FOOTNOTES:

Before the continuous wars with the English colonies, and internal corruption, had exhausted the sap of Canada, no people in the world enjoyed a happier lot than the simple habitans; they were blessed in a healthy climate, in the absence of all endemic diseases, in a fertile soil and an unlimited domain. These advantages might at least have retained in the colony those to whom it gave birth, and who could not be ignorant of its advantages; but love of change, hatred of steady labor, and impatience of restraint, have always urged many of the young and energetic, the life-blood of the population, to seek the irresistible allurements of the distant prairie and of the forest.

The Canadians were accused of an excessive greed of gain even by their greatest panegyrists; no enterprise was too difficult or dangerous that offered a rich reward. They were, however, far from miserly, and often dissipated their hardly-won treasures without restraint or consideration. Like all people in isolated communities, they had a high opinion of their own merits: this was not without some advantages, as it strengthened self-reliance, and gave spirit to overcome difficulties. The form and stature of the Canadian ranked high in the scale of mankind, but his vitality, though great, was not lasting; at a comparatively early age his frame exhibited symptoms of decline, and the snows of time descended upon his head.

Father Charlevoix simply remarks upon the intellectual powers of the Canadians, that "they are supposed to be incapable of any great scientific acquirements, or of patient study and application: I can not, however, answer for the justice of this remark, for we have never yet seen any one attempting to follow such pursuits." He gives them credit, however, for a rare taste for mechanics, and states that they frequently arrive at great perfection in trades to which they have never been apprenticed.

To reduce this volatile people to rules of military discipline was always found extremely difficult, but, in many respects, their own peculiar manner of waging war, at least against the Indians, was far more efficient in the wild scenes of savage contest: they were more to be depended upon for a sudden effort than for the continuous operations of a campaign, and in a time of excitement and under a commander whom they could trust, they have shown themselves capable of deeds of real daring. They were not commendable for filial affection, but elicited the warmest eulogiums from the reverend father (Charlevoix) on their piety and zeal. The sum of their virtues and vices denoted the promise more of a good than of a great people.

The Provincial revenue, produced by custom dues on imports and exports, charges on the sales of land, duties on spirituous liquors, rights on intestate deaths, shipwrecks, and miscellaneous sources, amounted to something under £14,000 sterling the year of the conquest, and the aid from the coffers of France to the ecclesiastical, civil, and military establishments was nearly £4760. These resources could not provide liberal salaries for the numerous colonial officials; as before stated, however, they made up for the deficiency by shameless and enormous peculations.

All the male inhabitants of the colony, from ten to sixty years of age, were enrolled by companies in a Provincial militia, except those who by birth or occupation enjoyed the privileges of nobility. The captains were usually the most respectable men in the country parishes, and were held in great respect. When the services of the militia were required, their colonels, or the town majors, transmitted the order of levy to the captains, who chose the required numbers, and conducted them under escort to the town; there each man received a gun, ammunition, and a rude sort of uniform: they were then marched to their destination. This force was generally reviewed once or twice a year for the inspection of their arms; that of Quebec was frequently exercised, and had attached thereto an efficient company of artillery. Many duties of law, police, and the superintendence of roads in the country districts were also imposed on the captains of militia: the governor-general was every year accustomed to bestow a quantity of powder and ball by way of gratification upon these useful officials.

Besides this numerous but somewhat uncertain militia force, there were in Canada ten veteran battalions of French infantry. These, however, were much reduced from their original strength by desertion, fatigue, and the casualties of war. The peculiar nature of the service, and the necessity of quartering the troops abroad in small detachments, had relaxed the rigor of European discipline, but the loss in this respect was more than counterbalanced by the knowledge of the country, and the habit of braving the severity of the climate. Their high military virtue was still well worthy of men who had fought under Marshal Saxe. The proud carriage and domineering conduct of these soldiers of Old France rendered them little loved by the Canadian people, and, as their pretensions were invariably supported by the government, it shared in the general unpopularity.

The one hundred and fifty years that had elapsed since Champlain first planted the banner of France upon the headland of Quebec told with terrible effect upon the Red Men: already among the Canadian hamlets on the banks of the Great River they were well-nigh forgotten. Whole tribes had sunk into the earth, and left not a trace behind; others had wandered away, and were absorbed among those more fortunate races as yet undisturbed by the white man's neighborhood; while some, in attempting a feeble and fatal imitation of civilized life, had dwindled to a few wretched families, who had cast away the virtues of savage life, and adopted instead only the vices of Europe. The Hurons of Jeune Lorette, near Quebec, were, however, as yet, a happy exception to this general demoralization. Many years before, they had been driven from the fertile countries between Lakes Huron and Erie, and found refuge upon the Jesuit lands: they lived much in the same manner as the Canadian peasantry, tilled the soil with equal success, and dwelt in comfortable houses. But in one respect they had not escaped the mysterious curse which has ever hung upon the red race in their contact with their European brethren; from year to year their numbers diminished in an unchecked decay.

FOOTNOTES:[150]See Appendix,No. LXVII.[151]"Cette cascade a été nommée le Sault de Montmorenci et le pointe porte le nom de Lévi. C'est que la Nouvelle France a en successivement pour Vice-Rois l'Amiral de Montmorenci et Henri de Lévi, le Duc de Ventadour, son neveu."—Charlevoix.[152]"Pour les natifs du pays, laissons les à leur vie errante et laborieuse dans le bois avec les sauvages, à leurs exercices militaires; ils en seront moins opulents, mais plus robustes, plus braves, plus vertueux, c'est à dire, plus propre à servir l'état, et plus fidèles à le vouloir."—Lettre de M. le Marquis de Montcalm à M. de Berryer, Montreal, April 4, 1757.[153]The better part of the regiment de Carignan Salières had remained in Canada, and at the end of the war against the Iroquois, they became habitans, having obtained their dismissal on this condition. Many of their officers had obtained lands with all the rights of seigneurs: they established themselves in the country, married there, and their posterity are still there. The greatest part were gentlemen, and thus Canada has more of the "ancienne noblesse" than any of the other colonies, perhaps than all the others together.—Charlevoix.[154]"Les Canadiens, c'est à dire, les Créoles du Canada, respirent en naissant un air de liberté qui les rend fort agréables dans le commerce de la vie, et nulle part ailleurs on ne parle plus purement notre langue. On ne remarque même ici aucun accent."—Charlevoix. tom. v., p. 117."I confess I have a strong sympathy for the French Canadians; they are 'si bons enfans.' I remember, canvassing at Boston with an American gentleman, the expression used with regard to French Canada by a late English traveler, 'that it was a province of Old France, without its brilliancy or its vices.' My friend's remark was, 'What remains after so large a subtraction?' But I thought, and still think, the expression graphic and just."—Godley'sLetters from America, vol. i., p. 89.[155]"The Frenchmen who considered things in their true light complained very much that a great part of the ladies in Canada had got into the pernicious custom of taking too much care of their dress, and squandering all their fortunes, and more, upon it, instead of sparing something for future times."—Professor Kalm, 1747.[156]"Of all the Europeans, my countrymen are most beloved by the Indians. This is owing to the gayety of the French, to their brilliant valor, to their fondness for the chase, and, indeed, for the savage life, as if the highest degree of civilization approximated to the state of nature."—Chateaubriand'sTravels in America, &c., vol. i., p. 173.[157]"Mr. N. (a missionary among the Mohawk Indians[160]in Canada) has been for a long time among the Indians, and knows them well: he has a better opinion of them, and of their capacity for acquiring domestic and industrious habits, than most white men to whom I have spoken.... Mr. N. is by no means without hopes that, in a generation or two, these Indians may become quite civilized: they are giving up their wandering habits, and settling rapidly upon farms throughout their territory; and in consequence, probably, of this change in their mode of life, the decrease in their numbers, which threatened a total extinction of the tribe, has ceased of late years. If it turns out as he expects, this will form an exception to the general law which affects their people."—Godley'sLetters from America, vol. i., p. 163. See Appendix, No. LXX.[158]"The great Colbert introduced order into the French finances in the reign of Louis XIV.; he encouraged the arts, promoted manufactures with extraordinary success (only arrested by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes), and may be said to have created the French navy. 'Je vous dois tout, sire,' said the dying Mazarin to Louis XIV., 'mais je crois m'acquitter en quelque sorte avec votre Majesté en vous donnant Colbert.'"—Biographie Universelle, art. Colbert.[159]"Unlike their Anglo-American neighbors ... and now they founded schools and courts of justice (in Virginia), and the plantation was extended 140 miles up the river on both sides. But now, when the English were secure, and thought of nothing but peace, the savages came suddenly upon them, and slew of them 347 men, women, and children.... This massacre happened by reason they had built their plantations remote from one another in above thirty several places, which made them now, upon consultation, to reduce them all to five or six places, whereby they may better assist each other, since which time they have always lived in good security."—Baker'sChronicle, p. 447. 1674.[160]These Indians lost their possessions in the States by adhering to Great Britain in the Revolutionary war, and received in compensation a settlement in Canada of 160,000 acres. Since that time they have decreased considerably, and now consist of not more than 2200 souls.

