Chapter 28

[745]See the admirable criticism in Landau,Boccaccio, 180-182.[746]See above, p. 131. The original (Latin) was first published in 1847 at Florence, by Galletti, with the title,Philippi Villani Liber de civitatis Florentiae famosis civibus; an old Italian translation has been often printed since 1747, last at Trieste, 1858. The first book, which treats of the earliest history of Florence and Rome, has never been printed. The chapter in Villani,De semipoetis, i.e. those who wrote in prose as well as in verse, or those who wrote poems besides following some other profession, is specially interesting.[747]Here we refer the reader to the biography of L. B. Alberti, from which extracts are given above (p. 136), and to the numerous Florentine biographies in Muratori, in theArchivio Storico, and elsewhere. The life of Alberti is probably an autobiography, l. c. note 2.[748]Storia Fiorentina, ed. F. L. Polidori, Florence, 1838.[749]De viris illustribus, in the publications of theStuttgarter liter. Vereins, No. i. Stuttg. 1839. Comp. C. Voigt, ii. 324. Of the sixty-five biographies, twenty-one are lost.[750]HisDiarium Romanumfrom 1472 to 1484, in Murat. xiii. 81-202.[751]Ugolini Verini poetae Florentini(a contemporary of Lorenzo, a pupil of Landinus, fol. 13, and teacher of Petrus Crinitus, fol. 14),De illustratione urbis Florentinae libri tres, Paris, 1583, deserves mention, esp. lib. 2. Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio are spoken of and characterised without a word of blame. For several women, see fol. 11.[752]Petri Candidi Decembrii Vita Philippi Mariae Vicecomitis, in Murat. xx. Comp above, p. 38.[753]See above, p. 225.[754]On Comines, see above, p. 96, note 1. While Comines, as is there indicated, partly owes his power of objective criticism to intercourse with Italians, the German humanists and statesmen, notwithstanding the prolonged residence of some of them in Italy, and their diligent and often most successful study of the classical world, acquired little or nothing of the gift of biographical representation or of the analysis of character. The travels, biographies, and historical sketches of the German humanists in the fifteenth, and often in the early part of the sixteenth centuries, are mostly either dry catalogues or empty, rhetorical declamations.[755]See above, p. 96.[756]Here and there we find exceptions. Letters of Hutten, containing autobiographical notices, bits of the chronicle of Barth. Sastrow, and theSabbataof Joh. Kessler, introduce us to the inward conflicts of the writers, mostly, however, bearing the specifically religious character of the Reformation.[757]Among northern autobiographies we might, perhaps, select for comparison that of Agrippa d’Aubigné (though belonging to a later period) as a living and speaking picture of human individuality.[758]Written in his old age, about 1576. On Cardano as an investigator and discoverer, see Libri,Hist. des Sciences Mathém.iii. p. 167 sqq.[759]E.g. the execution of his eldest son, who had taken vengeance for his wife’s infidelity by poisoning her (cap. 27, 50).[760]Discorsi della Vita Sobria, consisting of the ‘trattato,’ of a ‘compendio,’ of an ‘esortazione,’ and of a ‘lettera’ to Daniel Barbaro. The book has been often reprinted.[761]Was this the villa of Codevico mentioned above, p. 321?[762]In some cases very early; in the Lombard cities as early as the twelfth century. Comp. Landulfus senior,Ricobaldus, and (in Murat. x.) the remarkable anonymous work,De laudibus Papiae, of the fourteenth century. Also (in Murat. i.)Liber de Situ urbis Mediol.Some notices on Italian local history in O. Lorenzo,Deutschland’s Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter seit dem 13ten Jahr. Berlin, 1877; but the author expressly refrains from an original treatment of the subject.[763]Li Tresors, ed. Chabaille, Paris, 1863, pp. 179-180. Comp.ibid.p. 577 (lib. iii. p. ii. c. 1).[764]On Paris, which was a much more important place to the mediæval Italian than to his successor a hundred years later, seeDittamondo, iv. cap. 18. The contrast between France and Italy is accentuated by Petrarch in hisInvectivae contra Gallum.[765]Savonarola, in Murat. xxiv. col. 1186 (above, p. 145). On Venice, see above, p. 62 sqq. The oldest description of Rome, by Signorili (MS.), was written in the pontificate of Martin V. (1417); see Gregorovius, vii. 569; the oldest by a German is that of H. Muffel (middle of fifteenth century), ed. by Voigt, Tübingen, 1876.[766]The character of the restless and energetic Bergamasque, full of curiosity and suspicion, is charmingly described in Bandello, parte i. nov. 34.[767]E.g. Varchi, in the ninth book of theStorie Fiorentine(vol. iii. p. 56 sqq.).[768]Vasari, xii. p. 158.V. di Michelangelo, at the beginning. At other times mother nature is praised loudly enough, as in the sonnet of Alfons de’ Pazzi to the non-Tuscan Annibal Caro (in Trucchi, l. c. iii. p. 187):‘Misero il Varchi! e più infelici noi,Se a vostri virtudi accidentaliAggiunto fosse ‘l natural, ch’è in noi!’[769]Forcianae Quaestiones, in quibus varia Italorum ingenia explicantur multaque alia scitu non indigna.Autore Philalette Polytopiensi cive. Among them,Mauritii Scaevae Carmen.‘Quos hominum mores varios quas denique mentesDiverso profert Itala terra solo,Quisve vinis animus, mulierum et strenua virtusPulchre hoc exili codice lector habes.’Neapoli excudebat Martinus de Ragusia, AnnoMDXXXVI. This little work, made use of by Ranke,Päpste, i. 385, passes as being from the hand of Ortensio Landi (comp. Tiraboschi, vii. 800 to 812), although in the work itself no hint is given of the author. The title is explained by the circumstance that conversations are reported which were held at Forcium, a bath near Lucca, by a large company of men and women, on the question whence it comes that there are such great differences among mankind. The question receives no answer, but many of the differences among the Italians of that day are noticed—in studies, trade, warlike skill (the point quoted by Ranke), the manufacture of warlike implements, modes of life, distinctions in costume, in language, in intellect, in loving and hating, in the way of winning affection, in the manner of receiving guests, and in eating. At the close, come some reflections on the differences among philosophical systems. A large part of the work is devoted to women—their differences in general, the power of their beauty, and especially the question whether women are equal or inferior to men. The work has been made use of in various passages below. The following extract may serve as an example (fol. 7bsqq.):—‘Aperiam nunc quæ sint in consilio aut dando aut accipiendo dissimilitudo. Præstant consilio Mediolanenses, sed aliorum gratia potius quam sua. Sunt nullo consilio Genuenses. Rumor est Venetos abundare. Sunt perutili consilio Lucenses, idque aperte indicarunt, cum in tanto totius Italiæ ardore, tot hostibus circumsepti suam libertatem, ad quam nati videntur semper tutati sint, nulla, quidem, aut capitis aut fortunarum ratione habita. Quis porro non vehementer admiretur? Quis callida consilia non stupeat? Equidem quotiescunque cogito, quanta prudentia ingruentes procellas evitarint, quanta solertia impendentia pericula effugerint, adducor in stuporem. Lucanis vero summum est studium, eos deludere qui consilii captandi gratia adeunt, ipsi vero omnia inconsulte ac temere faciunt. Brutii optimo sunt consilio, sed ut incommodent, aut perniciem afferant, in rebus quæ magnæ deliberationis dictu mirum quam stupidi sint, eisdem plane dotibus instructi sunt Volsci quod ad cædes et furta paulo propensiores sint. Pisani bono quidem sunt consilio, sed parum constanti, si quis diversum ab eis senserit, mox acquiescunt, rursus si aliter suadeas, mutabunt consilium, illud in caussa fuit quod tam duram ac diutinam obsidionem ad extremum usque non pertulerint. Placentini utrisque abundant consiliis, scilicet salutaribus ac pernitiosis, non facile tamen ab iis impetres pestilens consilium, apud Regienses neque consilii copiam invenies. Si sequare Mutinensium consilia, raro cedet infeliciter, sunt enim peracutissimo consilio, et voluntate plane bona. Providi sunt Florentini (si unumquemque seorsum accipias) si vero simul conjuncti sint, non admodum mihi consilia eorum probabuntur; feliciter cedunt Senensium consilia, subita sunt Perusinorum; salutaria Ferrariensium, fideli sunt consilio Veronenses, semper ambigui sunt in consiliis aut dandis aut accipiendis Patavini. Sunt pertinaces in eo quod cœperint consilio Bergomates, respuunt omnium consilia Neapolitani, sunt consultissimi Bononienses.’[770]Commentario delle più notabili e mostruose cose d’Italia et altri luoghi, di Lingua Aramea in Italiana tradotta. Con un breve Catalogo degli inventori delle cose che si mangiano et beveno, novamente ritrovato.In Venetia 1553 (first printed 1548, based on a journey taken by Ortensio Landi through Italy in 1543 and 1544). That Landi was really the author of thisCommentariois clear from the concluding remarks of Nicolo Morra (fol. 46a): ‘Il presente commentario nato del constantissimo cervello di M. O. L.;’ and from the signature of the whole (fol. 70a): SVISNETROH SVDNAL, ROTUA TSE, ‘Hortensius Landus autor est.’ After a declaration as to Italy from the mouth of a mysterious grey-haired sage, a journey is described from Sicily through Italy to the East. All the cities of Italy are more or less fully discussed: that Lucca should receive special praise is intelligible from the writer’s way of thinking. Venice, where he claims to have been much with Pietro Aretino (p. 166), and Milan are described in detail, and in connexion with the latter the maddest stories are told (fol. 25 sqq.). There is no want of such elsewhere—of roses which flower all the year round, stars which shine at midday, birds which are changed into men, and men with bulls’ heads on their shoulders, mermen, and men who spit fire from their mouths. Among all these there are often authentic bits of information, some of which will be used in the proper place; short mention is made of the Lutherans (fol. 32a, 38a), and frequent complaints are heard of the wretched times and unhappy state of Italy. We there read (fol. 22a): ‘Son questi quelli Italiani li quali in un fatto d’armi uccisero ducento mila Francesi? sono finalmente quelli che di tutto il mondo s’impadronirono? Hai quanto (per quel che io vego) degenerati sono. Hai quanto dissimili mi paiono dalli antichi padri loro, liquali et singolar virtu di cuore e disciplina militare ugualmente monstrarno havere.’ On the catalogue of eatables which is added, see below.[771]Descrizione di tutta l’Italia.[772]Satirical lists of cities are frequently met with later, e.g. Macaroneide,Phantas.ii. For France, Rabelais, who knew the Macaroneide, is the chief source of all the jests and malicious allusions of this local sort.[773]It is true that many decaying literatures are full of painfully minute descriptions. See e.g. in Sidonius Apollinaris the descriptions of a Visigoth king (Epist.i. 2), of a personal enemy (Epist.iii. 13), and in his poems the types of the different German tribes.[774]On Filippo Villani, see p. 330.[775]Parnasso teatrale, Lipsia, 1829. Introd. p. vii.[776]The reading is here evidently corrupt. The passage is as follows (Ameto, Venezia, 1856, p. 54): ‘Del mezo de’ quali non camuso naso in linea diretta discende, quanto ad aquilineo non essere dimanda il dovere.’[777]‘Due occhi ladri nel loro movimento.’ The whole work is rich in such descriptions.[778]The charming book of songs by Giusto dei Conti,La bella Mano(best ed. Florence, 1715), does not tell us as many details of this famous hand of his beloved as Boccaccio in a dozen passages of theAmetoof the hands of his nymphs.[779]‘Della bellezza delle donne,’ in the first vol. of theOpere di Firenzuola, Milano, 1802. For his view of bodily beauty as a sign of beauty of soul, comp. vol. ii. pp. 48 to 52, in the ‘ragionamenti’ prefixed to his novels. Among the many who maintain this doctrine, partly in the style of the ancients, we may quote one, Castiglione,Il Cortigiana, l. iv. fol. 176.[780]This was a universal opinion, not only the professional opinion of painters. See below.[781]This may be an opportunity for a word on the eyes of Lucrezia Borgia, taken from the distichs of a Ferrarese court-poet, Ercole Strozza (Strozzii Poetae, fol. 85-88). The power of her glance is described in a manner only explicable in an artistic age, and which would not now be permitted. Sometimes it turns the beholder to fire, sometimes to stone. He who looks long at the sun, becomes blind; he who beheld Medusa, became a stone; but he who looks at the countenance of Lucrezia‘Fit primo intuitu cæcus et inde lapis.’Even the marble Cupid sleeping in her halls is said to have been petrified by her gaze:‘Lumine Borgiado saxificatur Amor.’Critics may dispute, if they please, whether the so-called Eros of Praxiteles or that of Michelangelo is meant, since she was the possessor of both.And the same glance appeared to another poet, Marcello Filosseno, only mild and lofty, ‘mansueto e altero’ (Roscoe,Leone X.ed. Bossi, vii. p. 306).Comparisons with ideal figures of antiquity occur (p. 30). Of a boy ten years old we read in theOrlandino(ii. str. 47), ‘ed ha capo romano.’ Referring to the fact that the appearance of the temples can be altogether changed by the arrangement of the hair, Firenzuola makes a comical attack on the overcrowding of the hair with flowers, which causes the head to ‘look like a pot of pinks or a quarter of goat on the spit.’ He is, as a rule, thoroughly at home in caricature.[782]For the ideal of the ‘Minnesänger,’ see Falke,Die deutsche Trachten- und Modenwelt, i. pp. 85 sqq.[783]On the accuracy of his sense of form, p. 290.[784]Inferno, xxi. 7;Purgat.xiii. 61.[785]We must not take it too seriously, if we read (in Platina,Vitae Pontiff.p. 310) that he kept at his court a sort of buffoon, the Florentine Greco, ‘hominem certe cujusvis mores, naturam, linguam cum maximo omnium qui audiebant risu facile exprimentem.’[786]Pii. II. Comment.viii. p. 391.[787]Two tournaments must be distinguished, Lorenzo’s in 1468 and Guiliano’s in 1475 (a third in 1481?). See Reumont,L. M.i. 264 sqq. 361, 267, note 1; ii. 55, 67, and the works there quoted, which settle the old dispute on these points. The first tournament is treated in the poem of Luca Pulci, ed.Ciriffo Calvaneo di Luca Pulci Gentilhuomo Fiorentino, con la Giostra del Magnifico Lorenzo de’ Medici. Florence, 1572, pp. 75, 91; the second in an unfinished poem of Ang. Poliziano, best ed. Carducci,Le Stanze, l’Orfeo e le Rime di M. A. P.Florence, 1863. The description of Politian breaks off at the setting out of Guiliano for the tournament. Pulci gives a detailed account of the combatants and the manner of fighting. The description of Lorenzo is particularly good (p. 82).[788]This so-called ‘Caccia’ is printed in the Commentary to Castiglione’sEcloguefrom a Roman MS.Lettere del conte B. Castiglione, ed. Pierantonio Lerassi (Padua, 1771), ii. p. 269.[789]See theServenteseof Giannozzo of Florence, in Trucchi,Poesie italiane inedite, ii. p. 99. The words are many of them quite unintelligible, borrowed really or apparently from the languages of the foreign mercenaries. Macchiavelli’s description of Florence during the plague of 1527 belongs, to certain extent, to this class of works. It is a series of living, speaking pictures of a frightful calamity.[790]According to Boccaccio (Vita di Dante, p. 77), Dante was the author of two eclogues, probably written in Latin. They are addressed to Joh. de Virgiliis. Comp. Fraticelli,Opp. min. di Dante, i. 417. Petrarch’s bucolic poem inP. Carmina minora, ed. Bossetti, i. Comp. L. Geiger,Petr.120-122 and 270, note 6, especially A. Hortis,Scritti inediti di F. P.Triest, 1874.[791]Boccaccio gives in hisAmeto(above, p. 344) a kind of mythical Decameron, and sometimes fails ludicrously to keep up the character. One of his nymphs is a good Catholic, and prelates shoot glances of unholy love at her in Rome. Another marries. In theNinfale fiesolanothe nymph Mensola, who finds herself pregnant, takes counsel of an ‘old and wise nymph.’[792]In general the prosperity of the Italian peasants was greater then than that of the peasantry anywhere else in Europe. Comp. Sacchetti, nov. 88 and 222; L. Pulci in theBeca da Dicamano(Villari,Macchiavelli, i. 198, note 2).[793]‘Nullum est hominum genus aptius urbi,’ says Battista Mantovano (Ecl.viii.) of the inhabitants of the Monte Baldo and the Val. Cassina, who could turn their hands to anything. Some country populations, as is well known, have even now privileges with regard to certain occupations in the great cities.[794]Perhaps one of the strongest passages,Orlandino, cap. v. str. 54-58. The tranquil and unlearned Vesp. Bisticci says (Comm. sulla vita di Giov. Manetti, p. 96): ‘Sono due ispezie di uomini difficili a supportare per la loro ignoranza; l’una sono i servi, la seconda i contadini.’[795]In Lombardy, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the nobles did not shrink from dancing, wrestling, leaping, and racing with the peasants.Il Cortigiano, l. ii. fol. 54. A. Pandolfini (L. B. Alberti) in theTrattato del governo della famiglia, p. 86, is an instance of a land-owner who consoles himself for the greed and fraud of his peasant tenantry with the reflection that he is thereby taught to bear and deal with his fellow-creatures.[796]Jovian. Pontan.De fortitudine, lib. ii.[797]The famous peasant-woman of the Valtellina—Bona Lombarda, wife of the Condottiere Pietro Brunoro—is known to us from Jacobus Bergomensis and from Porcellius, in Murat. xxv. col. 43.[798]On the condition of the Italian peasantry in general, and especially of the details of that condition in several provinces, we are unable to particularise more fully. The proportions between freehold and leasehold property, and the burdens laid on each in comparison with those borne at the present time, must be gathered from special works which we have not had the opportunity of consulting. In stormy times the country people were apt to have appalling relapses into savagery (Arch. Stor.xvi. i. pp. 451 sqq., ad. a. 1440; Corio, fol. 259;Annales Foroliv.in Murat. xxii. col. 227, though nothing in the shape of a general peasants’ war occurred. The rising near Piacenza in 1462 was of some importance and interest. Comp. Corio,Storia di Milano, fol. 409;Annales Placent.in Murat. xx. col. 907; Sismondi, x. p. 138. See below, part vi. cap. 1.[799]F. Bapt. Mantuani Bucolica seu Adolescentia in decem Eclogas divisa; often printed, e.g. Strasburg, 1504. The date of composition is indicated by the preface, written in 1498, from which it also appears that the ninth and tenth eclogues were added later. In the heading to the tenth are the words, ‘post religionis ingressum;’ in that of the seventh, ‘cum jam autor ad religionem aspiraret.’ The eclogues by no means deal exclusively with peasant life; in fact, only two of them do so—the sixth, ‘disceptatione rusticorum et civium,’ in which the writer sides with the rustics; and the eighth, ‘de rusticorum religione.’ The others speak of love, of the relations between poets and wealthy men, of conversion to religion, and of the manners of the Roman court.[800]Poesie di Lorenzo Magnifico, i. p. 37 sqq. The remarkable poems belonging to the period of the German ‘Minnesänger,’ which bear the name of Neithard von Reuenthal, only depict peasant life in so far as the knight chooses to mix with it for his amusement. The peasants reply to the ridicule of Reuenthal in songs of their own. Comp. Karl Schroder,Die höfische Dorfpoesie des deutschen Mittelaltersin Rich. Gosche,Jahrb. für Literaturgesch.1 vol. Berlin, 1875, pp. 45-98, esp. 75 sqq.[801]Poesie di Lor. Magn.ii. 149.[802]In theDeliciae poetar. ital., and in the works of Politian. First separate ed. Florence, 1493. The didactic poem of Rucellai,Le Api, first printed 1519, andLa coltivazione, Paris, 1546, contain something of the same kind.[803]Poesie di Lor. Magnifico, ii. 75.[804]The imitation of different dialects and of the manners of different districts spring from the same tendency. Comp. p. 155.[805]Jo. Pici oratio de hominis dignitate.The passage is as follows: ‘Statuit tandem optimus opifex ut cui dari nihil proprium poterat commune esset quidquid privatum singulis fuerat. Igitur hominem accepit indiscretae opus imaginis atque in mundi posito meditullio sic est allocutus; Nec certam sedem, nec propriam faciem, nec munus ullum peculiare tibi dedimus, O Adam, ut quam sedem, quam faciem, quae munera tute optaveris, ea pro voto pro tua sententia habeas et possideas. Definita caeteris natura inter praescriptas a nobis leges coercetur, tu nullis augustiis coercitus pro tuo arbitrio, in cujus manus te posui, tibi illam praefinies. Medium te mundi posui ut circumspiceres inde commodius quidquid est in mundo. Nec te caelestem neque terrenum, neque mortalem neque immortalem fecimus, ut tui ipsius quasi arbitrarius honorariusque plastes et fictor in quam malueris tute formam effingas. Poteris in inferiora quae sunt bruta degenerare, poteris in superiora quae sunt divina ex tui animi sententia regenerari. O summam dei patris liberalitatem, summam et admirandam hominis felicitatem. Cui datum id habere quod optat, id esse quod velit. Bruta simulatque nascuntur id secum afferunt, ut ait Lucilius, e bulga matris quod possessura sunt; supremi spiritus aut ab initio aut paulo mox id fuerunt quod sunt futuri in perpetuas aeternitates. Nascenti homini omnifaria semina et omnigenae vitæ germina indidit pater; quæ quisque excoluerit illa adolescent et fructus suos ferent in illo. Si vegetalia, planta fiet, si sensualia, obbrutescet, si rationalia, coeleste evadet animal, si intellectualia, angelus erit et dei filius, et si nulla creaturarum sorte contentus in unitatis centrum suae se receperit, unus cum deo spiritus factus in solitaria patris caligine qui est super omnia constitutus omnibus antestabit.’The speech first appears in thecommentationesof Jo. Picus without any special title; the heading ‘de hominis dignitate’ was added later. It is not altogether suitable, since a great part of the discourse is devoted to the defence of the peculiar philosophy of Pico, and the praise of, the Jewish Cabbalah. On Pico, see above, p. 202 sqq.; and below; part. vi. chap. 4. More than two hundred years before, Brunetto Latini (Tesoro, lib. i. cap. 13, ed. Chabaille, p. 20) had said: ‘Toutes choses dou ciel en aval sont faites pour l’ome; mais li hom at faiz pour lui meisme.’ The words seemed to a contemporary to have too much human pride in them, and he added: ‘e por Dieu amer et servir et por avoir la joie pardurable.’[806]An allusion to the fall of Lucifer and his followers.[807]The habit among the Piedmontese nobility of living in their castles in the country struck the other Italians as exceptional. Bandello, parte ii. nov. 7 (?).[808]This was the case long before printing. A large number of manuscripts, and among them the best, belonged to Florentine artisans. If it had not been for Savonarola’s great bonfire, many more of them would be left.[809]Dante,De monarchia, l. ii. cap. 3.[810]Paradiso, xvi. at the beginning.[811]Dante,Convito, nearly the wholeTrattato, iv., and elsewhere. Brunetto Latini says (Il tesoro, lib. i. p. ii. cap. 50, ed. Chabaille, p. 343): ‘De ce (la vertu) nasqui premierement la nobleté de gentil gent, non pas de ses ancêtres;’ and he warns men (lib. ii. p. ii. cap. 196, p. 440) that they may lose true nobility by bad actions. Similarly Petrarch,de rem. utr. fort.lib. i. dial. xvii.: ‘Verus nobilis non nascitur, sed fit.’[812]Poggi Opera, Dial. de nobilitate.Aristotle’s view is expressly combatted by B. Platina,De vera nobilitate.[813]This contempt of noble birth is common among the humanists. See the severe passages in Æn. Sylvius,Opera, pp. 84 (Hist. bohem.cap. 2) and 640. (Stories of Lucretia and Euryalus.)[814]This is the case in the capital itself. See Bandello, parte ii. nov. 7;Joviani Pontani Antonius, where the decline of energy in the nobility is dated from the coming of the Aragonese dynasty.[815]Throughout Italy it was universal that the owner of large landed property stood on an equality with the nobles. It is only flattery when J. A. Campanus adds to the statement of Pius II. (Commentarii, p. 1), that as a boy he had helped his poor parents in their rustic labours, the further assertion that he only did so for his amusement, and that this was the custom of the young nobles (Voigt, ii. 339).[816]For an estimate of the nobility in North Italy, Bandello, with his repeated rebukes ofmésalliances, is of importance (parte i. nov. 4, 26; parte iii. nov. 60). For the participation of the nobles in the games of the peasants, see above.[817]The severe judgment of Macchiavelli,Discorsi, i. 55, refers only to those of the nobility who still retained feudal rights, and who were thoroughly idle and politically mischievous. Agrippa of Nettesheim, who owes his most remarkable ideas chiefly to his life in Italy, has a chapter on the nobility and princes (De Incert. et Vanit. Scient.cap, 80), the bitterness of which exceeds anything to be met with elsewhere, and is due to the social ferment then prevailing in the North. A passage at p. 213 is as follows: ‘Si ... nobilitatis primordia requiramus, comperiemus hanc nefaria perfidia et crudelitate partam, si ingressum spectemus, reperiemus hanc mercenaria militia et latrociniis auctam. Nobilitas revera nihil aliud est quam robusta improbitas atque dignitas non nisi scelere quaesita benedictio et hereditas pessimorom quorumcunque filiorum.’ In giving the history of the nobility he makes a passing reference to Italy (p. 227).[818]Massuccio, nov. 19 (ed. Settembrini, Nap. 1874, p. 220). The first ed. of the novels appeared in 1476.[819]Jacopo Pitti to Cosimo I.,Archiv. Stor.iv. ii. p. 99. In North Italy the Spanish rule brought about the same results. Bandello, parte ii. nov. 40, dates from this period.[820]When, in the fifteenth century, Vespasiano Fiorentino (pp. 518, 632) implies that the rich should not try to increase their inherited fortune, but should spend their whole annual income, this can only, in the mouth of a Florentine, refer to the great landowners.[821]Franco Sacchetti, nov. 153. Comp. nov. 82 and 150.[822]‘Che la cavalleria è morta.’[823]Poggius,De Nobilitate, fol. 27. See above, p. 19. Ænea Silvio (Hist. Fried. III.ed. Kollar, p. 294) finds fault with the readiness with which Frederick conferred knighthood in Italy.[824]Vasari, iii. 49, and note.Vita di Dello.The city of Florence claimed the right of conferring knighthood. On the ceremonies of this kind in 1378 and 1389, see Reumont,Lorenzo, ii. 444 sqq.[825]Senarega,De Reb. Gen.in Murat. xxiv. col. 525. At a wedding of Joh. Adurnus with Leonora di Sanseverino, ‘certamina equestria in Sarzano edita sunt ... proposita et data victoribus praemia. Ludi multiformes in palatio celebrati a quibus tanquam a re nova pendebat plebs et integros dies illis spectantibus impendebat.’ Politian writes to Joh. Picus of the cavalry exercise of his pupils (Aug. Pol. Epist.lib. xii. ep. 6): ‘Tu tamen a me solos fieri poetas aut oratores putas, at ego non minus facio bellatores.’ Ortensio Landi in theCommentario, fol. 180, tells of a duel between two soldiers at Correggio with a fatal result, reminding one of the old gladiatorial combats. The writer, whose imagination is generally active, gives us here the impression of truthfulness. The passages quoted show that knighthood was not absolutely necessary for these public contests.[826]Petrarch,Epist. Senil.xi. 13, to Ugo of Este. Another passage in theEpist. Famil.lib. v. ep. 6, Dec. 1st, 1343, describes the disgust he felt at seeing a knight fall at a tournament in Naples. For legal prescriptions as to the tournament at Naples, see Fracassetti’s Italian translation of Petrarch’s letters, Florence, 1864, ii. p. 34. L. B. Alberti also points out the danger, uselessness, and expense of tournaments.Della Famiglia, Op. Volg.ii. 229.[827]Nov. 64. With reference to this practice, it is said expressly in theOrlandino(ii. str. 7), of a tournament under Charlemagne: ‘Here they were no cooks and scullions, but kings, dukes, and marquises, who fought.’[828]This is one of the oldest parodies of the tournament. Sixty years passed before Jacques Cœur, the burgher-minister of finance under Charles VII., gave a tournament of donkeys in the courtyard of his palace at Bourges (about 1450). The most brilliant of all these parodies—the second canto of theOrlandinojust quoted—was not published till 1526.

