FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[1]History of Architecture, by Franz Kugler. (The first half of the fourth volume, containing the ‘Architecture and Decoration of the Italian Renaissance,’ is by the Author.)[2]Macchiavelli,Discorsi, 1. i. c. 12. ‘E la cagione, che la Italia non sia in quel medesimo termine, ne habbia anch’ ella ò una republica ò un prencipe che la governi, è solamente la Chiesa; perchè havendovi habitato e tenuto imperio temporale non è stata si potente ne di tal virtè, che l’habbia potuto occupare il restante d’Italia e farsene prencipe.’[3]The rulers and their dependents were together called ‘lo stato,’ and this name afterwards acquired the meaning of the collective existence of a territory.[4]C. Winckelmann,De Regni Siculi Administratione qualis fuerit regnante Friderico II., Berlin. 1859. A. del Vecchio,La legislazione di Federico II. imperatore. Turin, 1874. Frederick II. has been fully and thoroughly discussed by Winckelmann and Schirrmacher.[5]Baumann,Staatslehre des Thomas von Aquino. Leipzig, 1873, esp. pp. 136 sqq.[6]Cento Novelle Antiche, ed. 1525. For Frederick, Nov. 2, 21, 22, 23, 24, 30, 53, 59, 90, 100; for Ezzelino, Nov. 31, and esp. 84.[7]Scardeonius,De Urbis Patav. Antiqu. in Grævius, Thesaurus, vi. iii. p. 259.[8]Sismondi,Hist. de Rép. Italiennes, iv. p. 420; viii. pp. 1 sqq.[9]Franco Sacchetti,Novelle(61, 62).[10]Dante, it is true, is said to have lost the favour of this prince, which impostors knew how to keep. See the important account in Petrarch,De Rerum Memorandarum, lib. ii. 3, 46.[11]Petrarca,Epistolæ Seniles, lib. xiv. 1, to Francesco di Carrara (Nov. 28, 1373). The letter is sometimes printed separately with the title, ‘De Republica optime administranda,’ e.g. Bern, 1602.[12]It is not till a hundred years later that the princess is spoken of as the mother of the people. Comp. Hieron. Crivelli’s funeral oration on Bianca Maria Visconti, in Muratori,Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, xxv. col. 429. It was by way of parody of this phrase that a sister of Sixtus IV. is called in Jac Volateranus (Murat., xxiii. col. 109) ‘mater ecclesiæ.’[13]With the parenthetical request, in reference to a previous conversation, that the prince would again forbid the keeping of pigs in the streets of Padua, as the sight of them was unpleasing, especially for strangers, and apt to frighten the horses.[14]Petrarca,Rerum Memorandar., lib. iii. 2, 66.—Matteo I. Visconti and Guido della Torre, then ruling in Milan, are the persons referred to.[15]Matteo Villani, v. 81: the secret murder of Matteo II. (Maffiolo) Visconti by his brother.[16]Filippo Villani,Istorie, xi. 101. Petrarch speaks in the same tone of the tyrants dressed out ‘like altars at a festival.’—The triumphal procession of Castracane at Lucca is described minutely in his life by Tegrimo, in Murat., xi., col, 1340.[17]De Vulgari Eloqui, i. c. 12: ... ‘qui non heroico more, sed plebeo sequuntur superbiam.’[18]This we find first in the fifteenth century, but their representations are certainly based on the beliefs of earlier times: L. B. Alberti,De re ædif., v. 3.—Franc. di Giorgio, ‘Trattato,’ in Della Valle, Lettere Sanesi, iii. 121.[19]Franco Sacchetti, Nov. 61.[20]Matteo Villani, vi. 1.[21]The Paduan passport office about the middle of the fourteenth century is referred to by Franco Sacchetti, Nov. 117, in the words, ‘quelli delle bullete.’ In the last ten years of the reign of Frederick II., when the strictest control was exercised on the personal conduct of his subjects, this system must have been very highly developed.[22]Corio,Storia di Milano, fol. 247 sqq. Recent Italian writers have observed that the Visconti have still to find a historian who, keeping the just mean between the exaggerated praises of contemporaries (e.g.Petrarch) and the violent denunciations of later political (Guelph) opponents, will pronounce a final judgment upon them.[23]E.g. of Paolo Giovio:Elogia Virorum bellicâ virtute illustrium, Basel, 1575, p. 85, in the life of Bernabò. Giangal. (Vita, pp. 86 sqq.) is for Giovio ‘post Theodoricum omnium præstantissimus.’ Comp. also Jovius,Vitæ xii. Vicecomitum Mediolani principum, Paris, 1549. pp. 165 sqq.[24]Corio, fol. 272, 285.[25]Cagnola, in theArchiv. Stor., iii. p. 23.[26]So Corio, fol. 286, and Poggio,Hist. Florent.iv. in Murat. xx. col 290.—Cagnola (loc. cit.) speaks of his designs on the imperial crown. See too the sonnet in Trucchi,Poesie Ital. ined., ii. p. 118:“Stan le città lombarde con le chiaveIn man per darle a voi ... etc.Roma vi chiamo: Cesar mio novelloIo sono ignuda, e l’anima pur vive:Or mi coprite col vostro mantello,” etc.[27]Corio, fol. 301 and sqq. Comp. Ammian. Marcellin., xxix. 3.[28]So Paul. Jovius,Elogia, pp. 88-92, Jo. Maria Philippus.[29]De Gingins,Dépêches des Ambassadeurs Milanais, Paris and Geneva 1858, ii. pp. 200 sqq. (N. 213). Comp. ii. 3 (N. 144) and ii. 212 sqq. (N. 218).[30]Paul. Jovius,Elogia, pp. 156 sqq. Carolus, Burg. dux.[31]This compound of force and intellect is called by MacchiavelliVirtù, and is quite compatible withscelleratezza. E.g.Discorsi, i. 10. in speaking of Sep. Severus.[32]On this point Franc. Vettori,Arch. Stor.vi. p. 29. 3 sqq.: ‘The investiture at the hands of a man who lives in Germany, and has nothing of the Roman Emperor about him but the empty name, cannot turn a scoundrel into the real lord of a city.’[33]M. Villani, iv. 38, 39, 44, 56, 74, 76, 92; v. 1, 2, 14-16, 21, 22, 36, 51, 54. It is only fair to consider that dislike of the Visconti may have led to worse representations than the facts justified. Charles IV. is once (iv. 74) highly praised by Villani.[34]It was an Italian, Fazio degli Uberti (Dittamondo, l. vi. cap. 5—about 1360) who recommended to Charles IV. a crusade to the Holy Land. The passage is one of the best in this poem, and in other respects characteristic. The poet is dismissed from the Holy Sepulchre by an insolent Turk:‘Con passi lunghi e con la testa bassaOltre passai e dissi: ecco vergognaDel cristian che’l saracin qui lassa!Poscia al Pastor (the Pope) mi volsi far rampognaE tu ti stai, che sei vicar di Cristo,Co’ frati tuoi a ingrassar la carogna?Similimente dissi a quel sofisto (Charles IV.)Che sta in Buemme (Bohemia) a piantar vigne e fichiE che non cura di si caro acquisto:Che fai? Perchè non segui i primi antichiCesari de’ Romani, e che non segui,Dico, gli Otti, i Corradi, i Federichi?E che pur tieni questo imperio in tregui?E se non hai lo cuor d’esser Augusto,Che non rifiuti? o che non ti dilegui?’ etc.Some eight years earlier, about 1352, Petrarch had written (to Charles IV.,Epist. Fam., lib. xii. ep. 1, ed. Fracassetti, vol. ii. p. 160): ‘Simpliciter igitur et aperte ... pro maturando negotio terræ sanctæ ... oro tuo egentem auxilio quam primum invisere velis Ausoniam.’[35]See for details Vespasiano Fiorent. ed. Mai,Specilegium Romanum, vol. i. p. 54. Comp. 150 and Panormita,De Dictis et Factis Alfonsi, lib. iv. nro. 4.[36]Diario Ferrarese, in Murat. xxiv. col. 217 sqq.[37]‘Haveria voluto scortigare la brigata.’ Giov. Maria Filelfo, then staying at Bergamo, wrote a violent satire ‘in vulgus equitum auro notatorum.’ See his biography in Favre,Mélanges d’Histoire littéraire, 1856, i. p. 10.[38]Annales Estenses, in Murat. xx. col. 41.[39]Poggii,Hist. Florent. pop.l. vii. in Murat. col. 381. This view is in accordance with the anti-monarchical sentiments of many of the humanists of that day. Comp. the evidence given by Bezold, ‘Lehre von der Volkssouverainität während des Mittelalters,’Hist. Ztschr.bd. 36, s. 365.[40]Some years later the Venetian Lionardo Giustiniani blames the word ‘imperator’ as unclassical and therefore unbecoming the German emperor, and calls the Germans barbarians, on account of their ignorance of the language and manners of antiquity. The cause of the Germans was defended by the humanist H. Bebel. See L. Geiger, in theAllgem. Deutsche Biogr.ii. 196.