[150]See Appendix,No. LXVII.

[151]"Cette cascade a été nommée le Sault de Montmorenci et le pointe porte le nom de Lévi. C'est que la Nouvelle France a en successivement pour Vice-Rois l'Amiral de Montmorenci et Henri de Lévi, le Duc de Ventadour, son neveu."—Charlevoix.

[152]"Pour les natifs du pays, laissons les à leur vie errante et laborieuse dans le bois avec les sauvages, à leurs exercices militaires; ils en seront moins opulents, mais plus robustes, plus braves, plus vertueux, c'est à dire, plus propre à servir l'état, et plus fidèles à le vouloir."—Lettre de M. le Marquis de Montcalm à M. de Berryer, Montreal, April 4, 1757.

[153]The better part of the regiment de Carignan Salières had remained in Canada, and at the end of the war against the Iroquois, they became habitans, having obtained their dismissal on this condition. Many of their officers had obtained lands with all the rights of seigneurs: they established themselves in the country, married there, and their posterity are still there. The greatest part were gentlemen, and thus Canada has more of the "ancienne noblesse" than any of the other colonies, perhaps than all the others together.—Charlevoix.

[154]"Les Canadiens, c'est à dire, les Créoles du Canada, respirent en naissant un air de liberté qui les rend fort agréables dans le commerce de la vie, et nulle part ailleurs on ne parle plus purement notre langue. On ne remarque même ici aucun accent."—Charlevoix. tom. v., p. 117."I confess I have a strong sympathy for the French Canadians; they are 'si bons enfans.' I remember, canvassing at Boston with an American gentleman, the expression used with regard to French Canada by a late English traveler, 'that it was a province of Old France, without its brilliancy or its vices.' My friend's remark was, 'What remains after so large a subtraction?' But I thought, and still think, the expression graphic and just."—Godley'sLetters from America, vol. i., p. 89.

"I confess I have a strong sympathy for the French Canadians; they are 'si bons enfans.' I remember, canvassing at Boston with an American gentleman, the expression used with regard to French Canada by a late English traveler, 'that it was a province of Old France, without its brilliancy or its vices.' My friend's remark was, 'What remains after so large a subtraction?' But I thought, and still think, the expression graphic and just."—Godley'sLetters from America, vol. i., p. 89.

[155]"The Frenchmen who considered things in their true light complained very much that a great part of the ladies in Canada had got into the pernicious custom of taking too much care of their dress, and squandering all their fortunes, and more, upon it, instead of sparing something for future times."—Professor Kalm, 1747.

[156]"Of all the Europeans, my countrymen are most beloved by the Indians. This is owing to the gayety of the French, to their brilliant valor, to their fondness for the chase, and, indeed, for the savage life, as if the highest degree of civilization approximated to the state of nature."—Chateaubriand'sTravels in America, &c., vol. i., p. 173.

[157]"Mr. N. (a missionary among the Mohawk Indians[160]in Canada) has been for a long time among the Indians, and knows them well: he has a better opinion of them, and of their capacity for acquiring domestic and industrious habits, than most white men to whom I have spoken.... Mr. N. is by no means without hopes that, in a generation or two, these Indians may become quite civilized: they are giving up their wandering habits, and settling rapidly upon farms throughout their territory; and in consequence, probably, of this change in their mode of life, the decrease in their numbers, which threatened a total extinction of the tribe, has ceased of late years. If it turns out as he expects, this will form an exception to the general law which affects their people."—Godley'sLetters from America, vol. i., p. 163. See Appendix, No. LXX.

[158]"The great Colbert introduced order into the French finances in the reign of Louis XIV.; he encouraged the arts, promoted manufactures with extraordinary success (only arrested by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes), and may be said to have created the French navy. 'Je vous dois tout, sire,' said the dying Mazarin to Louis XIV., 'mais je crois m'acquitter en quelque sorte avec votre Majesté en vous donnant Colbert.'"—Biographie Universelle, art. Colbert.

[159]"Unlike their Anglo-American neighbors ... and now they founded schools and courts of justice (in Virginia), and the plantation was extended 140 miles up the river on both sides. But now, when the English were secure, and thought of nothing but peace, the savages came suddenly upon them, and slew of them 347 men, women, and children.... This massacre happened by reason they had built their plantations remote from one another in above thirty several places, which made them now, upon consultation, to reduce them all to five or six places, whereby they may better assist each other, since which time they have always lived in good security."—Baker'sChronicle, p. 447. 1674.

[160]These Indians lost their possessions in the States by adhering to Great Britain in the Revolutionary war, and received in compensation a settlement in Canada of 160,000 acres. Since that time they have decreased considerably, and now consist of not more than 2200 souls.

During the early part of the eighteenth century, the British North American provinces had made extraordinary progress in population and wealth—a progress then unequaled in the world's history, and only now excelled by that of the Australian settlements. From many of the European nations, swarms of the energetic and discontented poured into the land of plenty and comparative freedom. By far the greater number of immigrants, however, were from the British islands, and their national character in a great measure, absorbed the peculiarities of all the rest. The natural increase of the population also far exceeded that of European states; the abundant supply of the necessaries of life, and immunity from oppressive restraint, produced their invariable results. In the absence of any harassing care for the future, early marriages were almost universally contracted. The man who possessed no capital but his labor found in it the means of present support, and even of future wealth; if he failed to obtain remunerative employment in the old districts, he needed only to carve out his way in the new. The fertile wilderness ever welcomed him with rude but abundant hospitality; every tree that fell beneath his ax was an obstacle removed from the road to competence; every harvest home, an earnest of yet richer rewards to come.

From the first, the British colonists had applied themselves to agriculture as the great business of life; then trade followed, to supply luxuries in exchange for superabundant products; and manufactures came next, to satisfy the increasing necessities of a higher civilization. From the peculiarities of the country, and the restless and irregular habits of many of the earlier immigrants, a system of cultivation arose, which, however detrimental to the progress of some individuals, tended to develop the resources of the country with astonishing rapidity. A number of the hardy men, who first began the clearing of the wilderness, only played the part of pioneers to those who permanently settled on the fertile soil: they felled the trees with unequaled dexterity, erected log houses and barns, hastily inclosed their farms, and, in an incredibly short space of time, reduced the land to a sort of cultivation. With their crops, a few cattle, and the produce of the chase, they gained subsistence for themselves and their families. These men could not endure the restraints of regular society; as the population advanced toward them, and they felt the obnoxious neighborhood of the magistrate and the tax gatherer, they were easily induced to dispose of their clearings at a price enhanced by that of surrounding settlements: once again they plunged into the wilderness, and recommenced their life of almost savage independence.

The new owner of the pioneer's clearing was generally a thrifty and industrious farmer: his object, a home for himself and an inheritance for his children. In certain hope of success, he labored with untiring energy, and converted the half-won waste into a fruitful field. His neighbors have progressed equally with himself; the dark shadows of the forest vanish from the surrounding country; detached log huts change to clusters of comfortable dwellings; churches arise, villages swell into towns, towns into cities.

This system exercised an important influence on the politics and manners of the colonists; the restless, impatient, and discontented found ample scope and occupation in the wilderness, instead of waging perpetual strife against the restraints of law and order in the older districts: many of these men ultimately even became useful and industrious. The acquisition of a little property of their own, and the necessity of law and order for the preservation of that property, reconciled them to the forfeiture of the wild liberty in which they had before exulted. The truculence of the desperate often turned into the healthy ambition of the prosperous.

Along the shores of the magnificent bays and estuaries of the Atlantic coast had already arisen many populous and thriving cities. Boston numbered more than 30,000 inhabitants; her trade was great; her shipping bore the produce of all countries through all seas, either as carriers for others, or to supply her own increasing demands; her sailors were noted for hardihood and skill, her mechanics for industry, and her merchants for thrift and enterprise; her councils, and the customs of her people, still bore the stamp which the hands of the Pilgrim Fathers had first impressed. Moral, sober, persevering, thoughtful, but narrow-minded and ungenial, they were little prone to allow the enjoyment of social intercourse to interfere with the pursuit of wealth. Although at times oppressive and always intolerant themselves, they ever resented with jealous promptitude the slightest infringement of their own freedom of conscience or action. They despised but did not pity the Indian, and had no scruple in profiting largely by the exchange of the deadly fire-water for his valuable furs.