[745]See the admirable criticism in Landau,Boccaccio, 180-182.

[746]See above, p. 131. The original (Latin) was first published in 1847 at Florence, by Galletti, with the title,Philippi Villani Liber de civitatis Florentiae famosis civibus; an old Italian translation has been often printed since 1747, last at Trieste, 1858. The first book, which treats of the earliest history of Florence and Rome, has never been printed. The chapter in Villani,De semipoetis, i.e. those who wrote in prose as well as in verse, or those who wrote poems besides following some other profession, is specially interesting.

[747]Here we refer the reader to the biography of L. B. Alberti, from which extracts are given above (p. 136), and to the numerous Florentine biographies in Muratori, in theArchivio Storico, and elsewhere. The life of Alberti is probably an autobiography, l. c. note 2.

[748]Storia Fiorentina, ed. F. L. Polidori, Florence, 1838.

[749]De viris illustribus, in the publications of theStuttgarter liter. Vereins, No. i. Stuttg. 1839. Comp. C. Voigt, ii. 324. Of the sixty-five biographies, twenty-one are lost.

[750]HisDiarium Romanumfrom 1472 to 1484, in Murat. xiii. 81-202.

[751]Ugolini Verini poetae Florentini(a contemporary of Lorenzo, a pupil of Landinus, fol. 13, and teacher of Petrus Crinitus, fol. 14),De illustratione urbis Florentinae libri tres, Paris, 1583, deserves mention, esp. lib. 2. Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio are spoken of and characterised without a word of blame. For several women, see fol. 11.

[752]Petri Candidi Decembrii Vita Philippi Mariae Vicecomitis, in Murat. xx. Comp above, p. 38.

[753]See above, p. 225.

[754]On Comines, see above, p. 96, note 1. While Comines, as is there indicated, partly owes his power of objective criticism to intercourse with Italians, the German humanists and statesmen, notwithstanding the prolonged residence of some of them in Italy, and their diligent and often most successful study of the classical world, acquired little or nothing of the gift of biographical representation or of the analysis of character. The travels, biographies, and historical sketches of the German humanists in the fifteenth, and often in the early part of the sixteenth centuries, are mostly either dry catalogues or empty, rhetorical declamations.

[755]See above, p. 96.

[756]Here and there we find exceptions. Letters of Hutten, containing autobiographical notices, bits of the chronicle of Barth. Sastrow, and theSabbataof Joh. Kessler, introduce us to the inward conflicts of the writers, mostly, however, bearing the specifically religious character of the Reformation.

[757]Among northern autobiographies we might, perhaps, select for comparison that of Agrippa d’Aubigné (though belonging to a later period) as a living and speaking picture of human individuality.

[758]Written in his old age, about 1576. On Cardano as an investigator and discoverer, see Libri,Hist. des Sciences Mathém.iii. p. 167 sqq.