[41]Senarega,De reb. Genuens, in Murat. xxiv. col. 575.[42]Enumerated in theDiario Ferrarese, in Murat. xxiv. col. 203. Comp. Pic. ii.Comment.ii. p. 102, ed. Rome, 1584.[43]Marin Sanudo,Vita de’ Duchi di Venezia, in Murat. xxii. col. 1113.[44]Varchi,Stor. Fiorent.i. p. 8.[45]Soriano,Relazione di Roma, 1533, in Tommaso Gar.Relaz. della Corte di Roma, (in Alberi,Relaz. degli ambasc. Veneti, ii. ser. iii.).[46]For what follows, see Canestrini, in the Introduction to vol. xv. of theArchiv. Stor.[47]For him, see Shepherd-Tonelli,Vita di Piggio, App. pp. viii.-xvi.[48]Cagnola,Archiv. Stor.iii. p. 28: ‘Et (Filippo Maria) da lei (Beatr.) ebbe molto tesoro e dinari, e tutte le giente d’arme del dicto Facino, che obedivano a lei.’[49]Inpressura, in Eccard,Scriptores, ii. col. 1911. For the alternatives which Macchiavelli puts before the victorious Condottiere, seeDiscorsi, i. 30. After the victory he is either to hand over the army to his employer and wait quietly for his reward, or else to win the soldiers to his own side to occupy the fortresses and to punish the prince ‘di quella ingratitudine che esso gli userebbe.’[50]Comp. Barth. Facius,De Viv. Ill.p. 64, who tells us that C. commanded an army of 60,000 men. It is uncertain whether the Venetians did not poison Alviano in 1516, because he, as Prato says inArch. Stor.iii. p. 348, aided the French too zealously in the battle of S. Donato. The Republic made itself Colleoni’s heir, and after his death in 1475 formally confiscated his property. Comp. Malipiero,Annali Veneti, inArch. Stor.vii. i. 244. It was liked when the Condottieri invested their money in Venice, ibid. p. 351.[51]Cagnola, inArch. Stor.iii. pp. 121 sqq.[52]At all events in Paul Jovius,Vita Magni Sfortiæ, Rom. 1539, (dedicated to the Cardinal Ascanio Sforza), one of the most attractive of his biographies.[53]Æn. Sylv.Comment. de Dictis et Factis Alfonsi, Opera, ed. 1538, p. 251: Novitate gaudens Italia nihil habet stabile, nullum in eâ vetus regnum, facile hic ex servis reges videmus.’[54]Pii, ii.Comment.i. 46; comp. 69.[55]Sismondi, x. 258; Corio. fol. 412, where Sforza is accused of complicity, as he feared danger to his own son from P.’s popularity.Storia Bresciana, in Murat. xxi. col. 209. How the Venetian Condottiere Colleoni was tempted in 1466, is told by MalipieroAnnali Veneti, Arch. Stor.vii. i. p. 210. The Florentine exiles offered to make him Duke of Milan if he would expel from Florence their enemy, Piero de’ Medici.[56]Allegretti,Diari Sanesi, in Murat. xxiii. p. 811.[57]Orationes Philelphi, ed. Venet. 1492, fol. 9, in the funeral oration on Francesco.[58]Marin Sanudo,Vita del Duchi di Venezia, in Murat. xxii. col. 1241. See Reumont,Lorenzo von Medici(Lpz. 1874), ii. pp. 324-7, and the authorities there quoted.[59]Malipiero,Ann. Venet., Arch. Stor.vii. i. p. 407.[60]Chron. Eugubinum, in Murat. xxi. col. 972.[61]Vespas. Fiorent.p. 148.[62]Archiv. Stor.xvi., parte i. et ii., ed. Bonaini, Fabretti, Polidori.[63]Julius II. conquered Perugia with ease in 1506, and compelled Gianpaolo Baglione to submit. The latter, as Macchiavelli (Discorsi, i. c. 27) tells us, missed the chance of immortality by not murdering the Pope.[64]VarelinStor. Fiorent.i. pp. 242 sqq.[65]Comp. (inter. al.) Jovian. Pontan.De Immanitate, cap. 17.[66]Malipiero,Ann. Venet., Archiv. Stor.vii. i. pp. 498 sqq. After vainly searching for his beloved, whose father had shut her up in a monastery he threatened the father, burnt the monastery and other buildings, and committed many acts of violence.[67]Lil. Greg. Giraldus,De Sepulchris ac vario Sepeliendi Ritu.Operaed. Bas. 1580, i. pp. 640 sqq. Later edition by J. Faes, Helmstädt, 1676 Dedication and postscript of Gir. ‘ad Carolum Miltz Germanum,’ in these editions without date; neither contains the passage given in the text.—In 1470 a catastrophe in miniature had already occurred in the same family (Galeotto had had his brother Antonio Maria thrown into prison). Comp.Diario Ferrarese, in Murat. xxiv. col. 225.[68]Jovian. Pontan. Opp. ed. Basileæ, 1538, t. i.De Liberalitate, cap. 19, 29, andDe Obedientia, l. 4. Comp. Sismondi, x. p. 78, and Panormita,De Dictis et Factis Alphonsi, lib. i. nro. 61, iv. nro. 42.[69]Tristano Caracciolo. ‘De Fernando qui postea rex Aragonum fuit, ejusque posteris,’ in Muratori XXII.; Jovian Pontanus,De Prudentia, l. iv.;De Magnanimitate, l. i.;De Liberalitate, cap. 29, 36;De Immanitate, cap. 8. Cam. Porzio,Congiura dei Baroni del Regno de Napoli contro il re Ferdinando I., Pisa, 1818, cap. 29, 36, new edition, Naples, 1859,passim; Comines, Charles VIII., with the general characteristics of the Arragonese. See for further information as to Ferrante’s works for his people, theRegis Ferdinandi primi Instructionum liber, 1486-87, edited by Scipione Vopicella, which would dispose us to moderate to some extent the harsh judgment which has been passed upon him.[70]Paul. Jovius.Histor.i. p. 14. in the speech of a Milanese ambassador;Diario Ferrarese, in Muratori, xxiv. col. 294.[71]He lived in the closest intimacy with Jews, e.g. Isaac Abranavel, who fled with him to Messina. Comp. Zunz,Zur. Gesch. und Lit.(Berlin, 1845) s. 529.[72]Petri Candidi Decembrii Vita Phil. Mariæ Vicecomitis, in Murat. xx., of which however Jovius (Vitæ xii. Vicecomitump. 186) says not without reason: ‘Quum omissis laudibus quæ in Philippo celebrandæ fuerant, vitia, notaret.’ Guarino praises this prince highly. Rosmino Guarini, ii. p. 75. Jovius, in the above-mentioned work (p. 186), and Jov. Pontanus,De Liberalitate, ii. cap. 28 and 31, take special notice of his generous conduct to the captive Alfonso.[73]Were the fourteen marble statues of the saints in the Citadel of Milan executed by him? SeeHistory of the Frundsbergs, fol. 27.[74]It troubled him:quod aliquando ‘non esse’ necesse esset.[75]Corio, fol. 400; Cagnola, inArchiv. Stor.iii. p. 125.[76]Pii II. Comment.iii. p. 130. Comp. ii. 87. 106. Another and rather darker estimate of Sforza’s fortune is given by Caracciolo,De Varietate Fortunæ, in Murat. xxii. col. 74. See for the opposite view the praises of Sforza’s luck in theOratio parentalis de divi Francesci Sphortiæ felicitate, by Filelfo (the ready eulogist of any master who paid him), who sung, without publishing, the exploits of Francesco in the Sforziad. Even Decembrio, the moral and literary opponent of Filelfo, celebrates Sforza’s fortune in his biography (Vita Franc. Sphortiæ, in Murat. xx.). The astrologers said: ‘Francesco Sforza’s star brings good luck to a man, but ruin to his descendants.’ Arluni,De Bello Veneto, libri vi. in Grævius,Thes. Antiqu. et Hist. Italicæ, v. pars iii. Comp. also Barth. Facius,De Vir. III.p. 67.[77]Malipiero,Ann. Veneti, Archiv. Stor.vii. i. pp. 216 sqq. 221-4.[78]Important documents as to the murder of Galeazzo Maria Sforza are published by G. D’Adda in theArchivio Storico Lombardo Giornale della Società Lombarda, vol. ii. (1875), pp. 284-94. 1. A Latin epitaph on the murderer Lampugnano, who lost his life in the attempt, and whom the writer represents as saying: ‘Hic lubens quiesco, æternum inquam facinus monumentumque ducibus, principibus, regibus, qui modo sunt quique mox futura trahantur ne quid adversus justitiam faciant dicantve; 2. A Latin letter of Domenico de’ Belli, who, when eleven years old, was present at the murder; 3. The ‘lamento’ of Galeazzo Maria, in which, after calling upon the Virgin Mary and relating the outrage committed upon him, he summons his wife and children, his servants and the Italian cities which obeyed him, to bewail his fate, and sends forth his entreaty to all the nations of the earth, to the nine muses and the gods of antiquity, to set up a universal cry of grief.