At the time of which we treat, the people of the New England States numbered more than 380,000; they were the bone and sinews of British power in America; in peace the most prosperous and enterprising, and in war the most energetic, if not the most warlike, of the Anglo-Americans. Their hostility against the French was more bitter than that of their southern fellow-countrymen: in the advance guard of British colonization they came more frequently in contact with the rival power, and were continually occupied in resisting or imitating its aggressions. The senseless and unchristian spirit of "natural enmity" had spread in an aggravated degree among the children of the two great European states who had cast their lot of life in the New World.

The colony of New York had also arrived at considerable importance, but, from the varied sources of the original population, the 100,000 inhabitants it contained at the time of the war were less exclusively British in character and feeling than their Puritan brethren of New England. Many of the Dutch and Swedish farmers, as well as of the French emigrants, retained unaltered the language and customs of their fathers, and felt little affection for the metropolitan state, formerly their conqueror, and now their somewhat supercilious ruler. The trade of New York city, aided by the splendid navigation of the Hudson River, was very large in proportion to the then small population of 8000. Great quantities of corn, flour, and other provisions were conveyed from the rich Western country by the inland waters to the noble harbor at their mouth, and thence found their way to the West Indies and even to Europe. The town of Albany, although inferior in population, was important and prosperous as the chief dépôt for the Indian trade, and the place where conferences were usually held between the English and the fast-failing tribes of the once formidable Iroquois. New Jersey partook in some respects of the characteristics of New York, and contained about 60,000 souls. Owing to the protection of the larger neighboring states, this fertile province had suffered but little from Indian hostility, and the rich soil and mild climate aided the undisturbed labors of its husbandmen. The forests abounded with oak, ash, cypress, hickory, and other valuable timber, and the cultivation of flax and hemp was largely carried on: these different productions were disposed of in the markets of New York and Philadelphia, principally for European consumption.

The great and prosperous State of Pennsylvania, nearly 5000 square miles in extent, contained 250,000 inhabitants, and carried on a large trade with Europe and the West Indies; through the rich and beautiful capital, an immense surplus of agricultural produce, from its fertile soil, was exported to other less favored countries. Philadelphia was happily situated upon the tongue of land formed by the confluence of the two navigable rivers, Delaware and Schuylkill; the streets were broad and regular, the houses spacious and well built, and the docks and quays commodious. This city still continued largely impressed by the spirit of Quakerism; the stiffness of outline, the trim neatness of the dwellings, the convenient but unpretending public buildings, and the austere manners of the inhabitants, bespoke the stronghold of the formal men of peace. Here it was, not twenty years afterward, in a vulgar and unsightly brick edifice, that a few bold and earnest men pledged their sacred honor, their fortunes, and their lives to an act, perhaps the most important that history records—"The Declaration of Independence."

The State of Maryland lies next in succession southward; to the east and south, the waters of the Atlantic and the Potomac River wash its fertile shores. About 40,000 white men here held 60,000 of their negro brethren in toilsome slavery, and enriched themselves by the fruits of this unholy labor. Tobacco, large in quantity and good in quality, was the staple produce of the country. The capital, Annapolis, was beautifully situated on the banks of the Patuxent River.

South of the River Potomac and west of Chesapeake Bay, the State of Virginia stretches inland to the Allegany Mountains. This rich province produced corn and every kind of fruit in abundance; the forests were of great extent and value, and supplied much good timber for exportation; flax, hemp, tar, and iron were also produced in some quantity, but, as in Maryland, the principal wealth of the country was in tobacco, cultivated by the labor of nearly 100,000 slaves. The white population numbered about 70,000. The magnificent Bay of Chesapeake extended through this territory for nearly 300 miles from south to north, and received many considerable streams at both sides. However, no commercial town of any great importance had grown up on the shores of these navigable waters.

The Carolinas, bounded to the north by Virginia, extend along the Atlantic coast for upward of 400 miles, and stretch westward 300 miles into the interior of the vast continent. They are divided into two provinces, the North and the South; the first the more populous, richer in production, more advanced in commerce and prosperity. Here, as the tropics are approached, the sultry climate favors the cultivation of rice, indigo, and tobacco: great numbers of slaves labored in the fertile swamps, and beautiful but unhealthy valleys of these states, enriching the ruling race by their lives of unrequited toil. We do not find any exact record of the population at the time of which we treat, but that of both the Carolinas was probably not less than 260,000; of these more than one half were whites.

Georgia, the most southern of the British settlements in America, skirts the Atlantic shore for about sixty miles, and includes the whole extent of the Western country to the Apalachian Mountains, nearly 300 miles away, widening gradually to 150 miles in breadth. To the south lay the Spanish limits, marked by the River Altamaha, and the deserted fort of San Augustin. At this time the province was thinly peopled, its resources little known, and its luxuriant savannas still wasted their exuberant fertility in rank vegetation and pestilential decay. The inhabitants, however, raised some quantities of rice and indigo, and had even made progress in the culture of silk. At Augusta, the second town in importance, situated 200 miles in the interior, a profitable fur trade was established with the Cherokees, and other comparatively civilized Indians.

It has been seen that the British North American colonies contained upward of 1,300,000 inhabitants at the commencement of the campaign which destroyed the power of France on the Western continent. Enormous as was this physical superiority over the rival colony of Canada, the wealth and resources of the British bore a vastly greater proportion to those of their enemies. Barnaby, an intelligent English traveler who at this time visited America, informs us that all the luxurious fruits of wealth were displayed in our transatlantic settlements; and that, in a journey of 1200 miles through the country, he was never once solicited for alms. At the same time, he observes that the people were already imbued with a strong spirit of independence,[161]and that a deep but vague impression existed that they were destined for some splendid future. But among these sturdy and ambitious men mutual jealousies rendered a permanent union of their councils apparently impossible; the mother country failed in her effort to bring the strength of her gigantic colonies to bear together[162]upon any imperial object, although she subsequently succeeded but too well in creating unanimity of feeling against herself.

By the fall of Louisburg, and the complete subjection of the Acadian peninsula, the high road of the St. Lawrence lay open to the British fleets; the capture of Fort du Quesne, and the occupation of the forks of the Ohio, had given to England the command of the vast chain of navigable communication which connected the Canadian lakes with the distant waters of the Gulf of Mexico. Thus the 60,000 French of North America were hopelessly isolated from their parent state, and left to the mercy of their exasperated and powerful foes. Already their Indian allies had wavered or seceded: no longer able to afford protection or supply their commerce, the Canadian governor sank rapidly in savage estimation; and even the "Great Father" beyond the seas ceased to be regarded with the superstitious reverence formerly felt toward him by his red children.

But the lofty spirit of France was still unbroken by these losses and dangers; even in this time of need she disdained to abandon or modify her pretensions to the dominion of those Western wilds of America, for the possession of which she had first drawn the sword, and she determined to risk the utter ruin of her transatlantic power rather than patiently submit to its diminution. Quebec and Canada might have been saved had she acquiesced in our just right and title to the ancient limits of Acadia, as marked out by former treaties, and had she refrained from the prosecution of that vast scheme of encroachment by which the British settlements would have been inclosed from Louisiana to the great lakes of the north.

At the same time, the British nation, inflamed by hopeful ambition, was stimulated to renewed exertion by the triumphs and advantages of the late campaign. Had the illustrious man who wielded England's strength ever doubted in his own far-seeing mind the policy of removing the Canadian incubus from the rising ambition of the colonies, the strong tide of public opinion would have doubtless swept him away. But he possessed neither the inclination nor the power to halt in the career of glory and success, when the magnificent dominions of France in America lay within his grasp: he firmly resolved to seize the prize, and devoted all the energies and abilities of his mind to the one great object.

The British Parliament addressed the throne in terms of the highest approbation of the minister; they applauded the conduct of the campaign, and pledged themselves zealously and cheerfully to furnish all necessary supplies. The king sent them a message representing the spirited efforts made by his American subjects in the prosecution of the war, and recommending compensation for the losses and expenses they had incurred in the maintenance of his rights and England's glory; the prompt answer was a vote of £200,000 for the required purpose. The people even surpassed their representatives in ardor; one universal spirit pervaded all ranks and classes—a confidence in British triumph and French humiliation. The conquest of Canada was now the first and darling object of the nation.