[759]E.g. the execution of his eldest son, who had taken vengeance for his wife’s infidelity by poisoning her (cap. 27, 50).

[760]Discorsi della Vita Sobria, consisting of the ‘trattato,’ of a ‘compendio,’ of an ‘esortazione,’ and of a ‘lettera’ to Daniel Barbaro. The book has been often reprinted.

[761]Was this the villa of Codevico mentioned above, p. 321?

[762]In some cases very early; in the Lombard cities as early as the twelfth century. Comp. Landulfus senior,Ricobaldus, and (in Murat. x.) the remarkable anonymous work,De laudibus Papiae, of the fourteenth century. Also (in Murat. i.)Liber de Situ urbis Mediol.Some notices on Italian local history in O. Lorenzo,Deutschland’s Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter seit dem 13ten Jahr. Berlin, 1877; but the author expressly refrains from an original treatment of the subject.

[763]Li Tresors, ed. Chabaille, Paris, 1863, pp. 179-180. Comp.ibid.p. 577 (lib. iii. p. ii. c. 1).

[764]On Paris, which was a much more important place to the mediæval Italian than to his successor a hundred years later, seeDittamondo, iv. cap. 18. The contrast between France and Italy is accentuated by Petrarch in hisInvectivae contra Gallum.

[765]Savonarola, in Murat. xxiv. col. 1186 (above, p. 145). On Venice, see above, p. 62 sqq. The oldest description of Rome, by Signorili (MS.), was written in the pontificate of Martin V. (1417); see Gregorovius, vii. 569; the oldest by a German is that of H. Muffel (middle of fifteenth century), ed. by Voigt, Tübingen, 1876.

[766]The character of the restless and energetic Bergamasque, full of curiosity and suspicion, is charmingly described in Bandello, parte i. nov. 34.

[767]E.g. Varchi, in the ninth book of theStorie Fiorentine(vol. iii. p. 56 sqq.).

[768]Vasari, xii. p. 158.V. di Michelangelo, at the beginning. At other times mother nature is praised loudly enough, as in the sonnet of Alfons de’ Pazzi to the non-Tuscan Annibal Caro (in Trucchi, l. c. iii. p. 187):‘Misero il Varchi! e più infelici noi,Se a vostri virtudi accidentaliAggiunto fosse ‘l natural, ch’è in noi!’

‘Misero il Varchi! e più infelici noi,Se a vostri virtudi accidentaliAggiunto fosse ‘l natural, ch’è in noi!’

[769]Forcianae Quaestiones, in quibus varia Italorum ingenia explicantur multaque alia scitu non indigna.Autore Philalette Polytopiensi cive. Among them,Mauritii Scaevae Carmen.‘Quos hominum mores varios quas denique mentesDiverso profert Itala terra solo,Quisve vinis animus, mulierum et strenua virtusPulchre hoc exili codice lector habes.’Neapoli excudebat Martinus de Ragusia, AnnoMDXXXVI. This little work, made use of by Ranke,Päpste, i. 385, passes as being from the hand of Ortensio Landi (comp. Tiraboschi, vii. 800 to 812), although in the work itself no hint is given of the author. The title is explained by the circumstance that conversations are reported which were held at Forcium, a bath near Lucca, by a large company of men and women, on the question whence it comes that there are such great differences among mankind. The question receives no answer, but many of the differences among the Italians of that day are noticed—in studies, trade, warlike skill (the point quoted by Ranke), the manufacture of warlike implements, modes of life, distinctions in costume, in language, in intellect, in loving and hating, in the way of winning affection, in the manner of receiving guests, and in eating. At the close, come some reflections on the differences among philosophical systems. A large part of the work is devoted to women—their differences in general, the power of their beauty, and especially the question whether women are equal or inferior to men. The work has been made use of in various passages below. The following extract may serve as an example (fol. 7bsqq.):—‘Aperiam nunc quæ sint in consilio aut dando aut accipiendo dissimilitudo. Præstant consilio Mediolanenses, sed aliorum gratia potius quam sua. Sunt nullo consilio Genuenses. Rumor est Venetos abundare. Sunt perutili consilio Lucenses, idque aperte indicarunt, cum in tanto totius Italiæ ardore, tot hostibus circumsepti suam libertatem, ad quam nati videntur semper tutati sint, nulla, quidem, aut capitis aut fortunarum ratione habita. Quis porro non vehementer admiretur? Quis callida consilia non stupeat? Equidem quotiescunque cogito, quanta prudentia ingruentes procellas evitarint, quanta solertia impendentia pericula effugerint, adducor in stuporem. Lucanis vero summum est studium, eos deludere qui consilii captandi gratia adeunt, ipsi vero omnia inconsulte ac temere faciunt. Brutii optimo sunt consilio, sed ut incommodent, aut perniciem afferant, in rebus quæ magnæ deliberationis dictu mirum quam stupidi sint, eisdem plane dotibus instructi sunt Volsci quod ad cædes et furta paulo propensiores sint. Pisani bono quidem sunt consilio, sed parum constanti, si quis diversum ab eis senserit, mox acquiescunt, rursus si aliter suadeas, mutabunt consilium, illud in caussa fuit quod tam duram ac diutinam obsidionem ad extremum usque non pertulerint. Placentini utrisque abundant consiliis, scilicet salutaribus ac pernitiosis, non facile tamen ab iis impetres pestilens consilium, apud Regienses neque consilii copiam invenies. Si sequare Mutinensium consilia, raro cedet infeliciter, sunt enim peracutissimo consilio, et voluntate plane bona. Providi sunt Florentini (si unumquemque seorsum accipias) si vero simul conjuncti sint, non admodum mihi consilia eorum probabuntur; feliciter cedunt Senensium consilia, subita sunt Perusinorum; salutaria Ferrariensium, fideli sunt consilio Veronenses, semper ambigui sunt in consiliis aut dandis aut accipiendis Patavini. Sunt pertinaces in eo quod cœperint consilio Bergomates, respuunt omnium consilia Neapolitani, sunt consultissimi Bononienses.’

[769]Forcianae Quaestiones, in quibus varia Italorum ingenia explicantur multaque alia scitu non indigna.Autore Philalette Polytopiensi cive. Among them,Mauritii Scaevae Carmen.

‘Quos hominum mores varios quas denique mentesDiverso profert Itala terra solo,Quisve vinis animus, mulierum et strenua virtusPulchre hoc exili codice lector habes.’

Neapoli excudebat Martinus de Ragusia, AnnoMDXXXVI. This little work, made use of by Ranke,Päpste, i. 385, passes as being from the hand of Ortensio Landi (comp. Tiraboschi, vii. 800 to 812), although in the work itself no hint is given of the author. The title is explained by the circumstance that conversations are reported which were held at Forcium, a bath near Lucca, by a large company of men and women, on the question whence it comes that there are such great differences among mankind. The question receives no answer, but many of the differences among the Italians of that day are noticed—in studies, trade, warlike skill (the point quoted by Ranke), the manufacture of warlike implements, modes of life, distinctions in costume, in language, in intellect, in loving and hating, in the way of winning affection, in the manner of receiving guests, and in eating. At the close, come some reflections on the differences among philosophical systems. A large part of the work is devoted to women—their differences in general, the power of their beauty, and especially the question whether women are equal or inferior to men. The work has been made use of in various passages below. The following extract may serve as an example (fol. 7bsqq.):—‘Aperiam nunc quæ sint in consilio aut dando aut accipiendo dissimilitudo. Præstant consilio Mediolanenses, sed aliorum gratia potius quam sua. Sunt nullo consilio Genuenses. Rumor est Venetos abundare. Sunt perutili consilio Lucenses, idque aperte indicarunt, cum in tanto totius Italiæ ardore, tot hostibus circumsepti suam libertatem, ad quam nati videntur semper tutati sint, nulla, quidem, aut capitis aut fortunarum ratione habita. Quis porro non vehementer admiretur? Quis callida consilia non stupeat? Equidem quotiescunque cogito, quanta prudentia ingruentes procellas evitarint, quanta solertia impendentia pericula effugerint, adducor in stuporem. Lucanis vero summum est studium, eos deludere qui consilii captandi gratia adeunt, ipsi vero omnia inconsulte ac temere faciunt. Brutii optimo sunt consilio, sed ut incommodent, aut perniciem afferant, in rebus quæ magnæ deliberationis dictu mirum quam stupidi sint, eisdem plane dotibus instructi sunt Volsci quod ad cædes et furta paulo propensiores sint. Pisani bono quidem sunt consilio, sed parum constanti, si quis diversum ab eis senserit, mox acquiescunt, rursus si aliter suadeas, mutabunt consilium, illud in caussa fuit quod tam duram ac diutinam obsidionem ad extremum usque non pertulerint. Placentini utrisque abundant consiliis, scilicet salutaribus ac pernitiosis, non facile tamen ab iis impetres pestilens consilium, apud Regienses neque consilii copiam invenies. Si sequare Mutinensium consilia, raro cedet infeliciter, sunt enim peracutissimo consilio, et voluntate plane bona. Providi sunt Florentini (si unumquemque seorsum accipias) si vero simul conjuncti sint, non admodum mihi consilia eorum probabuntur; feliciter cedunt Senensium consilia, subita sunt Perusinorum; salutaria Ferrariensium, fideli sunt consilio Veronenses, semper ambigui sunt in consiliis aut dandis aut accipiendis Patavini. Sunt pertinaces in eo quod cœperint consilio Bergomates, respuunt omnium consilia Neapolitani, sunt consultissimi Bononienses.’