[79]Chron. Venetum, in Murat. xxiv. col. 65.[80]Malipiero,Ann. Veneti, Archiv. Stor.vii. i. p. 492. Comp. 482, 562.[81]His last words to the same man, Bernardino da Corte, are to be found, certainty with oratorical decorations, but perhaps agreeing in the main with the thoughts of the Moor, in Senarega, Murat. xxiv. col. 567.[82]Diario Ferrarese, in Murat. xxiv. col. 336, 367, 369. The people believed he was forming a treasure.[83]Corio, fol. 448. The after effects of this state of things are clearly recognisable in those of the novels and introductions of Bandello which relate to Milan.[84]Amoretti,Memorie Storiche sulla Vita Ecc. di Lionardo da Vinci, pp. 35 sqq., pp. 83 sqq. Here we may also mention the Moor’s efforts for the improvement of the university of Pavia.[85]See his sonnets in Trucchi,Poesie inedite.[86]Prato, in theArch. Stor.iii. 298. Comp. 302.[87]Born 1466, betrothed to Isabella, herself six years of age, in 1480, suc. 1484; m. 1490, d. 1519. Isabella’s death, 1539. Her sons, Federigo (1519-1540), made Duke in 1530, and the famous Ferrante Gonzaga. What follows is taken from the correspondence of Isabella, with Appendices,Archiv. Stor., append., tom. ii. communicated by d’Arco. See the same writer,Delle Arti e degli Artifici di Mantova, Mant. 1857-59, 2 vols. The catalogue of the collection has been repeatedly printed. Portrait and biography of Isabella in Didot,Alde Manuce, Paris, 1875, pp. lxi-lxviii. See also below, part ii. chapter 2.[88]Franc. Vettori, in theArch. Stor.Append., tom. vi. p. 321. For Federigo, seeVespas. Fiorent.pp. 132 sqq. and Prendilacqua,Vita di Vittorino da Feltre, pp. 48-52. V. endeavoured to calm the ambitious youth Federigo, then his scholar, with the words: ‘Tu quoque Cæsar eris.’ There is much literary information respecting him in, e.g., Favre,Mélanges d’Hist. Lit.i. p. 125, note 1.[89]See below, part iii. chapter 3.[90]Castiglione,Cortigiano, l. i.[91]Petr. Bembus,De Guido Ubaldo Feretrio deque Elizabetha Gonzaga Urbini ducibus, Venetis, 1530. Also in Bembo’s Works, Basel, 1566, i. pp. 529-624. In the form of a dialogue; contains among other things, the letter of Frid. Fregosus and the speech of Odaxius on Guido’s life and death.[92]What follows is chiefly taken from theAnnales Estenses, in Murat. xx. and theDiario Ferrarese, Murat. xxiv[93]See Bandello, i. nov. 32.[94]Diario Ferrar.l. c. col. 347.[95]Paul. Jov.Vita Alfonsi ducis, ed. Flor. 1550, also an Italian by Giovanbattista Gelli, Flor. 1553.[96]Paulus Jovius, l. c.[97]The journey of Leo X. when Cardinal, may be also mentioned here. Comp. Paul. Jov.Vita Leonis X.lib. i. His purpose was less serious, and directed rather to amusement and knowledge of the world; but the spirit is wholly modern. No Northerner then travelled with such objects.[98]Diar. Ferr.in Murat. xxiv. col. 232 and 240.[99]Jovian. Pontan.De Liberalitate, cap. 28.[100]Giraldi,Hecatomithi, vi. nov. 1 (ed. 1565, fol. 223a).[101]Vasari, xii. 166,Vita di Michelangelo.[102]As early as 1446 the members of the House of Gonzaga followed the corpse of Vittorino da Feltre.[103]Capitolo 19, and in theOpere Minore, ed. Lemonnier, vol. i. p. 425, entitled Elegia 17. Doubtless the cause of this death (above, p. 46) was unknown to the young poet, then 19 years old.[104]The novels in theHecatomithiof Giraldi relating to the House of Este are to be found, with one exception (i. nov. 8), in the 6th book, dedicated to Francesco of Este, Marchese della Massa, at the beginning of the second part of the whole work, which is inscribed to Alfonso II. ‘the fifth Duke of Ferrara.’ The 10th book, too, is specially dedicated to him, but none of the novels refer to him personally, and only one to his predecessor Hercules I.; the rest to Hercules I. ‘the second Duke,’ and Alfonso I. ‘the third Duke of Ferrara.’ But the stories told of these princes are for the most part not love tales. One of them (i. nov. 8) tells of the failure of an attempt made by the King of Naples to induce Hercules of Este to deprive Borso of the government of Ferrara; another (vi. nov. 10) describes Ercole’s high-spirited treatment of conspirators. The two novels that treat of Alfonso I. (vi. nov. 2, 4), in the latter of which he only plays a subordinate part, are also, as the title of the book shows and as the dedication to the above-named Francesco explains more fully, accounts of ‘atti di cortesía’ towards knights and prisoners, but not towards women, and only the two remaining tales are love-stories. They are of such a kind as can be told during the lifetime of the prince; they set forth his nobleness and generosity, his virtue and self-restraint. Only one of them (vi. nov. 1) refers to Hercules I., who was dead long before the novels were compiled, and only one to the Hercules II. then alive (b. 1508, d. 1568) son of Lucrezia Borgia, husband of Renata, of whom the poet says: ‘Il giovane, che non meno ha benigno l’animo, che cortese l’aspetto, come già il vedemmo in Roma, nel tempo, ch’egli, in vece del padre, venne à Papa Hadriano.’ The tale about him is briefly as follows:—Lucilla, the beautiful daughter of a poor but noble widow, loves Nicandro, but cannot marry him, as the lover’s father forbids him to wed a portionless maiden. Hercules, who sees the girl and is captivated by her beauty, finds his way, through the connivance of her mother, into her bedchamber, but is so touched by her beseeching appeal that he respects her innocence, and, giving her a dowry, enables her to marry Nicandro.In Bandello, ii. nov. 8 and 9 refer to Alessandro Medici, 26 to Mary of Aragon, iii. 26, iv. 13 to Galeazzo Sforza, iii. 36, 37 to Henry VIII. of England, ii. 27 to the German Emperor Maximilian. The emperor, ‘whose natural goodness and more than imperial generosity are praised by all writers,’ while chasing a stag is separated from his followers, loses his way, and at last emerging from the wood, enquires the way from a countryman. The latter, busied with lading wood, begs the emperor, whom he does not know, to help him, and receives willing assistance. While still at work, Maximilian is rejoined, and, in spite of his signs to the contrary, respectfully saluted by his followers, and thus recognised by the peasant, who implores forgiveness for the freedom he has unwittingly taken. The emperor raises the kneeling suppliant, gives him presents, appoints him as his attendant, and confers upon him distinguished privileges. The narrator concludes: ‘Dimostrò Cesare nello smontar da cavallo e con allegra ciera aiutar il bisognoso contadino, una indicibile e degna d’ogni lode humanità, e in sollevarlo con danari e privilegii dalla sua faticosa vita, aperse il suo veramente animo Cesareo’ (ii. 415). A story in theHecatomithi(viii. nov. 5) also treats of Maximilian. It is the same tale which has acquired a world-wide celebrity through Shakespeare’sMeasure for Measure(for its diffusion see Kirchhof’sWendunmuth, ed. Oesterley, bd. v. s. 152 sqq.), and the scene of which is transferred by Giraldi to Innsbruck. Maximilian is the hero, and here too receives the highest eulogies. After being first called ‘Massimiliano il Grande,’ he is designated as one ‘che fu raro esempio di cortesia, di magnanimità, e di singolare giustizia.’[105]In theDeliciæ Poet. Italorum(1608), ii. pp. 455 sqq.: ad Alfonsum ducem Calabriæ. (Yet I do not believe that the above remark fairly applies to this poem, which clearly expresses the joys which Alfonso has with Drusula, and describes the sensations of the happy lover, who in his transports thinks that the gods themselves must envy him.—L.G.).[106]Mentioned as early as 1367, in thePolistore, in Murat. xxiv. col. 848, in reference to Niccolò the Elder, who makes twelve persons knights in honour of the twelve Apostles.