Mr. Pitt decided upon pursuing the same plan of operations which had been partially successful in the last campaign: he purposed to throw three separate expeditions at once against the three strongholds of Canadian power, Niagara, Montreal, and Quebec. The mainspring of this grand design was, that these attacks should be simultaneous, and thus distract the attention and divide the force of the defenders. A formidable armament was zealously and speedily equipped in the English ports to carry a force of from 7000 to 8000 men, by the River St. Lawrence to the walls of Quebec. The main army of America, 12,000 strong, was assembled on the woody shores of Lake George: it was destined to penetrate the heart of Canada by the Richelieu River and occupy Montreal, after having first overwhelmed the French detachments at Ticonderoga and Crown Point; thence the British troops were to descend the broad stream of the St. Lawrence till they joined their strength to that of the besiegers of Quebec. At the same time, another British corps, and a large body of Indians, was directed upon Niagara, with orders to take and garrison the fort, and then hasten down over Ontario, and the rapids of the Great River, to co-operate with the other expeditions. This scheme was as impracticable in its execution, as it was bold and comprehensive in design.

When Pitt cast his eyes over the scantily traced map of the Western World, he disdained to note the almost insurmountable difficulties which its broad blanks unobtrusively represented. As his bold hand struck out the several lines of operation, he forgot the hideous wilderness, the stormy ocean, and the dangerous lake, over the tracings of which his pencil passed, and his daring heart doubted not for a moment of success. It is a trite observation, that a combined movement is always precarious, even under the most favorable circumstances. Uncertainty of weather, or different degrees of zeal and activity in the leaders, may disjoint the most elaborate scheme; but, in such a case as this, with all the superadded chances of the sea, the river, and the desert, a wisdom greater than that of the wisest, a power stronger than that of the most powerful, could alone have given us the victory.

The French possessed the immense advantage of acting as it were on a smooth high road, while their assailants were entangled in a broken and difficult country. The River St. Lawrence furnished a means of intercommunication that enabled them to throw the mass of their force upon any one of the hostile armies they might select, and thus outnumber each in succession; the bold position of Quebec supplied them with a place of arms, and an advantageous battle-ground when all else should be lost. The able and skillful Montcalm was not likely to fail in turning these favorable circumstances to full account.

The most vulnerable, and, at the same time, the most vital part of Canada was the spot where the Richelieu River pours into the St. Lawrence. Thence to the magnificent harbor of New York, a scarcely interrupted chain of navigable water, by the Lakes Champlain and George and the Hudson River, offered a practicable route to the invading force. Looking back upon the past with that wisdom which is the humble disciple of experience, it would appear that the whole British power should have been thrown at once upon that single point. By uniting the veteran corps embarked in the fleet from England and Nova Scotia, with the formidable force destined against Niagara, to the main army, nearly 25,000 British troops could have been brought to bear against the feeble defenses of the lakes, and poured down with irresistible strength on the Valley of the St. Lawrence. Thence to Quebec the watery path lay free and unembarrassed, and no hostile power existed strong enough to dare a battle against such a host. In the mean time, the English fleet should have anchored in the broad basin above the island of Orleans, intercepted all European aid, and, by vigorous demonstrations, kept in play as much as possible of the enemy's strength. Had this scheme been adopted, the decisive battle might probably have still been fought on the Plains of Abraham, but with far greater chances in favor of British triumph than in the fight which was subsequently bravely won. The whole disposable force of Canada would naturally have opposed the invading army, and would have been either forced down upon the defense of Quebec, or driven to an unequal combat. The French army overpowered and their great stronghold taken, Montreal, with Niagara and the Western country, must have lain an easy prey.

To find out the weakest point of the enemy's position, and to assail it with his greatest power, was the constant aim of the first of modern captains, and the talisman of his matchless success. The British minister's scheme for the conquest of Canada presents exactly the reverse of this system; the several strongholds of the French were selected for simultaneous attack by separate and insufficient forces. By an overruling Providence, however, the skill and daring of a British general, and the valor of his troops, together with the incomprehensible error of their chivalrous opponent, gave to the arms of England victory and glory, and to the ruler of her councils complete ultimate success.

To pave the way for the campaign of 1759, a grand conference was held with the Indians, in the October of the preceding year, at Easton, about ninety miles from Philadelphia; there peace was formerly established between England and the several native nations inhabiting the country, which extends from the Apalachian Mountains to the lakes. Some tribes, however, still held aloof. The business of the British agents at this meeting was to ascertain the limits of the several lands about the possession of which disputes had occurred with the natives, to reconcile the bitter hostilities of different tribes against each other, to remove every cause of misunderstanding between the Indians and ourselves, and effectually to detach them from the interests of the French. The conferences were continued from the 8th to the 26th of October, when every article was finally arranged to the satisfaction of all parties. The Indians were then given presents, made drunk, and dismissed to their several dwellings.

General Amherst, and his gallant colleague Admiral Boscawen, had, as the conquerors of Louisburg, received the high honor of thanks from the representatives of a grateful people in the British Parliament. The vigor, ability, and courage displayed by Amherst in the previous year, inspired a universal hope of future success among his countrymen, and all eyes were fixed with deep and sanguine interest on the movements of the formidable armies which he was now to direct against the failing power of the French. But the memory of Abercromby's fatal disaster was still fresh in the English mind, and somewhat damped the rising hopes of conquest and of glory. The difficulties before which he had recoiled, disgraced and ruined, were since increased rather than diminished: the fort of Chambly, which defended the pass by the Richelieu River to the St. Lawrence, had been strengthened and garrisoned by a body of regular troops and militia; Crown Point had been re-enforced, and an increase of vessels had completely given the command of Lake Champlain to the French.

The British colonies were eager in seconding the grand designs of the parent state—designs, indeed, far more important to them than to England. But they found it difficult to keep pace with the expenditure which the great minister's splendid and thriftless conduct of the war rendered necessary. Some reluctance was now expressed, especially in New England, to raise the levies required by the Provincial governments. In the opening of last year's operations it had been promised that a single campaign would suffice to end with success the deadly and ruinous strife. The same promise was now once more offered, but received by no willing ears. The taxes were already excessive, the demand for men most burdensome, and the liberal compensation voted by the British Parliament was still insufficient to remunerate the colonists for past losses and advances, and had been unfortunately so long delayed by official interruptions as to create considerable mistrust and dissatisfaction. It was not without much difficulty that Connecticut was induced to keep up her last year's contingent of 5000 men, and Massachusetts at first declined to raise more than the same number, until prevailed upon by the instances of Amherst, who was universally respected and esteemed. The thinly-peopled state of New Hampshire, however, exceeded her former exertions, and sent no less than 1000 men into the field.

The movements of the last campaign, and the extensive preparations in the British settlements, no longer afforded room for doubt that the aim of England was the annihilation of the power of France in America. The Marquis de Vaudreuil therefore issued a proclamation at the close of the year 1758 to the several officers of Canadian militia, to excite their zeal and quicken their activity in preparations for resistance. "Notwithstanding our glorious successes," said he, "the state of the colony is perilous. The enemy are making great efforts both by sea and land; we must prepare, therefore, to meet them boldly as soon as the season of the year allows them to act. No time must be lost in organizing our defense." He then directed that all the male inhabitants of the province, from sixteen to sixty years of age, should be enrolled in the militia, and should remain in readiness to march at a moment's notice.

The captains of militia faithfully endeavored to comply with these orders, but the farmers, or habitans, showed great disinclination to abandon the cultivation of their fields for the certain hardships and dangers, and the uncertain glories of a soldier's life. Where the levies were efficiently carried out, the country remained waste; the last harvest had been far from abundant, and the rapacious seizures of grain for the real or fictitious wants of the government caused a pinching scarcity. The intendant had arbitrarily fixed the price of wheat at twelve sous the bushel, yet none was sold under a far higher rate. Every device of peculation was resorted to by the unworthy civil officers to increase their gains from the distresses of the people, while the vicious decrees of a corrupted court of law supported instead of curbing them in their iniquities. Dishonest exactions and forced contributions caused a reckless waste of those resources, upon the enjoyment of which no man could confidently count, and the intendant, finding it at length difficult or impossible to obtain the necessary supplies, quartered the troops upon the unfortunate inhabitants.