[770]Commentario delle più notabili e mostruose cose d’Italia et altri luoghi, di Lingua Aramea in Italiana tradotta. Con un breve Catalogo degli inventori delle cose che si mangiano et beveno, novamente ritrovato.In Venetia 1553 (first printed 1548, based on a journey taken by Ortensio Landi through Italy in 1543 and 1544). That Landi was really the author of thisCommentariois clear from the concluding remarks of Nicolo Morra (fol. 46a): ‘Il presente commentario nato del constantissimo cervello di M. O. L.;’ and from the signature of the whole (fol. 70a): SVISNETROH SVDNAL, ROTUA TSE, ‘Hortensius Landus autor est.’ After a declaration as to Italy from the mouth of a mysterious grey-haired sage, a journey is described from Sicily through Italy to the East. All the cities of Italy are more or less fully discussed: that Lucca should receive special praise is intelligible from the writer’s way of thinking. Venice, where he claims to have been much with Pietro Aretino (p. 166), and Milan are described in detail, and in connexion with the latter the maddest stories are told (fol. 25 sqq.). There is no want of such elsewhere—of roses which flower all the year round, stars which shine at midday, birds which are changed into men, and men with bulls’ heads on their shoulders, mermen, and men who spit fire from their mouths. Among all these there are often authentic bits of information, some of which will be used in the proper place; short mention is made of the Lutherans (fol. 32a, 38a), and frequent complaints are heard of the wretched times and unhappy state of Italy. We there read (fol. 22a): ‘Son questi quelli Italiani li quali in un fatto d’armi uccisero ducento mila Francesi? sono finalmente quelli che di tutto il mondo s’impadronirono? Hai quanto (per quel che io vego) degenerati sono. Hai quanto dissimili mi paiono dalli antichi padri loro, liquali et singolar virtu di cuore e disciplina militare ugualmente monstrarno havere.’ On the catalogue of eatables which is added, see below.

[771]Descrizione di tutta l’Italia.

[772]Satirical lists of cities are frequently met with later, e.g. Macaroneide,Phantas.ii. For France, Rabelais, who knew the Macaroneide, is the chief source of all the jests and malicious allusions of this local sort.

[773]It is true that many decaying literatures are full of painfully minute descriptions. See e.g. in Sidonius Apollinaris the descriptions of a Visigoth king (Epist.i. 2), of a personal enemy (Epist.iii. 13), and in his poems the types of the different German tribes.

[774]On Filippo Villani, see p. 330.

[775]Parnasso teatrale, Lipsia, 1829. Introd. p. vii.

[776]The reading is here evidently corrupt. The passage is as follows (Ameto, Venezia, 1856, p. 54): ‘Del mezo de’ quali non camuso naso in linea diretta discende, quanto ad aquilineo non essere dimanda il dovere.’

[777]‘Due occhi ladri nel loro movimento.’ The whole work is rich in such descriptions.

[778]The charming book of songs by Giusto dei Conti,La bella Mano(best ed. Florence, 1715), does not tell us as many details of this famous hand of his beloved as Boccaccio in a dozen passages of theAmetoof the hands of his nymphs.

[779]‘Della bellezza delle donne,’ in the first vol. of theOpere di Firenzuola, Milano, 1802. For his view of bodily beauty as a sign of beauty of soul, comp. vol. ii. pp. 48 to 52, in the ‘ragionamenti’ prefixed to his novels. Among the many who maintain this doctrine, partly in the style of the ancients, we may quote one, Castiglione,Il Cortigiana, l. iv. fol. 176.

[780]This was a universal opinion, not only the professional opinion of painters. See below.

[781]This may be an opportunity for a word on the eyes of Lucrezia Borgia, taken from the distichs of a Ferrarese court-poet, Ercole Strozza (Strozzii Poetae, fol. 85-88). The power of her glance is described in a manner only explicable in an artistic age, and which would not now be permitted. Sometimes it turns the beholder to fire, sometimes to stone. He who looks long at the sun, becomes blind; he who beheld Medusa, became a stone; but he who looks at the countenance of Lucrezia‘Fit primo intuitu cæcus et inde lapis.’Even the marble Cupid sleeping in her halls is said to have been petrified by her gaze:‘Lumine Borgiado saxificatur Amor.’Critics may dispute, if they please, whether the so-called Eros of Praxiteles or that of Michelangelo is meant, since she was the possessor of both.And the same glance appeared to another poet, Marcello Filosseno, only mild and lofty, ‘mansueto e altero’ (Roscoe,Leone X.ed. Bossi, vii. p. 306).Comparisons with ideal figures of antiquity occur (p. 30). Of a boy ten years old we read in theOrlandino(ii. str. 47), ‘ed ha capo romano.’ Referring to the fact that the appearance of the temples can be altogether changed by the arrangement of the hair, Firenzuola makes a comical attack on the overcrowding of the hair with flowers, which causes the head to ‘look like a pot of pinks or a quarter of goat on the spit.’ He is, as a rule, thoroughly at home in caricature.

‘Fit primo intuitu cæcus et inde lapis.’

Even the marble Cupid sleeping in her halls is said to have been petrified by her gaze:

‘Lumine Borgiado saxificatur Amor.’

Critics may dispute, if they please, whether the so-called Eros of Praxiteles or that of Michelangelo is meant, since she was the possessor of both.

And the same glance appeared to another poet, Marcello Filosseno, only mild and lofty, ‘mansueto e altero’ (Roscoe,Leone X.ed. Bossi, vii. p. 306).

Comparisons with ideal figures of antiquity occur (p. 30). Of a boy ten years old we read in theOrlandino(ii. str. 47), ‘ed ha capo romano.’ Referring to the fact that the appearance of the temples can be altogether changed by the arrangement of the hair, Firenzuola makes a comical attack on the overcrowding of the hair with flowers, which causes the head to ‘look like a pot of pinks or a quarter of goat on the spit.’ He is, as a rule, thoroughly at home in caricature.

[782]For the ideal of the ‘Minnesänger,’ see Falke,Die deutsche Trachten- und Modenwelt, i. pp. 85 sqq.

[783]On the accuracy of his sense of form, p. 290.

[784]Inferno, xxi. 7;Purgat.xiii. 61.

[785]We must not take it too seriously, if we read (in Platina,Vitae Pontiff.p. 310) that he kept at his court a sort of buffoon, the Florentine Greco, ‘hominem certe cujusvis mores, naturam, linguam cum maximo omnium qui audiebant risu facile exprimentem.’