[1]History of Architecture, by Franz Kugler. (The first half of the fourth volume, containing the ‘Architecture and Decoration of the Italian Renaissance,’ is by the Author.)

[2]Macchiavelli,Discorsi, 1. i. c. 12. ‘E la cagione, che la Italia non sia in quel medesimo termine, ne habbia anch’ ella ò una republica ò un prencipe che la governi, è solamente la Chiesa; perchè havendovi habitato e tenuto imperio temporale non è stata si potente ne di tal virtè, che l’habbia potuto occupare il restante d’Italia e farsene prencipe.’

[3]The rulers and their dependents were together called ‘lo stato,’ and this name afterwards acquired the meaning of the collective existence of a territory.

[4]C. Winckelmann,De Regni Siculi Administratione qualis fuerit regnante Friderico II., Berlin. 1859. A. del Vecchio,La legislazione di Federico II. imperatore. Turin, 1874. Frederick II. has been fully and thoroughly discussed by Winckelmann and Schirrmacher.

[5]Baumann,Staatslehre des Thomas von Aquino. Leipzig, 1873, esp. pp. 136 sqq.

[6]Cento Novelle Antiche, ed. 1525. For Frederick, Nov. 2, 21, 22, 23, 24, 30, 53, 59, 90, 100; for Ezzelino, Nov. 31, and esp. 84.

[7]Scardeonius,De Urbis Patav. Antiqu. in Grævius, Thesaurus, vi. iii. p. 259.

[8]Sismondi,Hist. de Rép. Italiennes, iv. p. 420; viii. pp. 1 sqq.

[9]Franco Sacchetti,Novelle(61, 62).