The misery and distress of the colony at length deepened into absolute famine. Cadet, the commissary-general, by the intendant's orders, killed a number of horses for the use of the inhabitants and troops at Montreal and Quebec. Finally the governor and M. de Montcalm dispatched an officer to France with a detail of the deplorable state of Canada, and an earnest entreaty for succor. This officer, the afterward celebrated De Bougainville, although he had sailed very late in the autumn, escaped the dangers of the season and the vigilance of the British navy, and laid his melancholy dispatch before the throne of France.[163]

Early in January, 1759, a census was taken of all those capable of bearing arms in Canada; the result showed 15,229 men. Of these, however, a large proportion were neither available nor worthy of trust. A detachment of artillery, eight battalions of French regulars, and thirty-three companies of the marine or colony troops, formed the real strength of the Canadian army.

Montcalm[164]was indefatigable in his preparations for the approaching struggle. Regulars and militia were kept at constant work on the several fortifications. Three armed vessels were built to command the navigation of Lake Champlain. Captain Pouchot, a skillful engineer, was sent to strengthen the works of Niagara, and undertake their defense. On the 14th of May, M. de Bougainville,[165]afterward distinguished alike in literature and adventure, arrived from France with decorations and promotions for the governor, the general, and other officers whose merit had been conspicuous in the last campaign, but he was also bearer of the alarming intelligence that England was about to assail the colony forthwith both by sea and land. As yet, however, no supplies or re-enforcements from France made their appearance in this hour of peril, and the governor, M. de Vaudreuil, was simply instructed to make the best provision in his power for the defense of Canada.

The governor addressed a notice to the militia to be ready at a moment's warning, and endeavored to excite their somewhat dormant patriotism by a spirited appeal. "This campaign," said he, "will give the Canadians an opportunity of displaying once again their loyalty and valor: their king doubts not that they will faithfully defend his and their rights, their religion, homes, and properties against the cruel English. These invaders hate our name and nation; they accuse us of the evil deeds of a few savage Indians, and burn for revenge. We will protect our people by every possible means from falling into the hands of our ruthless enemies, and from such mercies as the people of Acadia, Cape Breton, and St. John's received from them. Better would it be for us, our wives, and our children, to be buried in the ruins of the colony, than to fall alive into the hands of the English. We have, however, no fears for our safety, and accordingly we direct that every suitable step be taken for a successful defense."

A council of war was held at Montreal, which, after frequent meetings, decided that a body of troops under Montcalm, with the brigadier-generals, the Marquis de Levi and M. de Senezergues, should be posted at Quebec; that M. de Bourlemaque should hasten to Ticonderoga, blow up the works at the approach of the English, retire by the lake to Isle aux Noix, and there make a stubborn resistance. The Chevalier de la Corne, with 800 regulars and militia, was directed to hold the rapids above Montreal, to intrench himself in a strong position, and hold out to the best of his power. These resolutions taken, Montcalm hastened to Quebec, and pushed on the works of the city and its outposts. To embarrass the hostile fleet, he removed the buoys and other marks for navigation in the Great River; above all, he strove to raise the drooping spirit of the Canadian people.

FOOTNOTES:[161]" ... Such is the state of the governments, that there can not on the continent be produced an instance of the governors being able to carry his majesty's instructions into execution where the people have disputed them, nor has all the power that the crown has thought fit to add been able to support such; but the people have constantly maintained themselves in their claims."—Letter from Governor Pownall to the Earl of Loudon, Boston, November 28th, 1757.[162]"Each English colony in North America is independent of the other, and each has its proper laws and coins, and may be looked upon in several lights as a state by itself. From hence it happens that, in time of war, things go on very slowly and irregularly here, for not only the sense of one province is sometimes directly opposite to that of another, but frequently the views of the governor and those of the Assembly of the same province are quite different, so that it is easy to see that, while the people are quarreling about the best and cheapest method of carrying on the war, an enemy has it in his power to take one place after another. It has commonly happened, that while some provinces were suffering from their enemies, the neighboring ones were quiet and inactive, as if it did not in the least concern them. They have frequently taken up two or three years in considering whether they should give assistance to an oppressed sister colony, and sometimes they have expressly declared themselves against it. There are instances of provinces who were not only neuter in these circumstances, but who carried on a great trade with the power which at that very time was attacking and laying waste some other provinces."—Kalm, in Pinkerton, vol. xiii., p. 461.[163]"L'état étoit alors dans une situation peu favorable, et le ministre, M. de Berryer, répondit aux instances de M. de Bougainville en disant, 'Quand le feu est à la maison on ne s'occupe pas des écuries.' 'On ne dira pas du moins, monsieur, que vous parlez comme un cheval,' répondit Bougainville. C'est lui-même qui nous a raconté cette anecdote, en ajoutant qu'il alla aussitôt faire sa cour à Madame de Pompadour, qui apaisa le ressentiment du ministre."—Biographie Universelle, art. Bougainville.[164]"Le Marquis de Montcalm, à la vie duquel étoit attachée la conservation du Canada, avoit défendu cette colonie par des prodiges de valeur, pris le fort St. George (Fort William Henry), et battu vingt-mille Anglais à Ticonderoga. Mais nul secours ne lui étoit envoyé; on étoit forcé de prévoir qu'il succumberoit bientôt."—Histoire de France pendant le Dix-huitième Siècle, par Charles Lacretelle, tom. iii., p. 345.[165]Bougainville, the celebrated circumnavigator, had been appointed aid-de-camp to the Marquis de Montcalm in 1756. It must be willful inaccuracy in theBiographie Universelleto attribute the taking of Fort William Henry, and the victory at Ticonderoga, Montcalm's most remarkable achievements in Canada, to his aid-de-camp instead of to himself. Bougainville had not had any opportunity of performing "des services illustres" in Canada. "En 1758 le gouverneur du Canada envoya de Bougainville en France pour demander des renforts. Il revint en Jamaica 1759 après avoir reçu la récompense des services illustres qu'il avoit rendus. Montcalm le nomma, à son retour, commandant des grenadiers et des volontaires, et lui ordonna de couvrir avec ces deux corps la retraite de l'armée Française, lorsqu'elle se replia sur Quebec. Bougainville s'en acquitta avec la bravoure et l'habileté dont il avoit donné tant de preuves."Il s'est elevé au rang des marins les plus célébres de la France."Bougainville est le premier Français qui ait fait le tour du monde. L'histoire de sa vie etonne par la variété des occupations aux quelles il s'est livre et par la multitude des évènements qui la remplissent."Dans ses études à l'université il manifesta de bonne heure une rapidité de conception et une finesse de tact qui le firent réussir en même tems dans les genres les plus opposés. Il se faisoit également remarquer par ses connoissances dans les langues anciennes, et par ses progrès dans les sciences exactes. Il marquoit pour les mathématiques des dispositions peu communes. Il fut reçu membre de la Société Royale de Londres pendant son court séjour dans cette capitale en caractère de sécrétaire de l'ambassade, en 1754."—Biographie Universelle, art. Bougainville.

[161]" ... Such is the state of the governments, that there can not on the continent be produced an instance of the governors being able to carry his majesty's instructions into execution where the people have disputed them, nor has all the power that the crown has thought fit to add been able to support such; but the people have constantly maintained themselves in their claims."—Letter from Governor Pownall to the Earl of Loudon, Boston, November 28th, 1757.

[162]"Each English colony in North America is independent of the other, and each has its proper laws and coins, and may be looked upon in several lights as a state by itself. From hence it happens that, in time of war, things go on very slowly and irregularly here, for not only the sense of one province is sometimes directly opposite to that of another, but frequently the views of the governor and those of the Assembly of the same province are quite different, so that it is easy to see that, while the people are quarreling about the best and cheapest method of carrying on the war, an enemy has it in his power to take one place after another. It has commonly happened, that while some provinces were suffering from their enemies, the neighboring ones were quiet and inactive, as if it did not in the least concern them. They have frequently taken up two or three years in considering whether they should give assistance to an oppressed sister colony, and sometimes they have expressly declared themselves against it. There are instances of provinces who were not only neuter in these circumstances, but who carried on a great trade with the power which at that very time was attacking and laying waste some other provinces."—Kalm, in Pinkerton, vol. xiii., p. 461.

[163]"L'état étoit alors dans une situation peu favorable, et le ministre, M. de Berryer, répondit aux instances de M. de Bougainville en disant, 'Quand le feu est à la maison on ne s'occupe pas des écuries.' 'On ne dira pas du moins, monsieur, que vous parlez comme un cheval,' répondit Bougainville. C'est lui-même qui nous a raconté cette anecdote, en ajoutant qu'il alla aussitôt faire sa cour à Madame de Pompadour, qui apaisa le ressentiment du ministre."—Biographie Universelle, art. Bougainville.

