprosy and leprosy," which saying gave great offence, for it seemed to favour the part of the sub-prior. But the abbot hearing this uproar, said that he would after chapter hear what each had to say, and so proceed advisedly in the business, and upon the morrow would dispatch it as he thought fit.
In the meantime some one said that the abbot would go through this formality in order that the sub-prior should be cautiously shelved from the office of prior, as if it had been done by the advice of the convent, not by the desire of the abbot; and so he, the abbot, would be held excused, and by this policy the mouth of them that speak lies should be stopped.
On the morrow the abbot, as he sat in chapter, wept sorely, saying that he had passed the whole night without sleep, for sheer anxiety and apprehension that he might chance to nominate one who was displeasing to God. He swore upon peril of his soul that he would nominate four of us who, according to his opinion, were most serviceable and fit, so that we should choose one from those four. Therefore the abbot, in the first place, named the sacrist, whom he well knew to be infirm and insufficient, as the sacrist himself testified with an oath. Forthwith, in the presence of all, he named John the third prior, his cousin, and Maurice his chaplain, and the before-named Herbert, all indeed young men, of about forty years old or under, and all of them of moderate learning, and, so far as respects the cure of souls, rather requiring to be taught than learned therein, nevertheless apt to learn.
These three the abbot nominated and preferred, passing over the sub-prior, and passing by many others of the seniors and elders, experienced and learned men, some who had formerly been masters of the schools, as well as all others. The abbot dwelt long in speaking of and commending the person of John in many respects; but, nevertheless, on the other side, alleged that the great number of his relations in this province would lie heavy on his neck if he were prior.
Now, when the abbot was about to allege the same thing concerning Maurice (and he could with reason do it), so that in a roundabout way he should come to make mention of Herbert, his discourse was interrupted by one of the elders of the convent saying, "Master precentor, you have the first voice; name Master Herbert." "He is a good man," said he. On hearing the name of Herbert, the abbot stopped speaking, and turning to the precentor, said, "I have no objection to receive Herbert if you will." On this saying, the whole convent cried out, "He is a good man; he is a good and amiable man"; and this same thing also many of the elders testified. Immediately hereupon the precentor and some one in alliance with him, and two others on the otherside, arose with all haste, and put Herbert in the midst.
Herbert, indeed, at first humbly begged to be excused, saying that he was insufficient to fill such a dignity, and particularly, as he said, he was not of such perfect knowledge that he should know how to make a sermon in chapter in such manner as would become a prior. Most of those who witnessed this were amazed, and for very confusion struck dumb. However, the abbot said in answer many things to re-assure him, and as it were in disparagement of learned men, saying that he could well remember and con over the sermons of others, just as others did; and began to condemn rhetorical flourishes, and pompous words, and choice sentences, saying that in many churches the sermon in convent is delivered in French, or rather in English, for moral edification, not for literary ostentation.
After this had been said, the new prior advanced to the feet of the abbot and kissed them. The abbot received him with tears, and with his own hand placed him in the prior's seat, and commanded all that they should pay him the reverence and obedience due to him as prior.
The chapter being over, I being hospitaller, sat inthe porch of the guest-hall, stupefied, and revolving in my mind the things I had heard and seen; and I began to consider closely for what cause and for what particular merits such a man should be advanced to so high a dignity. And I began to reflect that the man was of comely stature and of striking appearance; handsome and pleasant looking; always cheerful; of a smiling countenance, be it early or late; kind to all; a man calm in his bearing, and grave in his gait; polite in speech, possessing a sweet voice in chanting, and expressive in reading; young, strong, of a healthy body, and always in readiness to undergo travail for the needs of the church; skilful in conforming himself to every circumstance of place or time, either with ecclesiastics, clerks or seculars; liberal and social, and gentle in reproof; not spiteful, not suspicious, not covetous, not tiresome, not slothful; sober and fluent of tongue in the French idiom, as being a Norman by birth; a man of moderate understanding, who, if "too much learning should make him mad," might be said to be a perfectly accomplished man.
When I regarded these things I said in my mind, such a man would become very popular, but "there is nothing every way blessed," and I wept for joy, saying that "God hath visited his people; as theLord pleased, so it hath been done." But of a sudden another thought occurred to me: "Be cautious in your praise of a new man, for honours alter manners, or rather they show them. Wait and see who and what sort of men will be his counsellors, and to whom he will give ear, for each thing naturally draws to its like. The event will prove his doings, and therefore be sparing in your praises."