[786]Pii. II. Comment.viii. p. 391.

[787]Two tournaments must be distinguished, Lorenzo’s in 1468 and Guiliano’s in 1475 (a third in 1481?). See Reumont,L. M.i. 264 sqq. 361, 267, note 1; ii. 55, 67, and the works there quoted, which settle the old dispute on these points. The first tournament is treated in the poem of Luca Pulci, ed.Ciriffo Calvaneo di Luca Pulci Gentilhuomo Fiorentino, con la Giostra del Magnifico Lorenzo de’ Medici. Florence, 1572, pp. 75, 91; the second in an unfinished poem of Ang. Poliziano, best ed. Carducci,Le Stanze, l’Orfeo e le Rime di M. A. P.Florence, 1863. The description of Politian breaks off at the setting out of Guiliano for the tournament. Pulci gives a detailed account of the combatants and the manner of fighting. The description of Lorenzo is particularly good (p. 82).

[788]This so-called ‘Caccia’ is printed in the Commentary to Castiglione’sEcloguefrom a Roman MS.Lettere del conte B. Castiglione, ed. Pierantonio Lerassi (Padua, 1771), ii. p. 269.

[789]See theServenteseof Giannozzo of Florence, in Trucchi,Poesie italiane inedite, ii. p. 99. The words are many of them quite unintelligible, borrowed really or apparently from the languages of the foreign mercenaries. Macchiavelli’s description of Florence during the plague of 1527 belongs, to certain extent, to this class of works. It is a series of living, speaking pictures of a frightful calamity.

[790]According to Boccaccio (Vita di Dante, p. 77), Dante was the author of two eclogues, probably written in Latin. They are addressed to Joh. de Virgiliis. Comp. Fraticelli,Opp. min. di Dante, i. 417. Petrarch’s bucolic poem inP. Carmina minora, ed. Bossetti, i. Comp. L. Geiger,Petr.120-122 and 270, note 6, especially A. Hortis,Scritti inediti di F. P.Triest, 1874.

[791]Boccaccio gives in hisAmeto(above, p. 344) a kind of mythical Decameron, and sometimes fails ludicrously to keep up the character. One of his nymphs is a good Catholic, and prelates shoot glances of unholy love at her in Rome. Another marries. In theNinfale fiesolanothe nymph Mensola, who finds herself pregnant, takes counsel of an ‘old and wise nymph.’

[792]In general the prosperity of the Italian peasants was greater then than that of the peasantry anywhere else in Europe. Comp. Sacchetti, nov. 88 and 222; L. Pulci in theBeca da Dicamano(Villari,Macchiavelli, i. 198, note 2).

[793]‘Nullum est hominum genus aptius urbi,’ says Battista Mantovano (Ecl.viii.) of the inhabitants of the Monte Baldo and the Val. Cassina, who could turn their hands to anything. Some country populations, as is well known, have even now privileges with regard to certain occupations in the great cities.

[794]Perhaps one of the strongest passages,Orlandino, cap. v. str. 54-58. The tranquil and unlearned Vesp. Bisticci says (Comm. sulla vita di Giov. Manetti, p. 96): ‘Sono due ispezie di uomini difficili a supportare per la loro ignoranza; l’una sono i servi, la seconda i contadini.’

[795]In Lombardy, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the nobles did not shrink from dancing, wrestling, leaping, and racing with the peasants.Il Cortigiano, l. ii. fol. 54. A. Pandolfini (L. B. Alberti) in theTrattato del governo della famiglia, p. 86, is an instance of a land-owner who consoles himself for the greed and fraud of his peasant tenantry with the reflection that he is thereby taught to bear and deal with his fellow-creatures.

[796]Jovian. Pontan.De fortitudine, lib. ii.

[797]The famous peasant-woman of the Valtellina—Bona Lombarda, wife of the Condottiere Pietro Brunoro—is known to us from Jacobus Bergomensis and from Porcellius, in Murat. xxv. col. 43.

[798]On the condition of the Italian peasantry in general, and especially of the details of that condition in several provinces, we are unable to particularise more fully. The proportions between freehold and leasehold property, and the burdens laid on each in comparison with those borne at the present time, must be gathered from special works which we have not had the opportunity of consulting. In stormy times the country people were apt to have appalling relapses into savagery (Arch. Stor.xvi. i. pp. 451 sqq., ad. a. 1440; Corio, fol. 259;Annales Foroliv.in Murat. xxii. col. 227, though nothing in the shape of a general peasants’ war occurred. The rising near Piacenza in 1462 was of some importance and interest. Comp. Corio,Storia di Milano, fol. 409;Annales Placent.in Murat. xx. col. 907; Sismondi, x. p. 138. See below, part vi. cap. 1.

[799]F. Bapt. Mantuani Bucolica seu Adolescentia in decem Eclogas divisa; often printed, e.g. Strasburg, 1504. The date of composition is indicated by the preface, written in 1498, from which it also appears that the ninth and tenth eclogues were added later. In the heading to the tenth are the words, ‘post religionis ingressum;’ in that of the seventh, ‘cum jam autor ad religionem aspiraret.’ The eclogues by no means deal exclusively with peasant life; in fact, only two of them do so—the sixth, ‘disceptatione rusticorum et civium,’ in which the writer sides with the rustics; and the eighth, ‘de rusticorum religione.’ The others speak of love, of the relations between poets and wealthy men, of conversion to religion, and of the manners of the Roman court.

[800]Poesie di Lorenzo Magnifico, i. p. 37 sqq. The remarkable poems belonging to the period of the German ‘Minnesänger,’ which bear the name of Neithard von Reuenthal, only depict peasant life in so far as the knight chooses to mix with it for his amusement. The peasants reply to the ridicule of Reuenthal in songs of their own. Comp. Karl Schroder,Die höfische Dorfpoesie des deutschen Mittelaltersin Rich. Gosche,Jahrb. für Literaturgesch.1 vol. Berlin, 1875, pp. 45-98, esp. 75 sqq.

[801]Poesie di Lor. Magn.ii. 149.

[802]In theDeliciae poetar. ital., and in the works of Politian. First separate ed. Florence, 1493. The didactic poem of Rucellai,Le Api, first printed 1519, andLa coltivazione, Paris, 1546, contain something of the same kind.

[803]Poesie di Lor. Magnifico, ii. 75.

[804]The imitation of different dialects and of the manners of different districts spring from the same tendency. Comp. p. 155.

[805]Jo. Pici oratio de hominis dignitate.The passage is as follows: ‘Statuit tandem optimus opifex ut cui dari nihil proprium poterat commune esset quidquid privatum singulis fuerat. Igitur hominem accepit indiscretae opus imaginis atque in mundi posito meditullio sic est allocutus; Nec certam sedem, nec propriam faciem, nec munus ullum peculiare tibi dedimus, O Adam, ut quam sedem, quam faciem, quae munera tute optaveris, ea pro voto pro tua sententia habeas et possideas. Definita caeteris natura inter praescriptas a nobis leges coercetur, tu nullis augustiis coercitus pro tuo arbitrio, in cujus manus te posui, tibi illam praefinies. Medium te mundi posui ut circumspiceres inde commodius quidquid est in mundo. Nec te caelestem neque terrenum, neque mortalem neque immortalem fecimus, ut tui ipsius quasi arbitrarius honorariusque plastes et fictor in quam malueris tute formam effingas. Poteris in inferiora quae sunt bruta degenerare, poteris in superiora quae sunt divina ex tui animi sententia regenerari. O summam dei patris liberalitatem, summam et admirandam hominis felicitatem. Cui datum id habere quod optat, id esse quod velit. Bruta simulatque nascuntur id secum afferunt, ut ait Lucilius, e bulga matris quod possessura sunt; supremi spiritus aut ab initio aut paulo mox id fuerunt quod sunt futuri in perpetuas aeternitates. Nascenti homini omnifaria semina et omnigenae vitæ germina indidit pater; quæ quisque excoluerit illa adolescent et fructus suos ferent in illo. Si vegetalia, planta fiet, si sensualia, obbrutescet, si rationalia, coeleste evadet animal, si intellectualia, angelus erit et dei filius, et si nulla creaturarum sorte contentus in unitatis centrum suae se receperit, unus cum deo spiritus factus in solitaria patris caligine qui est super omnia constitutus omnibus antestabit.’The speech first appears in thecommentationesof Jo. Picus without any special title; the heading ‘de hominis dignitate’ was added later. It is not altogether suitable, since a great part of the discourse is devoted to the defence of the peculiar philosophy of Pico, and the praise of, the Jewish Cabbalah. On Pico, see above, p. 202 sqq.; and below; part. vi. chap. 4. More than two hundred years before, Brunetto Latini (Tesoro, lib. i. cap. 13, ed. Chabaille, p. 20) had said: ‘Toutes choses dou ciel en aval sont faites pour l’ome; mais li hom at faiz pour lui meisme.’ The words seemed to a contemporary to have too much human pride in them, and he added: ‘e por Dieu amer et servir et por avoir la joie pardurable.’