[164]"Le Marquis de Montcalm, à la vie duquel étoit attachée la conservation du Canada, avoit défendu cette colonie par des prodiges de valeur, pris le fort St. George (Fort William Henry), et battu vingt-mille Anglais à Ticonderoga. Mais nul secours ne lui étoit envoyé; on étoit forcé de prévoir qu'il succumberoit bientôt."—Histoire de France pendant le Dix-huitième Siècle, par Charles Lacretelle, tom. iii., p. 345.

[165]Bougainville, the celebrated circumnavigator, had been appointed aid-de-camp to the Marquis de Montcalm in 1756. It must be willful inaccuracy in theBiographie Universelleto attribute the taking of Fort William Henry, and the victory at Ticonderoga, Montcalm's most remarkable achievements in Canada, to his aid-de-camp instead of to himself. Bougainville had not had any opportunity of performing "des services illustres" in Canada. "En 1758 le gouverneur du Canada envoya de Bougainville en France pour demander des renforts. Il revint en Jamaica 1759 après avoir reçu la récompense des services illustres qu'il avoit rendus. Montcalm le nomma, à son retour, commandant des grenadiers et des volontaires, et lui ordonna de couvrir avec ces deux corps la retraite de l'armée Française, lorsqu'elle se replia sur Quebec. Bougainville s'en acquitta avec la bravoure et l'habileté dont il avoit donné tant de preuves."Il s'est elevé au rang des marins les plus célébres de la France."Bougainville est le premier Français qui ait fait le tour du monde. L'histoire de sa vie etonne par la variété des occupations aux quelles il s'est livre et par la multitude des évènements qui la remplissent."Dans ses études à l'université il manifesta de bonne heure une rapidité de conception et une finesse de tact qui le firent réussir en même tems dans les genres les plus opposés. Il se faisoit également remarquer par ses connoissances dans les langues anciennes, et par ses progrès dans les sciences exactes. Il marquoit pour les mathématiques des dispositions peu communes. Il fut reçu membre de la Société Royale de Londres pendant son court séjour dans cette capitale en caractère de sécrétaire de l'ambassade, en 1754."—Biographie Universelle, art. Bougainville.

"Il s'est elevé au rang des marins les plus célébres de la France.

"Bougainville est le premier Français qui ait fait le tour du monde. L'histoire de sa vie etonne par la variété des occupations aux quelles il s'est livre et par la multitude des évènements qui la remplissent.

"Dans ses études à l'université il manifesta de bonne heure une rapidité de conception et une finesse de tact qui le firent réussir en même tems dans les genres les plus opposés. Il se faisoit également remarquer par ses connoissances dans les langues anciennes, et par ses progrès dans les sciences exactes. Il marquoit pour les mathématiques des dispositions peu communes. Il fut reçu membre de la Société Royale de Londres pendant son court séjour dans cette capitale en caractère de sécrétaire de l'ambassade, en 1754."—Biographie Universelle, art. Bougainville.

We must now return to the proceedings in the British camp. In the stern climate of Northern America the season for military action was very limited. From the breaking up of the ice on the lakes and rivers, and the melting of the forest snows, till they again hindered or forbid the movement of troops, but little interval was left for the march of an invading army. To pursue with effect the great plan of the campaign, it was necessary to take the field with the earliest signs of returning spring. General Amherst, therefore, left New York on the 28th of April, 1759, and arrived at Albany on the 3d of May: there he busied himself in assembling and organizing his army for the field, preparing boats for transporting the troops, artillery, and stores, and instructing the raw Provincial levies in the rudiments of military discipline. Before this time, he had dispatched the active partisan officer, Major Rogers, with 350 men, from Fort Edward, to feel the strength of the enemy at Ticonderoga and Crown Point: they succeeded in surprising a French working party close to the disastrous scene of the previous year's defeat, killed some men, and took several prisoners, with but little loss to themselves. The intense severity of the weather, however, made the victors pay dearly for their success: two thirds of the detachment were frost-bitten in the feet, some of them to such an extent that their more fortunate companions were obliged to carry them back to the British camp.

The whole month of May was occupied in preparation for the advance. The Provincial regiments, as fast as they arrived at head-quarters, were encamped, and instructed with all diligence. The regular troops were pushed on by the road to Fort Edward, and posted at a place fifty-six miles from Albany, while a detachment under Major West constructed a small stockaded fort between Fort Edward and the lake. On the 3d of June the near divisions of the army were ordered to take the field. That same day the general left Albany, and encamped at Port Edward on the 6th.

During this time of military inaction but of tedious toil, an alarming spirit of desertion broke out among the British troops. A large proportion of even the regulars were young and untrained men, unaccustomed to the dull restraint of discipline, and as yet almost unconscious of that professional pride which, to a certain extent, may practically supply the place of a higher principle in the soldier's mind. The Provincials were chiefly new levies, and not always very zealous recruits. The duties of the camp were harassing, the labors on the works were wearying; before them lay a dreary and dangerous march, behind them the pleasant villages and well-stored homesteads of New England. The temptation was strong, the principle of resistance weak. Appeals to patriotism, stringent orders, and moderate punishments proved ineffectual; still by twos and threes, and at length by scores, Amherst's army melted away into the neighboring forests. The last example became necessary; a general court-martial sentenced two deserters, Dunwood and Ward, to death, and they were immediately executed. Despite this terrible warning, despite all promises and threats, the vile treason still prevailed, especially among the Provincials; two other traitors, Rogers and Harris, were also apprehended, convicted, and shot.

An insidious attempt to examine the British strength, under the pretext of a flag of truce from M. de Bourlemaque, was frustrated by Amherst's vigilance; he would not suffer the French officers to enter the camp, but examined the dispatches, and returned answer while they remained at a suitable distance. The general's active care could not protect the frontier settlers from the atrocious cruelties of the French and Indians; although scouting parties were constantly moving through the forests, the subtle and ferocious enemy eluded their vigilance, and scalped men, women, and children without mercy. These outrages gave rise to the following order by Amherst, which he found means to forward to the Governor of Canada and his general:

"No scouting party, or others in the army, are to scalp women or children belonging to the enemy. They are, if possible, to take them prisoners, but not to injure them on any account, the general being determined, should the enemy continue to murder and scalp women and children, who are the subjects of the King of Great Britain, to revenge it by the death of two men of the enemy for every woman or child murdered by them."

It were a needless pain to dwell upon the cruelties of this bloody war. Our countrymen must bear their share, although not an equal share, of the deep disgrace. The contending parties readily acquired the fiendish ingenuity in torture of their Indian allies; the Frenchman soon became as expert as his red teacher in tearing the scalp from a prostrate enemy; and even the British soldier counted these odious trophies with unnatural triumph. In the exterminating strife, the thirst of blood became strong and deep, and was slaked, not only in the life-streams of the armed foe, but in that of the aged, the maimed, the helpless woman, and the innocent child. The peaceful hamlet and the smiling corn-field excited hostile fury alike with the camp, the intrenchment, and the fort, and shared in their destruction when the defenders were overpowered. Yet still over these murdered corpses and scenes of useless desolation, the spotless flag of France and the Red Cross of St. George waved in alternate triumph, proudly and remorselessly, by their symbolic presence sanctioning the disgraceful strife.

The greater part of the troops, artillery, and stores being now arrived, the general advanced from Fort Edward on the 21st of June, with about 6000 men, in two columns; he visited the several posts established on the communications by the way, and that night encamped on the woody banks of Lake George, where the following morning he traced out the plan of a small fort.[166]The remainder of the troops and the boats were brought up to this point with all dispatch, but the difficulties of the carrying place, the intense heat of the weather, and the badness of the roads proved harassing impediments to the British chief. During these delays several unimportant affairs occurred between our advanced parties and the French light troops and Indians, which usually ended in favor of the enemy. However, the time was profitably employed by Captain Loring of the navy, who exerted himself bravely and successfully in the arrangements for embarkation: he raised, rigged, and armed the sloop Halifax, and also a floating battery of eight heavy guns, both of which had been sunk in the last campaign. On the 21st of July, all was in readiness; the troops and stores had arrived; the army embarked upon the lake.