On the same day certain unlearned brethren, as well officials as cloister-folk, came together, and "whetted their tongues like a sword that they might shoot privily at" the learned, repeating the words of the abbot, which he had that day spoken, as it were to the prejudice of the learned. Thus they said to one another, "Now let our philosophers take to their philosophies: now is it manifest what their philosophies are worth. So often have our good clerks declined in the cloister that they are now declined. So much have they sermonized in chapter that all are driven away. So much have they spoken of discerning between leprosy and leprosy that as lepers they are all put out. So often have they declinedmusa,musae, that all of them are reckoned musards" (drivellers). These and such like things certain uttered in ridicule and scandal of others, justifyingtheir own ignorance: they condemned the knowledge of polite learning, and disparaged learned men, being very merry, and expecting great things, which, in all probability, will never come to pass, for "Hope of good is often deceived in its expectation."
THE wise man hath said, "No one is in every respect perfect"; nor was the abbot Samson. For this reason let me say this, that according to my judgment the abbot was not to be commended when he caused a deed to be made and ordered the same to be delivered to a certain servant of his, for him to have the sergeanty of John Ruffus, after the decease of the same John. Ten marks, as it was said, "did blind the eyes of the wise." Wherefore, upon Master Dennis, the monk, saying that such an act was unheard of, the abbot replied: "I shall not cease from doing as I like a whit the more for you than I would for that youngster." The abbot also did the like thing in respect of the sergeanty of Adam the infirmarer, upon payment of one hundred shillings. Of such an act it may be said, "A little leaven leaveneth the whole lump."
There is, also, another stain of evil doing, which I trust in the Lord he will wash away with tears, in order that a single excess may not disfigure the sum total of so many good deeds. He built up the bank of the fish-pond at Babwell so high, for the service of a new mill, that by the keeping back of the water there is not a man, rich or poor, who has land near the water, from the gate of the town to Eastgate, but has lost his garden and his orchards. The pasture of the cellarer, upon the other side of the bank, is spoilt. The arable land, also, of the neighbouring folk has been much deteriorated. The meadow of the cellarer is ruined, the orchard of the infirmarer has been flooded by the great flow of water, and all the neighbouring folk are complaining thereof. Once, indeed, the cellarer argued with him in full chapter, upon this excessive damage; but he, quickly moved to anger, made answer, that his fish-pond was not to be spoilt on account of our meadows.
The Dean of London writes thus in his chronicles: "King Henry the Second, having conferred with the archbishop and bishops concerning the vacant abbacies, so far observed the rule of the canons in appointing abbots, that it was the custom to appoint them upon votes solicited from other houses; thinking, perhaps,that if pastors were set up in every place from their own body," a previously contracted familiarity would afford impunity to vice, and old acquaintanceship would give indulgence to wickedness, and thereby too great remissness would obtain in cloisters. Another has said: "It does not seem fit that a pastor should be elected from his own house, but rather from some other house; because, if he is taken from elsewhere he will always believe, according to the greatness of the monastery which he has undertaken to rule, that many are good men and true, whose advice he will seek if he is a good man, and whose honesty he will fear if he is a bad one. But a servant of the house, better knowing the ignorance, inability and incompetence of every one, will the more carelessly serve therein, mixing square with round."
The monks of Ramsey followed this line of reasoning; for in those days, when they were able to choose one of their own body, on two occasions they chose an abbot from other houses.
In the year of grace one thousand two hundred and one there came to us the abbot of Flay, and through his preaching caused the open buying and selling which took place in the market on Sundays to be done away with, and it was ordained that themarket should be held on the Monday. The like the abbot brought to pass in many cities and boroughs of England.
In the same year the monks of Ely set up a market at Lakenheath, having the permission, as well as the charter, of the King. Now, we in the first place, dealing peaceably with our friends and neighbours, sent our messengers to the chapter of Ely, and, first of all, to the lord Bishop of Ely, letters of request that he should forbear his intentions; adding that we could, in a friendly way, for the sake of peace and preserving our mutual regard, pay the fifteen marks that were given as a fine for obtaining the King's charter. Why make a long story of it? They would not give way, and then upon all sides arose threatening speeches, and "spears threatening spears."