[10]Dante, it is true, is said to have lost the favour of this prince, which impostors knew how to keep. See the important account in Petrarch,De Rerum Memorandarum, lib. ii. 3, 46.

[11]Petrarca,Epistolæ Seniles, lib. xiv. 1, to Francesco di Carrara (Nov. 28, 1373). The letter is sometimes printed separately with the title, ‘De Republica optime administranda,’ e.g. Bern, 1602.

[12]It is not till a hundred years later that the princess is spoken of as the mother of the people. Comp. Hieron. Crivelli’s funeral oration on Bianca Maria Visconti, in Muratori,Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, xxv. col. 429. It was by way of parody of this phrase that a sister of Sixtus IV. is called in Jac Volateranus (Murat., xxiii. col. 109) ‘mater ecclesiæ.’

[13]With the parenthetical request, in reference to a previous conversation, that the prince would again forbid the keeping of pigs in the streets of Padua, as the sight of them was unpleasing, especially for strangers, and apt to frighten the horses.

[14]Petrarca,Rerum Memorandar., lib. iii. 2, 66.—Matteo I. Visconti and Guido della Torre, then ruling in Milan, are the persons referred to.

[15]Matteo Villani, v. 81: the secret murder of Matteo II. (Maffiolo) Visconti by his brother.

[16]Filippo Villani,Istorie, xi. 101. Petrarch speaks in the same tone of the tyrants dressed out ‘like altars at a festival.’—The triumphal procession of Castracane at Lucca is described minutely in his life by Tegrimo, in Murat., xi., col, 1340.

[17]De Vulgari Eloqui, i. c. 12: ... ‘qui non heroico more, sed plebeo sequuntur superbiam.’

[18]This we find first in the fifteenth century, but their representations are certainly based on the beliefs of earlier times: L. B. Alberti,De re ædif., v. 3.—Franc. di Giorgio, ‘Trattato,’ in Della Valle, Lettere Sanesi, iii. 121.

[19]Franco Sacchetti, Nov. 61.

[20]Matteo Villani, vi. 1.

[21]The Paduan passport office about the middle of the fourteenth century is referred to by Franco Sacchetti, Nov. 117, in the words, ‘quelli delle bullete.’ In the last ten years of the reign of Frederick II., when the strictest control was exercised on the personal conduct of his subjects, this system must have been very highly developed.

[22]Corio,Storia di Milano, fol. 247 sqq. Recent Italian writers have observed that the Visconti have still to find a historian who, keeping the just mean between the exaggerated praises of contemporaries (e.g.Petrarch) and the violent denunciations of later political (Guelph) opponents, will pronounce a final judgment upon them.

[23]E.g. of Paolo Giovio:Elogia Virorum bellicâ virtute illustrium, Basel, 1575, p. 85, in the life of Bernabò. Giangal. (Vita, pp. 86 sqq.) is for Giovio ‘post Theodoricum omnium præstantissimus.’ Comp. also Jovius,Vitæ xii. Vicecomitum Mediolani principum, Paris, 1549. pp. 165 sqq.

[24]Corio, fol. 272, 285.

[25]Cagnola, in theArchiv. Stor., iii. p. 23.

[26]So Corio, fol. 286, and Poggio,Hist. Florent.iv. in Murat. xx. col 290.—Cagnola (loc. cit.) speaks of his designs on the imperial crown. See too the sonnet in Trucchi,Poesie Ital. ined., ii. p. 118:“Stan le città lombarde con le chiaveIn man per darle a voi ... etc.Roma vi chiamo: Cesar mio novelloIo sono ignuda, e l’anima pur vive:Or mi coprite col vostro mantello,” etc.

“Stan le città lombarde con le chiaveIn man per darle a voi ... etc.Roma vi chiamo: Cesar mio novelloIo sono ignuda, e l’anima pur vive:Or mi coprite col vostro mantello,” etc.

[27]Corio, fol. 301 and sqq. Comp. Ammian. Marcellin., xxix. 3.

[28]So Paul. Jovius,Elogia, pp. 88-92, Jo. Maria Philippus.

[29]De Gingins,Dépêches des Ambassadeurs Milanais, Paris and Geneva 1858, ii. pp. 200 sqq. (N. 213). Comp. ii. 3 (N. 144) and ii. 212 sqq. (N. 218).

[30]Paul. Jovius,Elogia, pp. 156 sqq. Carolus, Burg. dux.

[31]This compound of force and intellect is called by MacchiavelliVirtù, and is quite compatible withscelleratezza. E.g.Discorsi, i. 10. in speaking of Sep. Severus.

[32]On this point Franc. Vettori,Arch. Stor.vi. p. 29. 3 sqq.: ‘The investiture at the hands of a man who lives in Germany, and has nothing of the Roman Emperor about him but the empty name, cannot turn a scoundrel into the real lord of a city.’

[33]M. Villani, iv. 38, 39, 44, 56, 74, 76, 92; v. 1, 2, 14-16, 21, 22, 36, 51, 54. It is only fair to consider that dislike of the Visconti may have led to worse representations than the facts justified. Charles IV. is once (iv. 74) highly praised by Villani.

[34]It was an Italian, Fazio degli Uberti (Dittamondo, l. vi. cap. 5—about 1360) who recommended to Charles IV. a crusade to the Holy Land. The passage is one of the best in this poem, and in other respects characteristic. The poet is dismissed from the Holy Sepulchre by an insolent Turk:‘Con passi lunghi e con la testa bassaOltre passai e dissi: ecco vergognaDel cristian che’l saracin qui lassa!Poscia al Pastor (the Pope) mi volsi far rampognaE tu ti stai, che sei vicar di Cristo,Co’ frati tuoi a ingrassar la carogna?Similimente dissi a quel sofisto (Charles IV.)Che sta in Buemme (Bohemia) a piantar vigne e fichiE che non cura di si caro acquisto:Che fai? Perchè non segui i primi antichiCesari de’ Romani, e che non segui,Dico, gli Otti, i Corradi, i Federichi?E che pur tieni questo imperio in tregui?E se non hai lo cuor d’esser Augusto,Che non rifiuti? o che non ti dilegui?’ etc.Some eight years earlier, about 1352, Petrarch had written (to Charles IV.,Epist. Fam., lib. xii. ep. 1, ed. Fracassetti, vol. ii. p. 160): ‘Simpliciter igitur et aperte ... pro maturando negotio terræ sanctæ ... oro tuo egentem auxilio quam primum invisere velis Ausoniam.’

‘Con passi lunghi e con la testa bassaOltre passai e dissi: ecco vergognaDel cristian che’l saracin qui lassa!Poscia al Pastor (the Pope) mi volsi far rampognaE tu ti stai, che sei vicar di Cristo,Co’ frati tuoi a ingrassar la carogna?Similimente dissi a quel sofisto (Charles IV.)Che sta in Buemme (Bohemia) a piantar vigne e fichiE che non cura di si caro acquisto:Che fai? Perchè non segui i primi antichiCesari de’ Romani, e che non segui,Dico, gli Otti, i Corradi, i Federichi?E che pur tieni questo imperio in tregui?E se non hai lo cuor d’esser Augusto,Che non rifiuti? o che non ti dilegui?’ etc.