The force with which General Amherst now undertook the invasion of Canada consisted of 111 of the Royal Artillery, having under charge fifty-four pieces of ordnance of various descriptions; six battalions of regulars, numbering, officers included, 5743 men; nine battalions of Provincials,[167]with a regiment of Light Infantry, newly raised and commanded by General Gage, 5279 men, in all numbering 11,133. This army crossed the lake in four columns: the following day it reached the second Narrows without interruption except from the roughness of the weather, and landed near the spot where Abercromby had disembarked the year before. The British vanguard, composed principally of light troops, pushed on rapidly into the bush, and soon fell upon a detachment of the Regiment de Berry and some Indians, commanded by Captain Bournie; the French were instantly overpowered and dispersed, two were "made prisoners, and four were scalped: their wounded they carried off with them in their flight." Amherst followed with his main body in good order, and took up a position of great strength near the Saw-mills. He learned from the French prisoners that M. de Bourlemaque commanded at Carillon, his garrison, three battalions of regulars, and a large body of Canadian militia, and some Indians, in all 3400 men.

That night the British troops lay on their arms, and at earliest dawn the heavy sound of the advancing artillery warned the French that a formidable attack was about to open upon the lines under the shelter of which their brilliant victory of the preceding year had been gained. They ventured not to try the issue of a second combat against a different chief, and abandoning the blood-stained breast-works, fell back upon the neighboring fort. The Grenadiers of the English regulars immediately occupied the deserted intrenchments, and the rest of the army encamped at a short distance to the rear.

In the center of these remarkable lines, the French had, in celebration of the victory of Carillon, erected a lofty cross, which still remained; a deep grave was sunk before it, and on the cross was affixed a plate of brass, with this inscription:

"Pone principes eorum sicut Oreb et Zebec et Zalmanna."

The French kept up a warm fire from the fort upon the position where the British lay encamped, but the great height and strength of the breast-works erected for their own defense now sheltered their enemies, and rendered the shower of shot and shells perfectly harmless. The preparations for the siege rapidly progressed, and the garrison were apparently equally vigorous in dispositions for defense; but M. de Bourlemaque soon perceived that the English general possessed the skill and determination, as well as the necessary force, to insure success; he therefore silently abandoned the fort on the night of the 23d, leaving 400 men to continue such a resistance as might mask the retreat of his army. This small but gallant band, while their countrymen filed cautiously down toward the lake, made a sudden attack upon the advanced guard in the besiegers' trenches, killed and wounded sixteen men, and caused such confusion that in the darkness of the night the British fired upon each other.

On the 24th and 25th, the remaining French in the fort kept up a continuous fire upon the besiegers' camp, and, having ascertained the range, caused much annoyance and some loss. Colonel Townshend, a brave and beloved officer—the Lord Howe of Amherst's army—was struck down by a cannon shot in the trenches, and he instantly expired, to the great grief of all who knew him. Meanwhile the English approaches were advanced within 600 yards of the fort, and the Indians, under Major Rogers, harassed the defenders with a continuous fire from the advanced works. At ten o'clock on the night of the 26th some deserters to the British camp informed the general that the French had abandoned the fort, but that they had left every gun loaded and pointed, several mines charged for the utter destruction of the defenses, and a lighted fuse communicating with the well-stored powder magazine. While they yet spoke, an awful explosion, bursting upon the silence of the night, confirmed the tale; then, from under the dense cloud of smoke and dust, and the shower of burning embers, arose the flames of the wooden breast-works, barracks, and stores, while at intervals, from the mass of fire, the yellow flash of the bursting guns and the exploding mines varied the tints of the light that fell far and near upon the lake and the surrounding forest.

The retreat of the French had been so hurried that they were unable to give warning to their scouting parties, who, on returning to the fort, fell into the hands of the English. Colonel Haviland, with some Rangers[168]and light troops in fast boats, pursued the flying enemy across the lake, and succeeded in capturing some bateaux laden with powder, and sixteen prisoners. At daylight in the morning a sergeant of the British regulars volunteered for the dangerous duty of entering the burning fort, to strike the French flag and raise that of England in its place; he succeeded, and carried the white banner in safety to his general. Soon afterward a detachment was sent to extinguish the flames, and save any guns which yet might have remained uninjured. This object was accomplished with some difficulty, but no loss. No more than seventy-six men of the British force had been killed and wounded in all the preceding operations.

Amherst set vigorously to work in repairing the fort of Ticonderoga; most of the ramparts, the covered way, and the walls of the buildings remained uninjured; his principal exertions were therefore employed in leveling his own now useless siege works, and completing the road from the shore. Meanwhile Captain Loring still labored to strengthen the British naval power on the lake; he weighed some French bateaux which had been sunk, and constructed a brig with all possible dispatch. The general was intent, in the mean time, on forwarding the main objects of the campaign. Crown Point was the next obstacle to be overcome; little was known as to its defenses or situation, but it at least was not guarded by the gloomy memories which had hung around the neighboring stronghold of Ticonderoga.

Major Rogers, who had so often proved his activity and skill, was pushed on with about 200 Rangers to feel the strength of the enemy and examine the position of Crown Point; his orders were to seize some strong and safe post near the fort, and, in case of attack, to hold out at all hazards until relieved by the advancing army. After a little fruitless skirmishing and scalping, the Rangers established themselves in a commanding situation, but on the 1st of August intelligence arrived which proved that all precautions had been needless: the enemy had abandoned Crown Point. A small English detachment immediately took possession, but Amherst, with the main army, did not arrive till the 4th. He then encamped his troops, and traced out the lines of a new fort, as a defense in future against the savage scalping parties which had so long been a terror to the frontier settlers of New York.

The skillful and cautious movements of the British general had thus, with scarcely any loss, secured possession of the two important strongholds which ruled the destiny of the long-disputed lakes: where his predecessor had not only been baffled, but had received a terrible chastisement, he, with an inferior power, had almost uninterruptedly won his way, and overcome all opposition more by demonstration than by force. The country, now thus cheaply won, was rich and beautiful; far as the eye could reach, magnificent forests and verdant turf alternated on the undulations of the landscape, down to the margin of the transparent lake. The sugar-tree, and various fruits and flowers, abounded in the sunny valleys, and the scent of aromatic herbs filled the pure air with a delightful perfume. Deep was the sorrow of the French when they abandoned forever that lovely land which had been adorned by their taste and industry, strengthened by their skill and toil, defended by their best blood, and endeared to their vain but gallant hearts by memories of glorious victory.

The orders of M. de Bourlemaque were to impede more than to resist the overwhelming British force. The naval superiority which he still retained upon the lakes enabled him to carry out these orders, despite the vigor and skill of his opponent; but his losses in material, if not in life and honor were considerable. Besides a large quantity of guns, ammunition, and stores sunk or destroyed, several pieces of cannon of various sizes, some swivels, small arms, powder, and intrenching tools fell into the hands of the English.

On the 16th of August, Amherst was informed by deserters that the French had encamped on Isle aux Noix, at the northern extremity of Lake Champlain, where a strong position gave them the command of the entrance to the Richelieu River. Joined by some small detachments, sufficient to repair their losses by defection and in the field, they still mustered 3500 men; 100 pieces of cannon, and four armed vessels, commanded by naval officers, and manned by picked soldiers of the line, enabled them even yet to offer a formidable front.

The fate of this portion of the campaign now evidently turned upon the relative strength of the contending parties on the waters of the lake. Amherst's great superiority of troops was unavailable while French vessels cruised triumphantly between him and his enemy. He therefore stimulated Captain Loring to increased exertions; on the 17th, a large raft to carry six heavy guns was commenced. But the enemy were also active, and in a fortnight afterward launched a new vessel pierced for sixteen guns. On the 3d of September the English began the construction of a sloop equal in size to that of the French. It was not, however, till the 11th of October that the raft, the brig from Ticonderoga, and the new sloop were ready for action. And already the bleak autumnal winds were sweeping over the lake; the nights fell dark and chill; the dreary winter approached, when no zeal or courage could avail an invading force. Montcalm had therefore insomuch succeeded, and Amherst failed, in their several objects: the main force of the British army was destined once again to waste its strength upon the very threshold of Canada,[169]and played no part of real importance in the great results which the hand of Providence directed surely but unexpectedly elsewhere.