We therefore procured a writ of inquest to ascertain whether that market was established to our prejudice, and to the damage of the market of the town of St. Edmund. The oath was made, and it was testified that this had been done to our damage. Of all which, when the King was informed, he caused it to be inquired, by his registrar, what sort of charter he had granted to the monks of Ely; and it was made to appear that he had given to them the aforesaidmarket, under such conditions that it should not be to the injury of the neighbouring markets. The King, therefore, forty marks being offered, granted us his charter that from thenceforward there should be no market within the liberty of St. Edmund, unless by the assent of the abbot. And he wrote to Geoffrey Fitz-Peter, his justiciary, that the market of Lakenheath should be abolished. The justiciary wrote the same to the sheriff of Suffolk.
The sheriff, being well aware that he could not enter upon the liberties of St. Edmund, or exercise any authority there, gave it in charge to the abbot, by his writ, that this should be performed according to the form of the royal command. The steward of the hundred, therefore, coming thither upon the market day, with the witnessing of freemen, in the King's name openly prohibited that market, showing the letters of the King and the sheriff; but being treated with great abuse and violence, he departed, without having accomplished his object.
The abbot, on the other hand, deferring this matter for awhile, being at London, and consulting the learned thereupon, commanded his bailiffs, that taking with them the men of St. Edmund with horse and arms, they should abolish the market, and thatthey should bring along with them in custody the buyers and sellers therein, if they should find any. So at dead of night, there went forth nearly six hundred men well armed, proceeding towards Lakenheath. But when the scouts gave intelligence of their arrival, all who were in the market ran hither and thither, and not one of them could be found.
Now, the prior of Ely on that same night had come thither, with his bailiffs, expecting the arrival of our men, in order that, to the best of his ability, he might defend the buyers and sellers; but he would not stir out of his inn. When our bailiffs had required from him gage and pledge to stand trial in the court of St. Edmund for the wrong committed by him, and he had refused, upon consultation, they overturned the butchers' shambles and the tables of the stalls in the market, and carried them away with them. Moreover, they led away with them all the cattle, "all sheep and oxen; yea, and the beasts of the field," and set off towards Icklingham. The bailiffs of the prior following them made suit for their cattle, by replevin within fifteen days: and their suit was allowed. Within the fifteen days there came a writ, whereby the abbot was summoned to come beforethe court of exchequer to answer for such act, and that the cattle taken should in the meantime be delivered up without charge. For the Bishop of Ely, who was an eloquent and well-spoken man, in his own person had made complaint thereof to the justiciary and the nobles of England, saying that a most unheard-of piece of arrogance had been committed in the land of St. Etheldreda in time of peace; wherefore many were highly indignant with the abbot.
In the meanwhile another cause of disagreement arose between the bishop and the abbot. A certain young man of Glemsford had been summoned to the court of St. Edmund, for a breach of the King's peace, and had been sought for a long while. At length the steward of the bishop brought forth that young man in the county court, claiming the jurisdiction of the court of St. Etheldreda, and exhibiting the charters and privileges of his lord; but our bailiffs, claiming the jurisdiction of the plaint and the seisin of such liberty, could not be heard. The county court, indeed, put that plaint in respite until the justices in eyre should arrive, wherefore St. Edmund was ousted of his jurisdiction. The abbot, on hearing this, proposed to go over to the King;but because he was sick, he decided to defer the matter till the Purification.
And, behold! on St. Agnes day there came the King's messenger, bearing the writ of our lord the Pope, wherein it was contained, that the bishop of Ely and the abbot of St. Edmund should make inquisition concerning Geoffrey Fitz-Peter and William de Stutville, and certain other lords of England who had taken the cross, for whom the King required discharge, alleging their personal infirmity, and the necessity for their advice in the government of his kingdom. The same messenger also brought letters from our lord the King, commanding that he, upon the sight thereof, should come to him to confer upon the message of our lord the Pope. The abbot was troubled in his mind, and said, "I am straitened on every side; I must either offend God or the King: by the very God, whatsoever may be the consequence to me, I will not wittingly lie."
Therefore, returning home with all speed, somewhat weakened by infirmity of body and humbled, and (as was not his wont) timid, by the intervention of the prior, he sought advice of us (a thing he heretofore had seldom done), as to what course he was to pursue in respect of the liberties of the church whichwere in jeopardy, and whence the money was to come if he took his journey, and to whom the keeping of the abbey was to be committed, and what should be done for his poor servants who had a long time served him. And the answer was, that he might go, and that he was at liberty to take up at interest sufficient money, to be payable out of our sacristy and from our pittances, and from our other rents at his pleasure; and that he should give the abbey in charge to the prior, and some other clerk whom he had enriched, and who could, in the interval, live upon his own means, that thereby a saving might take place in the expenses of the abbot, and that he might give to each of his servants money proportioned to his length of service.