Some eight years earlier, about 1352, Petrarch had written (to Charles IV.,Epist. Fam., lib. xii. ep. 1, ed. Fracassetti, vol. ii. p. 160): ‘Simpliciter igitur et aperte ... pro maturando negotio terræ sanctæ ... oro tuo egentem auxilio quam primum invisere velis Ausoniam.’

[35]See for details Vespasiano Fiorent. ed. Mai,Specilegium Romanum, vol. i. p. 54. Comp. 150 and Panormita,De Dictis et Factis Alfonsi, lib. iv. nro. 4.

[36]Diario Ferrarese, in Murat. xxiv. col. 217 sqq.

[37]‘Haveria voluto scortigare la brigata.’ Giov. Maria Filelfo, then staying at Bergamo, wrote a violent satire ‘in vulgus equitum auro notatorum.’ See his biography in Favre,Mélanges d’Histoire littéraire, 1856, i. p. 10.

[38]Annales Estenses, in Murat. xx. col. 41.

[39]Poggii,Hist. Florent. pop.l. vii. in Murat. col. 381. This view is in accordance with the anti-monarchical sentiments of many of the humanists of that day. Comp. the evidence given by Bezold, ‘Lehre von der Volkssouverainität während des Mittelalters,’Hist. Ztschr.bd. 36, s. 365.

[40]Some years later the Venetian Lionardo Giustiniani blames the word ‘imperator’ as unclassical and therefore unbecoming the German emperor, and calls the Germans barbarians, on account of their ignorance of the language and manners of antiquity. The cause of the Germans was defended by the humanist H. Bebel. See L. Geiger, in theAllgem. Deutsche Biogr.ii. 196.

[41]Senarega,De reb. Genuens, in Murat. xxiv. col. 575.

[42]Enumerated in theDiario Ferrarese, in Murat. xxiv. col. 203. Comp. Pic. ii.Comment.ii. p. 102, ed. Rome, 1584.

[43]Marin Sanudo,Vita de’ Duchi di Venezia, in Murat. xxii. col. 1113.

[44]Varchi,Stor. Fiorent.i. p. 8.

[45]Soriano,Relazione di Roma, 1533, in Tommaso Gar.Relaz. della Corte di Roma, (in Alberi,Relaz. degli ambasc. Veneti, ii. ser. iii.).

[46]For what follows, see Canestrini, in the Introduction to vol. xv. of theArchiv. Stor.

[47]For him, see Shepherd-Tonelli,Vita di Piggio, App. pp. viii.-xvi.

[48]Cagnola,Archiv. Stor.iii. p. 28: ‘Et (Filippo Maria) da lei (Beatr.) ebbe molto tesoro e dinari, e tutte le giente d’arme del dicto Facino, che obedivano a lei.’

[49]Inpressura, in Eccard,Scriptores, ii. col. 1911. For the alternatives which Macchiavelli puts before the victorious Condottiere, seeDiscorsi, i. 30. After the victory he is either to hand over the army to his employer and wait quietly for his reward, or else to win the soldiers to his own side to occupy the fortresses and to punish the prince ‘di quella ingratitudine che esso gli userebbe.’

[50]Comp. Barth. Facius,De Viv. Ill.p. 64, who tells us that C. commanded an army of 60,000 men. It is uncertain whether the Venetians did not poison Alviano in 1516, because he, as Prato says inArch. Stor.iii. p. 348, aided the French too zealously in the battle of S. Donato. The Republic made itself Colleoni’s heir, and after his death in 1475 formally confiscated his property. Comp. Malipiero,Annali Veneti, inArch. Stor.vii. i. 244. It was liked when the Condottieri invested their money in Venice, ibid. p. 351.

[51]Cagnola, inArch. Stor.iii. pp. 121 sqq.

[52]At all events in Paul Jovius,Vita Magni Sfortiæ, Rom. 1539, (dedicated to the Cardinal Ascanio Sforza), one of the most attractive of his biographies.

[53]Æn. Sylv.Comment. de Dictis et Factis Alfonsi, Opera, ed. 1538, p. 251: Novitate gaudens Italia nihil habet stabile, nullum in eâ vetus regnum, facile hic ex servis reges videmus.’

[54]Pii, ii.Comment.i. 46; comp. 69.

[55]Sismondi, x. 258; Corio. fol. 412, where Sforza is accused of complicity, as he feared danger to his own son from P.’s popularity.Storia Bresciana, in Murat. xxi. col. 209. How the Venetian Condottiere Colleoni was tempted in 1466, is told by MalipieroAnnali Veneti, Arch. Stor.vii. i. p. 210. The Florentine exiles offered to make him Duke of Milan if he would expel from Florence their enemy, Piero de’ Medici.

[56]Allegretti,Diari Sanesi, in Murat. xxiii. p. 811.

[57]Orationes Philelphi, ed. Venet. 1492, fol. 9, in the funeral oration on Francesco.

[58]Marin Sanudo,Vita del Duchi di Venezia, in Murat. xxii. col. 1241. See Reumont,Lorenzo von Medici(Lpz. 1874), ii. pp. 324-7, and the authorities there quoted.

[59]Malipiero,Ann. Venet., Arch. Stor.vii. i. p. 407.

[60]Chron. Eugubinum, in Murat. xxi. col. 972.

[61]Vespas. Fiorent.p. 148.

[62]Archiv. Stor.xvi., parte i. et ii., ed. Bonaini, Fabretti, Polidori.

[63]Julius II. conquered Perugia with ease in 1506, and compelled Gianpaolo Baglione to submit. The latter, as Macchiavelli (Discorsi, i. c. 27) tells us, missed the chance of immortality by not murdering the Pope.

[64]VarelinStor. Fiorent.i. pp. 242 sqq.

[65]Comp. (inter. al.) Jovian. Pontan.De Immanitate, cap. 17.

[66]Malipiero,Ann. Venet., Archiv. Stor.vii. i. pp. 498 sqq. After vainly searching for his beloved, whose father had shut her up in a monastery he threatened the father, burnt the monastery and other buildings, and committed many acts of violence.

[67]Lil. Greg. Giraldus,De Sepulchris ac vario Sepeliendi Ritu.Operaed. Bas. 1580, i. pp. 640 sqq. Later edition by J. Faes, Helmstädt, 1676 Dedication and postscript of Gir. ‘ad Carolum Miltz Germanum,’ in these editions without date; neither contains the passage given in the text.—In 1470 a catastrophe in miniature had already occurred in the same family (Galeotto had had his brother Antonio Maria thrown into prison). Comp.Diario Ferrarese, in Murat. xxiv. col. 225.

[68]Jovian. Pontan. Opp. ed. Basileæ, 1538, t. i.De Liberalitate, cap. 19, 29, andDe Obedientia, l. 4. Comp. Sismondi, x. p. 78, and Panormita,De Dictis et Factis Alphonsi, lib. i. nro. 61, iv. nro. 42.