The speech first appears in thecommentationesof Jo. Picus without any special title; the heading ‘de hominis dignitate’ was added later. It is not altogether suitable, since a great part of the discourse is devoted to the defence of the peculiar philosophy of Pico, and the praise of, the Jewish Cabbalah. On Pico, see above, p. 202 sqq.; and below; part. vi. chap. 4. More than two hundred years before, Brunetto Latini (Tesoro, lib. i. cap. 13, ed. Chabaille, p. 20) had said: ‘Toutes choses dou ciel en aval sont faites pour l’ome; mais li hom at faiz pour lui meisme.’ The words seemed to a contemporary to have too much human pride in them, and he added: ‘e por Dieu amer et servir et por avoir la joie pardurable.’

[806]An allusion to the fall of Lucifer and his followers.

[807]The habit among the Piedmontese nobility of living in their castles in the country struck the other Italians as exceptional. Bandello, parte ii. nov. 7 (?).

[808]This was the case long before printing. A large number of manuscripts, and among them the best, belonged to Florentine artisans. If it had not been for Savonarola’s great bonfire, many more of them would be left.

[809]Dante,De monarchia, l. ii. cap. 3.

[810]Paradiso, xvi. at the beginning.

[811]Dante,Convito, nearly the wholeTrattato, iv., and elsewhere. Brunetto Latini says (Il tesoro, lib. i. p. ii. cap. 50, ed. Chabaille, p. 343): ‘De ce (la vertu) nasqui premierement la nobleté de gentil gent, non pas de ses ancêtres;’ and he warns men (lib. ii. p. ii. cap. 196, p. 440) that they may lose true nobility by bad actions. Similarly Petrarch,de rem. utr. fort.lib. i. dial. xvii.: ‘Verus nobilis non nascitur, sed fit.’

[812]Poggi Opera, Dial. de nobilitate.Aristotle’s view is expressly combatted by B. Platina,De vera nobilitate.

[813]This contempt of noble birth is common among the humanists. See the severe passages in Æn. Sylvius,Opera, pp. 84 (Hist. bohem.cap. 2) and 640. (Stories of Lucretia and Euryalus.)

[814]This is the case in the capital itself. See Bandello, parte ii. nov. 7;Joviani Pontani Antonius, where the decline of energy in the nobility is dated from the coming of the Aragonese dynasty.

[815]Throughout Italy it was universal that the owner of large landed property stood on an equality with the nobles. It is only flattery when J. A. Campanus adds to the statement of Pius II. (Commentarii, p. 1), that as a boy he had helped his poor parents in their rustic labours, the further assertion that he only did so for his amusement, and that this was the custom of the young nobles (Voigt, ii. 339).

[816]For an estimate of the nobility in North Italy, Bandello, with his repeated rebukes ofmésalliances, is of importance (parte i. nov. 4, 26; parte iii. nov. 60). For the participation of the nobles in the games of the peasants, see above.

[817]The severe judgment of Macchiavelli,Discorsi, i. 55, refers only to those of the nobility who still retained feudal rights, and who were thoroughly idle and politically mischievous. Agrippa of Nettesheim, who owes his most remarkable ideas chiefly to his life in Italy, has a chapter on the nobility and princes (De Incert. et Vanit. Scient.cap, 80), the bitterness of which exceeds anything to be met with elsewhere, and is due to the social ferment then prevailing in the North. A passage at p. 213 is as follows: ‘Si ... nobilitatis primordia requiramus, comperiemus hanc nefaria perfidia et crudelitate partam, si ingressum spectemus, reperiemus hanc mercenaria militia et latrociniis auctam. Nobilitas revera nihil aliud est quam robusta improbitas atque dignitas non nisi scelere quaesita benedictio et hereditas pessimorom quorumcunque filiorum.’ In giving the history of the nobility he makes a passing reference to Italy (p. 227).

[818]Massuccio, nov. 19 (ed. Settembrini, Nap. 1874, p. 220). The first ed. of the novels appeared in 1476.

[819]Jacopo Pitti to Cosimo I.,Archiv. Stor.iv. ii. p. 99. In North Italy the Spanish rule brought about the same results. Bandello, parte ii. nov. 40, dates from this period.

[820]When, in the fifteenth century, Vespasiano Fiorentino (pp. 518, 632) implies that the rich should not try to increase their inherited fortune, but should spend their whole annual income, this can only, in the mouth of a Florentine, refer to the great landowners.

[821]Franco Sacchetti, nov. 153. Comp. nov. 82 and 150.

[822]‘Che la cavalleria è morta.’

[823]Poggius,De Nobilitate, fol. 27. See above, p. 19. Ænea Silvio (Hist. Fried. III.ed. Kollar, p. 294) finds fault with the readiness with which Frederick conferred knighthood in Italy.

[824]Vasari, iii. 49, and note.Vita di Dello.The city of Florence claimed the right of conferring knighthood. On the ceremonies of this kind in 1378 and 1389, see Reumont,Lorenzo, ii. 444 sqq.

[825]Senarega,De Reb. Gen.in Murat. xxiv. col. 525. At a wedding of Joh. Adurnus with Leonora di Sanseverino, ‘certamina equestria in Sarzano edita sunt ... proposita et data victoribus praemia. Ludi multiformes in palatio celebrati a quibus tanquam a re nova pendebat plebs et integros dies illis spectantibus impendebat.’ Politian writes to Joh. Picus of the cavalry exercise of his pupils (Aug. Pol. Epist.lib. xii. ep. 6): ‘Tu tamen a me solos fieri poetas aut oratores putas, at ego non minus facio bellatores.’ Ortensio Landi in theCommentario, fol. 180, tells of a duel between two soldiers at Correggio with a fatal result, reminding one of the old gladiatorial combats. The writer, whose imagination is generally active, gives us here the impression of truthfulness. The passages quoted show that knighthood was not absolutely necessary for these public contests.

[826]Petrarch,Epist. Senil.xi. 13, to Ugo of Este. Another passage in theEpist. Famil.lib. v. ep. 6, Dec. 1st, 1343, describes the disgust he felt at seeing a knight fall at a tournament in Naples. For legal prescriptions as to the tournament at Naples, see Fracassetti’s Italian translation of Petrarch’s letters, Florence, 1864, ii. p. 34. L. B. Alberti also points out the danger, uselessness, and expense of tournaments.Della Famiglia, Op. Volg.ii. 229.

[827]Nov. 64. With reference to this practice, it is said expressly in theOrlandino(ii. str. 7), of a tournament under Charlemagne: ‘Here they were no cooks and scullions, but kings, dukes, and marquises, who fought.’

[828]This is one of the oldest parodies of the tournament. Sixty years passed before Jacques Cœur, the burgher-minister of finance under Charles VII., gave a tournament of donkeys in the courtyard of his palace at Bourges (about 1450). The most brilliant of all these parodies—the second canto of theOrlandinojust quoted—was not published till 1526.

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