He, hearing such counsel, was pleased therewith, and so it was done. The abbot, therefore, coming into chapter the day before he took his departure, caused to be brought with him all his books, and these he presented to the church and convent, and commended our counsel which we had signified to him through the prior.
In the meantime we heard certain persons murmuring, saying that the abbot is careful and solicitous for the liberties of his own barony, but he keepssilence respecting the liberties of the convent which we have lost in his time; namely, concerning the lost court and liberties of the cellarer, and the liberty of the sacrist, as regards the appointment of the bailiffs of the town by the convent. Therefore, the Lord raised up the spirit of three brethren of but indifferent knowledge, who, having got many others to join them, conferred with the prior thereupon, in order that he should speak with the abbot respecting these matters. On our behalf the prior was to ask him, at his departure, to provide for the security of his church in respect of those liberties. On hearing this, the abbot answered that no more was to be said upon the subject, swearing that so long as he lived he would be the master; but towards evening he talked more mildly thereupon with the prior.
On the morrow, indeed, sitting in chapter, as he was about to depart and ask licence so to do, he said he had satisfied all his servants, and had made his will just as if he was now to die; and beginning to speak concerning those liberties, he justified himself, saying that he had changed the ancient customs in order that there should not be a default in the administration of the King's justice, and threw the blame upon the sacrist, and said that if Durand, thetown bailiff, who was now sick, should die, the sacrist might hold the bailiwick in his own hand, and present a bailiff to the chapter for approval, as the custom had been of old, so nevertheless that this be done with the assent of the abbot; but the gifts and offerings to be made yearly by the bailiff he would in no wise remit.
Now, when we asked him what was to be done in respect of the cellarer's court which was lost, and especially of the halfpence which the cellarer was accustomed to receive for renewing pledges, he became angry, and asked us in his turn by what authority we demanded the exercise of regal jurisdiction, and those things which appertain to regalities.
To this it was replied that we had possessed it from the foundation of the church, and even three years after he had come to the abbacy, and this liberty of renewing pledges we possessed in every one of our manors. We stated that we ought not to lose our right in consideration of a hundred shillings, which he received privately from the town bailiff every year; and we boldly required of him to give us such seisin thereof as we had had even in his time.
The abbot, being as it were at a loss for an answer, and willing enough to leave us all in peaceand to depart quietly, ordered that those halfpence and the other matters which the cellarer demanded should be sequestrated until his return; and he promised that upon his return he would co-operate with us in everything, and make just order and disposition, and render to each what was justly his. On his saying this, all was quiet again; but the calm was not very great, for
"In promises any man may wealthy be."Finis.
APPENDICES:
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Samsonhaving been generally looked upon as a man of action rather than as a man of letters, it seems desirable to consider at greater length than is possible in the general Introduction, his claims to be regarded as a literary character.
In the Bodleian Library at Oxford is a huge codex of 898 pages (MS. 240) in a script of the 14th century. This once belonged to Bury Abbey, as at the beginning is the note "Liber monachorum Sancti Edmundi, in quo continetur secunda pars Historia auree, quam scribi fecit dominus Rogerus de Huntedoun sumptibus graciarum suarum anno dominimccc.lxxviio." Over the title is written on the margin "Thomas Prise possidet," and in another hand "Io. Anglicus erat author."
There is considerable difficulty in assigning the exact authorship of this work: but that it was compiled at Bury is certain, and it was no doubt added to as new materials turned up or were deemed worthy of admission, especially such as were connected with St. Edmundsbury. Dr. Carl Horstman has published in the preface to Vol. I. of hisNova Legenda Anglie(Oxf. Univ. Press, 1901) a summary of the contents of this book which throws much new light on itsprovenance. It is, as he says, "the depository of documents of Bury Abbey, and not the workof one individual; but the joint work, the common concern of the monastery, for a whole generation."
The MS. contains only the second part of the Historia aurea, and with an abbreviated text; and this is followed by a collection of miscellanies, lives of saints, poetry and documents of all sorts. Dr. Horstman prints in his second volume the lives of several saints, scattered through the last half of the codex.
The only one of these lives that need concern us is that of St. Edmund, which is very long and detailed, and occupies 116 printed pages. This is followed almost immediately by a chapter De modo meditandi vel contemplandi (including St. Edmund's prayer, "Gratias tibi ago"), and later by a compilation on monastic discipline for the novices of Bury Abbey.