In consequence of intelligence received of General Prideaux's death before Niagara, Brigadier-general Gage had been dispatched by Amherst on the 28th of July to join that army, and the second battalion of the Royal Highlanders was also sent from head-quarters to Oswego, to support, if necessary, the movement in the West. Gage had been instructed, in case of the reduction of Niagara, to take post immediately at a place called La Galette, a position commanding the entrance of the River St. Lawrence from Lake Ontario. Amherst knew that the occupation of this post was so essential for the security of the British frontiers from the enemy's scalping parties, that on the receipt of Gage's dispatch he instantly sent Major Christie to the brigadier to repeat and enforce his former orders. The difficulties in the way of this movement were, however, considerable, and General Gage had conceived himself justified in representing them to his chief, and deferring the execution of his orders until a more favorable opportunity. Meanwhile the dreary winter advanced apace, and difficulty became impossibility; to Amherst's infinite chagrin, this important operation was necessarily postponed to another year.

General Gage does not appear to have sufficiently felt the importance of fulfilling the portion of the great scheme which fell to his lot; doubtless the difficulties in his path were many and formidable, but it was to overcome difficulties that he was selected for the proud post of leader to thousands of gallant men. His first duty, assuredly, was to fulfill the task confided to him, upon which, perhaps, the success or failure of the campaign, and his country's glory might depend. One object lay distinctly before him; in accomplishing that object, he could not have been too cautious, or too precious of his men; but rather than abandon the enterprise, and fail in his share of the combination, far better would it have been for England's cause and his own honor had he dared the worst dangers of the trackless wilderness and of the stormy lake.

Meanwhile General Amherst sent Captain Kennedy with a flag of truce to the warlike Indians of St. François, offering them peace and amity: their populous village lay at the western extremity of Lake St. François. The savages, however, detained the British officer and his party as prisoners, and returned no answer to their communications. Amherst promptly determined to inflict the severest chastisement for the insult. The expedition undertaken for this purpose was perhaps the most daring and extraordinary of any during the progress of the war.

Early in October, 200 men were sent against the Indians of St. François, under the command of Major Rogers, an officer already distinguished for courage and ability. His orders were to inflict condign punishment on the warriors of this tribe for a long arrear of cruelties and atrocities committed upon the unprotected British settlers, but to spare all women and children. A glance at the map of North America will show the great distance of the point of attack from Amherst's head-quarters. The route lay through one vast forest, utterly a wilderness, and untrodden by human foot, except where the invaders' deadly enemies lay in wait, or scoured the country for their destruction. The casualties and hardships of the march reduced Rogers's small detachment by more than a fourth of its strength; the survivors, however, came in sight of the Indian village on the evening of the 22d day. The leader left his men in a place of concealment, and went forward alone, with necessary caution, to observe the enemy. For several hours he hovered about, now approaching close to the dangerous scene, now again falling back into the darkness of the night, and still darker shades of the forest, until he had at length fully informed himself of the situation and state of the village. It so chanced that the savages were engaged in celebrating some of their wild and mysterious rites: they danced and shouted furiously, and devoured the war-feast with ravenous zeal. At length they lay down to sleep, exhausted by fatigue and repletion. Major Rogers, satisfied with his observations, returned to his party at two o'clock in the morning.

A little before dawn the English detachment marched silently to within 500 yards of the sleeping village, and laid aside their packs and all other incumbrances. Not a sound arose, not a limb moved among the Indians; in the fatal confidence of savage tactics, not a scout or sentinel was placed to give notice of impending danger. When the sun had already risen, but not yet gained sufficient strength to reach the drowsy eyes of the slumberers, Rogers formed his men, and gave the long wished-for order to attack; with a loud cry of vengeance they burst upon the sleeping village. The surprise was complete; the Indians had no time to arm or resist; they were slain without mercy; many never wakened, others were struck down at the doors of their huts as they endeavored to fly; some few escaped to the Great River, but were pursued by the English, and, with their frail canoes swamped in the waters. The conquerors then fired the village, saving only three houses where corn was stored; the wretched savages who had concealed themselves in the cellars and lofts perished in the flames. By seven o'clock in the morning the destruction was accomplished, and more than 200 Indian warriors were slain. Women and children were spared by the sword, but doubtless many must have perished in the fire and in the confusion of the strife: twenty were taken alive; six of these, however, only were detained; the rest received the scant mercy of freedom to wander back to their ruined homes, and to the now lonely hunting-grounds of their tribe.

Five English captives were released from slavery by this success, and taken under the protection of their countrymen. The loss to the victors was very slight; one friendly Indian was killed, and Captain Ogden, with six men, were wounded. The situation of the little detachment was, however, most perilous; the prisoners informed Major Rogers that a party of 300 French, with some savages, had discovered and seized his boats, down the river, about four miles from the village of St. François. He could not doubt the truth of this unwelcome news, for they told him the exact number of his boats, and described the place where they had been left. He also learned that another force of 200 French and 15 Indians lay in wait for him higher up the stream. The English officers held a hurried council on their almost desperate position, and agreed unanimously that the only chance of safety lay in a return to the British settlements by the upper branches of the Connecticut River. This route was attended with toils and hardships well-nigh incredible.

Rogers marched his detachment for eight successive days to the southeast without interruption, but provisions began to fail, and it became necessary to divide his people into small parties, that each might provide for themselves as they best could. A guide was appointed to every division, and they parted near the beautiful shores of Lake Memphremagog, with orders to reassemble at the point where the Amansook pours into the Connecticut River: there the provident chief had before caused a dépôt of provisions to be prepared. Major Rogers and his party reached the place of meeting in safety on the 5th of November, worn out with fatigue and cold, and almost famished.

Another party, commanded by Lieutenant George Campbell, of the Rangers, underwent trials more severe than any of their companions had suffered. At one time they were four days without a morsel of food; they had wandered from the direct route, and knew not whither they went. The weak in mind went mad from suffering and despair; the weak in body sank. They had already devoured their leather straps, and the covers of their cartouch boxes: no resource, and but a faint glimmering of hope remained. At length, on the 28th of October, in crossing a small stream dammed up with logs, they espied some human bodies, scalped and horribly mangled, probably the corpses of their companions. Their furious hunger knew no restraint; they did not wait even for a fire to prepare the ghastly banquet, but ate like beasts of prey; then collecting carefully the remnants, pursued their journey. A squirrel and a few roots helped to keep them alive till the 4th of November, when, to their unutterable joy, they saw a boat on the Connecticut River, sent by Rogers to their relief. On the 7th they rejoined their companions.

We must now return to the insignificant conclusion of General Amherst's campaign. On the 10th of October, the brig arrived from Ticonderoga with eighteen guns; seventy seamen and sixty soldiers embarked as marines. The following day the little fleet was completed by the arrival of the new sloop carrying sixteen guns, sixty sailors, and fifty soldiers, under the command of Lieutenant Grant, of Montgomery's Highlanders. In the afternoon the troops embarked for Isle aux Noix in the bateaux; the armed vessels got out first, and sailed up the lake with a fair wind, the army following in four divisions. As night fell, lights were hoisted on board the brigantine and Great Radeau, to guide the expedition. In the gray of the morning, some guns were suddenly heard in the advance, and a message was sent to the general that his armed vessels were in action with those of the French. He hastened to the front, and soon discovered the mistake. The bateaux containing a wing of the 42d Regiment, under Major Reid, had gone astray in the night, and got unexpectedly among the enemy's sloops; the first light of day revealed the dangerous error, and they happily ran the gauntlet of the French guns in safety. One boat, however, with a lieutenant and twenty men, being very far in advance, could not effect an escape, and was captured. The enemy's squadron, content with this small advantage, crowded all sail, and disappeared among the numerous islands. Toward the evening of the 12th the wind increased, and the waters of the lake rose into formidable waves; the light bateaux and clumsy rafts were equally unfit to face this boisterous weather. The general was most unwillingly compelled to order the expedition to seek the shelter of a neighboring bay on the western shore, where commodious anchorage opportunely offered. The troops were then landed, and allowed to stretch their cramped limbs, while Gage's Light Infantry scoured the adjacent forest to guard against surprise; at the same time, the Rangers disembarked on an island that commanded the entrance of the harbor, and overlooked the lake. Meanwhile, despite the angry skies, Captain Loring, with the armed vessels, still stoutly kept at sea, and strove with untiring zeal to bring the enemy to action. At daylight in the morning he had caught sight of a French schooner, about forty-five miles down the lake, and crowded all sail in her pursuit; but, ignorant of the navigation in those strange waters, he had run two of his vessels ashore. After much exertion, however, he succeeded in getting them off. At length, to his great joy, he espied three hostile sloops, and immediately gave chase with all the sail he could carry. The French, finding escape impossible, ran for a small bay on the western shore, drove one of the vessels aground, and sunk the two others. The crews, under their commandant, M. de Bolabarras, made their escape through the woods, after having encountered extreme difficulty and hardship.

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