[69]Tristano Caracciolo. ‘De Fernando qui postea rex Aragonum fuit, ejusque posteris,’ in Muratori XXII.; Jovian Pontanus,De Prudentia, l. iv.;De Magnanimitate, l. i.;De Liberalitate, cap. 29, 36;De Immanitate, cap. 8. Cam. Porzio,Congiura dei Baroni del Regno de Napoli contro il re Ferdinando I., Pisa, 1818, cap. 29, 36, new edition, Naples, 1859,passim; Comines, Charles VIII., with the general characteristics of the Arragonese. See for further information as to Ferrante’s works for his people, theRegis Ferdinandi primi Instructionum liber, 1486-87, edited by Scipione Vopicella, which would dispose us to moderate to some extent the harsh judgment which has been passed upon him.

[70]Paul. Jovius.Histor.i. p. 14. in the speech of a Milanese ambassador;Diario Ferrarese, in Muratori, xxiv. col. 294.

[71]He lived in the closest intimacy with Jews, e.g. Isaac Abranavel, who fled with him to Messina. Comp. Zunz,Zur. Gesch. und Lit.(Berlin, 1845) s. 529.

[72]Petri Candidi Decembrii Vita Phil. Mariæ Vicecomitis, in Murat. xx., of which however Jovius (Vitæ xii. Vicecomitump. 186) says not without reason: ‘Quum omissis laudibus quæ in Philippo celebrandæ fuerant, vitia, notaret.’ Guarino praises this prince highly. Rosmino Guarini, ii. p. 75. Jovius, in the above-mentioned work (p. 186), and Jov. Pontanus,De Liberalitate, ii. cap. 28 and 31, take special notice of his generous conduct to the captive Alfonso.

[73]Were the fourteen marble statues of the saints in the Citadel of Milan executed by him? SeeHistory of the Frundsbergs, fol. 27.

[74]It troubled him:quod aliquando ‘non esse’ necesse esset.

[75]Corio, fol. 400; Cagnola, inArchiv. Stor.iii. p. 125.

[76]Pii II. Comment.iii. p. 130. Comp. ii. 87. 106. Another and rather darker estimate of Sforza’s fortune is given by Caracciolo,De Varietate Fortunæ, in Murat. xxii. col. 74. See for the opposite view the praises of Sforza’s luck in theOratio parentalis de divi Francesci Sphortiæ felicitate, by Filelfo (the ready eulogist of any master who paid him), who sung, without publishing, the exploits of Francesco in the Sforziad. Even Decembrio, the moral and literary opponent of Filelfo, celebrates Sforza’s fortune in his biography (Vita Franc. Sphortiæ, in Murat. xx.). The astrologers said: ‘Francesco Sforza’s star brings good luck to a man, but ruin to his descendants.’ Arluni,De Bello Veneto, libri vi. in Grævius,Thes. Antiqu. et Hist. Italicæ, v. pars iii. Comp. also Barth. Facius,De Vir. III.p. 67.

[77]Malipiero,Ann. Veneti, Archiv. Stor.vii. i. pp. 216 sqq. 221-4.

[78]Important documents as to the murder of Galeazzo Maria Sforza are published by G. D’Adda in theArchivio Storico Lombardo Giornale della Società Lombarda, vol. ii. (1875), pp. 284-94. 1. A Latin epitaph on the murderer Lampugnano, who lost his life in the attempt, and whom the writer represents as saying: ‘Hic lubens quiesco, æternum inquam facinus monumentumque ducibus, principibus, regibus, qui modo sunt quique mox futura trahantur ne quid adversus justitiam faciant dicantve; 2. A Latin letter of Domenico de’ Belli, who, when eleven years old, was present at the murder; 3. The ‘lamento’ of Galeazzo Maria, in which, after calling upon the Virgin Mary and relating the outrage committed upon him, he summons his wife and children, his servants and the Italian cities which obeyed him, to bewail his fate, and sends forth his entreaty to all the nations of the earth, to the nine muses and the gods of antiquity, to set up a universal cry of grief.

[79]Chron. Venetum, in Murat. xxiv. col. 65.

[80]Malipiero,Ann. Veneti, Archiv. Stor.vii. i. p. 492. Comp. 482, 562.

[81]His last words to the same man, Bernardino da Corte, are to be found, certainty with oratorical decorations, but perhaps agreeing in the main with the thoughts of the Moor, in Senarega, Murat. xxiv. col. 567.

[82]Diario Ferrarese, in Murat. xxiv. col. 336, 367, 369. The people believed he was forming a treasure.

[83]Corio, fol. 448. The after effects of this state of things are clearly recognisable in those of the novels and introductions of Bandello which relate to Milan.

[84]Amoretti,Memorie Storiche sulla Vita Ecc. di Lionardo da Vinci, pp. 35 sqq., pp. 83 sqq. Here we may also mention the Moor’s efforts for the improvement of the university of Pavia.

[85]See his sonnets in Trucchi,Poesie inedite.

[86]Prato, in theArch. Stor.iii. 298. Comp. 302.

[87]Born 1466, betrothed to Isabella, herself six years of age, in 1480, suc. 1484; m. 1490, d. 1519. Isabella’s death, 1539. Her sons, Federigo (1519-1540), made Duke in 1530, and the famous Ferrante Gonzaga. What follows is taken from the correspondence of Isabella, with Appendices,Archiv. Stor., append., tom. ii. communicated by d’Arco. See the same writer,Delle Arti e degli Artifici di Mantova, Mant. 1857-59, 2 vols. The catalogue of the collection has been repeatedly printed. Portrait and biography of Isabella in Didot,Alde Manuce, Paris, 1875, pp. lxi-lxviii. See also below, part ii. chapter 2.

[88]Franc. Vettori, in theArch. Stor.Append., tom. vi. p. 321. For Federigo, seeVespas. Fiorent.pp. 132 sqq. and Prendilacqua,Vita di Vittorino da Feltre, pp. 48-52. V. endeavoured to calm the ambitious youth Federigo, then his scholar, with the words: ‘Tu quoque Cæsar eris.’ There is much literary information respecting him in, e.g., Favre,Mélanges d’Hist. Lit.i. p. 125, note 1.

[89]See below, part iii. chapter 3.

[90]Castiglione,Cortigiano, l. i.

[91]Petr. Bembus,De Guido Ubaldo Feretrio deque Elizabetha Gonzaga Urbini ducibus, Venetis, 1530. Also in Bembo’s Works, Basel, 1566, i. pp. 529-624. In the form of a dialogue; contains among other things, the letter of Frid. Fregosus and the speech of Odaxius on Guido’s life and death.

[92]What follows is chiefly taken from theAnnales Estenses, in Murat. xx. and theDiario Ferrarese, Murat. xxiv

[93]See Bandello, i. nov. 32.

[94]Diario Ferrar.l. c. col. 347.

[95]Paul. Jov.Vita Alfonsi ducis, ed. Flor. 1550, also an Italian by Giovanbattista Gelli, Flor. 1553.