This Life of St. Edmund is by far the most complete extant. It is described as "Vita et passio cum miraculis sancti Edmundi regis et martiris, excerpta de cronicis et diuersis historiis seu legendis, de eodem breuiter et sub compendio compilata." It is doubtless the "Prolixa vita" from which was compiled the "abbreviata vita" included in Abbot Curteys' Register (now at the British Museum), and printed in Archdeacon Battely's book of 1745 (pp. 25, 149). In the margins are given the authorities from which it is compiled, and amongst these are, in addition to the chronicles of Blythburgh, Ely, Hoveden, Hulme, Huntingdon, Malmesbury, Marianus, Norwich, Sarum, Waringford, and Westminster, the writers specially identified with Bury Abbey:—Abbo of Fleury, Herman the Archdeacon, Galfridus de Fontibus, Osbert of Clare, Jocelin of Brakelond (from whom are taken the incidents described in chapters viii. and xiv. of this book), and—Samson.
There are in all eighteen sections of the Life for which Samson is quoted as the authority. On eight occasionsthe word "Sampson" appears in the margin; "Sampson abbas," eight times; "Sampson abbas sancti Edmundi," once; "Ex libro de miraculis eius Sampson," once (the first occasion when the name appears); and "Ex libro primo miraculorum Sampson abb." once (the seventh occasion).
Before considering Samson's share in the collection of materials relative to the history of St. Edmund, a few words must be said about the earlier writers on the subject.
The first contributor to the tangle of legends and miracles connected with St. Edmund and his shrine wasAbbo, of Fleury, a great monastery on the Loire above Orleans, founded in the 7th century. A native of Orleans, Abbo was sent early to the monastic school at Fleury, where he mastered five of the seven arts, viz., grammar, arithmetic, dialectic, astronomy and music. (Migne'sPatrologia, vol. 139.) A deputation coming to Fleury from the monks of Ramsey Abbey, asking that a man of learning might be sent to them, Abbo was selected for the office, and he remained two years in England, when he was recalled. He died from a spear-thrust in November, 1004. Whilst in England (circa 985) he heard from Archbishop Dunstan the story of St. Edmund's death, as related to Dunstan when a youth by an old man who said he was armour-bearer to St. Edmund on the day of his death (20th November, 870). At the entreaty of the monks of Ramsey, Abbo put this story into writing, prefacing it with a dedicatory epistle to Dunstan in which he says that the work is sent to the Archbishop because every part of it, except the last miracle, is related on his authority.
Abbo being "composition master" to the student monks at Ramsey, he wrote, as Mr. Arnold says (I. xiv.), "with that freedom with which men whose information is scanty, and their imagination strong, are not sorry to enjoy." Lord Francis Hervey, in a masterly analysis of the facts and fictionsof St. Edmund's life in his Notes to Robert Reyce'sBreviary of Suffolk(1902), thus sums the matter with great truth: "Abbo's treatise, with its declamatory flourishes and classical tags, is for historical purposes all but worthless."
The copies extant of Abbo'sPassioare numerous. (For List, see Hardy's Catalogue, vol. i, p. 526.) At least four of them (two in the Cottonian collection, one at the Bodleian, and one at Lambeth) belonged to Bury Abbey, the earliest being Tiberius B. ii., which has on fol. 1athe words "Liber feretrariorum S. Edmundi in quo continentur uita passio et miracula S. Edmundi." It is a beautiful MS. of the end of the eleventh or beginning of the twelfth century; "and the gold enrichment is sometimes splendid" (Arnold I. lxv.), though the illumination is unfinished. The other Cottonian MS. (Titus A. viii.) is of the thirteenth century, and has on fol. 65 the words "Liber monachorum S. Edmundi." (Both these books will be referred to later.)
The next writer on the subject wasHerman the Archdeacon, who, at the end of the eleventh century, wrote a treatiseDe Miraculis Sancti Eadmundi.
Herman was Archdeacon to Bishop Arfast of Thetford, at the time when the latter first endeavoured to establish his see at Bury; but later he must have become a monk of St. Edmund, and he manifests in his narrative enthusiastic devotion to the monastery. In the prologue he explains that he compiled his work at the request of Abbot Baldwin "felicis memoriæ" (died 1097), partly from oral tradition, partly from an old and almost undecipherable manuscript "exarata calamo cujusdam difficillimo, et, ut ita dicam, adamantino." Mr. Arnold has printed the text of Herman on pp. 26-92 of his vol. I. from the Cottonian volume Tiberius B. ii. above referred to, which is composed of Abbo'sPassioand Herman'sMiracula.
A third writer wasGalfridus de Fontibus, who wrote in the days of Abbot Ording (1146-1156) a short tract,De Infantia Sancti Eadmundi, of which only one MS. is known (in the Cambridge University Library). Further additions to the legends and miracles were made byOsbertofClare, prior of Westminster, who flourished between 1108 and 1140, but whose writings are not now separately extant, though extracts from them appear in the manuscripts of other authors.
It would seem that working upon all these records, and doubtless others which have not descended to us, Samson, at the period of his life when he was still a subordinate officer of Bury Abbey, set about compiling a treatise of his own. His prologue indicates that he was moved to narrate the glorious miracles of the glorious king and martyr St. Edmund by the orders of his superiors and the exhortations of his fellow monks. His work seems, however, to have been mainly that of a compiler and editor, though the prologue, described by Mr. Arnold (I., liii.) as "written in a massive and manly style," was doubtless of his own composition. The work appears after Abbo'sPassioin the Cottonian MS. Titus A. viii., and consists of two books, Liber I. containing sixteen chapters, and Liber II. twenty-one chapters. All but four of the chapters in the first book refer to narratives that had been told before by Herman, and Samson "has merely re-written them, adding no new facts, but greatly improving the style." The second book contains another prologue, followed by a prefatory letter; and a hand of the fourteenth or early fifteenth century has written in the Cottonian MS. "Osberti de Clara prioris Westmonasterii" in the margin of the prologue, and "Incipit epistola Osberti prioris Westmonasterii missa con. S. Edmundi de miraculis ejusdem" in the margin at the beginning of the letter.
Mr. Arnold speaks of the "inflated diction and fantastical mystical interpretations" of this (second) prologue and prefatory letter, and says that "Samson seems simply to have annexedthem while making up his own work." As, however, some of the narratives in this second book are ascribed to Samson himself in the Bodleian MS. 240, whilst others in the same book are ascribed to Osbert, it is manifest that some confusion had arisen in the interval as to the respective shares of responsibility for the narratives. But this need not prevent us from accepting Samson as at least the compiler and editor of the workDe Miraculis Sancti Edmundireferred to on page xxxiv. of the Introduction, and printed in full on pp. 107-208 of Mr. Arnold's first volume.
If it be the case, as Mr. Arnold thinks (and there seems no reason against the ascription) that the Prologue of Book I. was Samson's own composition, it will doubtless be of interest that it should be reproduced here as a specimen of his literary style; and a translation of it is therefore subjoined, which follows the structure of the original as closely as possible:—
"When we see the deeds of many earthly men extolled in brilliant writings, which those skilled in letters have handed down to the memory of posterity, it is to be wondered that we do not blush that the great works of God, which, through His servants, have been brought into being almost in this our very age, should through our sloth be blotted out, and through our silence be condemned. And although those secular historians, in the pride of their eloquence, have said very much about small affairs, and have gained the favour and tickled the ears of their audience by the sweetness of their speech, yet Christian simplicity and Catholic plainness, innocent of the leaven of superstition, are rightly preferred to them all. Indeed, the greatest faith is to be placed in the account of those who do not wish, and do not know how, to colour what they have heard, or, by the grace of their words, to twist matters into one tortuous path after another.
"In saying this we do not impudently speak to the discredit(be that far from us) of Churchmen who, by the divine inspiration, endowed with wonderful eloquence, have with their words, sweeter than honey and the honeycomb, adorned the deeds of our honoured ancestors, as it were a golden tablet ornamented with most brilliant pearls. But verily those are to be confuted who are carried headlong by a damnable presumption to that with which erudition has nought to do, and to which the grace of the Holy Spirit imparts nought.
"But we (whom the apostle warns lest we should despise the riches of the goodness of God, and whom he exhorts not to receive His grace in vain) with a truthful, albeit an unpolished style, at the command of superior authority and by the exhortation of brotherly love, have undertaken to tell of the glorious miracles of the glorious king and martyr Edmund: since, indeed, it appears impious that we should allow the lantern, which God lighted and placed upon a candlestick, to be obscured through our sloth, or should hide it negligently under the bushel of oblivion. For to this purpose is it placed upon a candlestick, that it may give light to all who are in the house."
In which matter the victorious champion of God, Edmund, illuminating the borders, not only of Britain, but also of foreign lands with the glory of his miracles, gives frequent token of his merit towards God.