[96]Paulus Jovius, l. c.

[97]The journey of Leo X. when Cardinal, may be also mentioned here. Comp. Paul. Jov.Vita Leonis X.lib. i. His purpose was less serious, and directed rather to amusement and knowledge of the world; but the spirit is wholly modern. No Northerner then travelled with such objects.

[98]Diar. Ferr.in Murat. xxiv. col. 232 and 240.

[99]Jovian. Pontan.De Liberalitate, cap. 28.

[100]Giraldi,Hecatomithi, vi. nov. 1 (ed. 1565, fol. 223a).

[101]Vasari, xii. 166,Vita di Michelangelo.

[102]As early as 1446 the members of the House of Gonzaga followed the corpse of Vittorino da Feltre.

[103]Capitolo 19, and in theOpere Minore, ed. Lemonnier, vol. i. p. 425, entitled Elegia 17. Doubtless the cause of this death (above, p. 46) was unknown to the young poet, then 19 years old.

[104]The novels in theHecatomithiof Giraldi relating to the House of Este are to be found, with one exception (i. nov. 8), in the 6th book, dedicated to Francesco of Este, Marchese della Massa, at the beginning of the second part of the whole work, which is inscribed to Alfonso II. ‘the fifth Duke of Ferrara.’ The 10th book, too, is specially dedicated to him, but none of the novels refer to him personally, and only one to his predecessor Hercules I.; the rest to Hercules I. ‘the second Duke,’ and Alfonso I. ‘the third Duke of Ferrara.’ But the stories told of these princes are for the most part not love tales. One of them (i. nov. 8) tells of the failure of an attempt made by the King of Naples to induce Hercules of Este to deprive Borso of the government of Ferrara; another (vi. nov. 10) describes Ercole’s high-spirited treatment of conspirators. The two novels that treat of Alfonso I. (vi. nov. 2, 4), in the latter of which he only plays a subordinate part, are also, as the title of the book shows and as the dedication to the above-named Francesco explains more fully, accounts of ‘atti di cortesía’ towards knights and prisoners, but not towards women, and only the two remaining tales are love-stories. They are of such a kind as can be told during the lifetime of the prince; they set forth his nobleness and generosity, his virtue and self-restraint. Only one of them (vi. nov. 1) refers to Hercules I., who was dead long before the novels were compiled, and only one to the Hercules II. then alive (b. 1508, d. 1568) son of Lucrezia Borgia, husband of Renata, of whom the poet says: ‘Il giovane, che non meno ha benigno l’animo, che cortese l’aspetto, come già il vedemmo in Roma, nel tempo, ch’egli, in vece del padre, venne à Papa Hadriano.’ The tale about him is briefly as follows:—Lucilla, the beautiful daughter of a poor but noble widow, loves Nicandro, but cannot marry him, as the lover’s father forbids him to wed a portionless maiden. Hercules, who sees the girl and is captivated by her beauty, finds his way, through the connivance of her mother, into her bedchamber, but is so touched by her beseeching appeal that he respects her innocence, and, giving her a dowry, enables her to marry Nicandro.In Bandello, ii. nov. 8 and 9 refer to Alessandro Medici, 26 to Mary of Aragon, iii. 26, iv. 13 to Galeazzo Sforza, iii. 36, 37 to Henry VIII. of England, ii. 27 to the German Emperor Maximilian. The emperor, ‘whose natural goodness and more than imperial generosity are praised by all writers,’ while chasing a stag is separated from his followers, loses his way, and at last emerging from the wood, enquires the way from a countryman. The latter, busied with lading wood, begs the emperor, whom he does not know, to help him, and receives willing assistance. While still at work, Maximilian is rejoined, and, in spite of his signs to the contrary, respectfully saluted by his followers, and thus recognised by the peasant, who implores forgiveness for the freedom he has unwittingly taken. The emperor raises the kneeling suppliant, gives him presents, appoints him as his attendant, and confers upon him distinguished privileges. The narrator concludes: ‘Dimostrò Cesare nello smontar da cavallo e con allegra ciera aiutar il bisognoso contadino, una indicibile e degna d’ogni lode humanità, e in sollevarlo con danari e privilegii dalla sua faticosa vita, aperse il suo veramente animo Cesareo’ (ii. 415). A story in theHecatomithi(viii. nov. 5) also treats of Maximilian. It is the same tale which has acquired a world-wide celebrity through Shakespeare’sMeasure for Measure(for its diffusion see Kirchhof’sWendunmuth, ed. Oesterley, bd. v. s. 152 sqq.), and the scene of which is transferred by Giraldi to Innsbruck. Maximilian is the hero, and here too receives the highest eulogies. After being first called ‘Massimiliano il Grande,’ he is designated as one ‘che fu raro esempio di cortesia, di magnanimità, e di singolare giustizia.’

In Bandello, ii. nov. 8 and 9 refer to Alessandro Medici, 26 to Mary of Aragon, iii. 26, iv. 13 to Galeazzo Sforza, iii. 36, 37 to Henry VIII. of England, ii. 27 to the German Emperor Maximilian. The emperor, ‘whose natural goodness and more than imperial generosity are praised by all writers,’ while chasing a stag is separated from his followers, loses his way, and at last emerging from the wood, enquires the way from a countryman. The latter, busied with lading wood, begs the emperor, whom he does not know, to help him, and receives willing assistance. While still at work, Maximilian is rejoined, and, in spite of his signs to the contrary, respectfully saluted by his followers, and thus recognised by the peasant, who implores forgiveness for the freedom he has unwittingly taken. The emperor raises the kneeling suppliant, gives him presents, appoints him as his attendant, and confers upon him distinguished privileges. The narrator concludes: ‘Dimostrò Cesare nello smontar da cavallo e con allegra ciera aiutar il bisognoso contadino, una indicibile e degna d’ogni lode humanità, e in sollevarlo con danari e privilegii dalla sua faticosa vita, aperse il suo veramente animo Cesareo’ (ii. 415). A story in theHecatomithi(viii. nov. 5) also treats of Maximilian. It is the same tale which has acquired a world-wide celebrity through Shakespeare’sMeasure for Measure(for its diffusion see Kirchhof’sWendunmuth, ed. Oesterley, bd. v. s. 152 sqq.), and the scene of which is transferred by Giraldi to Innsbruck. Maximilian is the hero, and here too receives the highest eulogies. After being first called ‘Massimiliano il Grande,’ he is designated as one ‘che fu raro esempio di cortesia, di magnanimità, e di singolare giustizia.’

[105]In theDeliciæ Poet. Italorum(1608), ii. pp. 455 sqq.: ad Alfonsum ducem Calabriæ. (Yet I do not believe that the above remark fairly applies to this poem, which clearly expresses the joys which Alfonso has with Drusula, and describes the sensations of the happy lover, who in his transports thinks that the gods themselves must envy him.—L.G.).

[106]Mentioned as early as 1367, in thePolistore, in Murat. xxiv. col. 848, in reference to Niccolò the Elder, who makes twelve persons knights in honour of the twelve Apostles.

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