FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[181]See Appendix,No. LXXII.[182]"The following circumstance had nearly proved fatal to the general's scheme of landing where he did. In the twilight of the evening preceding the battle, two French deserters from the Regiment of La Sarre came in, and, being carried on board a ship of war, commanded by Captain Smith, then lying near the north shore, gave information that that very night the garrison of Quebec expected a convoy of provisions from M. de Bougainville's detachment, which was higher up the river. These deserters, some time after, perceiving the English boats gliding down the river in the dark, supposed them to be the expected convoy; and on this a noise ensued, which General Wolfe fortunately heard time enough to prevent the resolution which occasioned it; for Captain Smith, not having been informed of the general's intentions, was making preparations to fire into the boats, believing that they were the convoy the deserters had been speaking of; and had he done so, would have not only considerably hurt his friends, but sufficiently alarmed the French to frustrate the attempt. Again, the French sentries posted along the shore were in expectation of the convoy, and, therefore, when the English boats came near their posts, and properly answered their usual challenge, they suffered them to pass without the least suspicion."—Mante'sHistory of the Late Wars in America, p. 262.[183]Graham'sHistory of the United States, vol. iv., p. 51.[184]"At the late presentation of colors to the 30th Regiment, in Dublin garrison, on the 21st of July, 1834, their colonel-in-chief, Lieutenant-general Sir John Oswald, G.C.B., mentioned in the course of his address, that when he first joined the regiment in 1791, he found in it several of the companions of Wolfe. The colonel-in-chief was Fletcher, of a distinguished Scottish family. He led the 35th, under General Wolfe, through the surf of Louisburg, placed them first after the British Grenadiers in line on the Plains of Abraham, and there, during the contest, charging the French Grenadiers, carried off thewhite plumewhich for half a century this battalion bore. His majesty, George III., was so pleased with Colonel Fletcher's conduct, that when a lieutenant-colonel of only four years' standing, he gave him the colonelcy-in-chief."—Picture of Quebec.[185]When Wolfe was shot, "The Treasury of Fortification," by John Barker, Esq., was found in his pocket. On the spare leaf is written, in his own hand-writing, "This is an exceeding book of Fortification.—Wolfe." This book is now in the Royal Artillery Library at Woolwich.[186]"Ewen Cameron, a Highlander, killed nine Frenchmen, two being officers. When his sword-arm was carried off by a shot, he seized a bayonet and wounded several men, but a bullet in his throat slew him."—Letter from an Officer in Lascelles's Regiment, Quebec, 20th September, 1759;Gentleman's Mag., 1759, p. 553.[187]"There is one incident very remarkable, and which I can affirm from my own personal knowledge, that the enemy were extremely apprehensive of being rigorously treated; for, conscious of their inhuman behavior to our troops upon a former occasion, the officers who fell into our hands, most piteously, with hats off, sued for quarter, repeatedly declaring they were not at Fort William Henry (by them called Fort St. George) in the year 1757."—Knox'sHistorical Journal, vol. ii., p. 72.[188]"Had he (M. de Vaudreuil) fallen into our hands, our men were determined to scalp him, he having been the chief and blackest author of the cruelties exercised on our countrymen. Some of his letters were taken, in which he explicitly and basely said that 'Peace was the best time for making war on the English.'"—Walpole'sMemoirs of George II., p. 387.[189]"Tandis que les Anglais entraient dans Surate à l'embouchure du fleuve Indus, ils prenoient Québec et tout le Canada au fonds de l'Amerique septentrionale; les troupes qui ont hasardé un combat pour sauver Québec ont été battues et presque détruites, malgré les efforts du Général Montcalm, tué dans cette journée et très regretté en France. On a perdu ainsi en un seul jour quinze cents lieues de pays."—Voltaire'sPrécis du Siècle de Louis XV., p. 291.[190]"The horror of the night, the precipice scaled by Wolfe, the empire he with a handful of men added to England, and the glorious catastrophe of contentedly terminating life where his fame began ... ancient story may be ransacked, and ostentatious philosophy thrown into the account, before an episode can be found to rank with Wolfe's."—Pitt's Speech on the Motion for erecting a Monument to Wolfe, related in Walpole'sMemoirs of George II., p. 393.[191]"You know they pique themselves much upon their Jewish name, and call cousins with the Virgin Mary. They have a picture in the family, where she is made to say to the founder of the houses, 'Couvrez-vous, mon cousin.' He replies, 'Non pas, mas très sainte cousine, je sais trop bien le respect que je vous dois.' There is said to have been another equally absurd picture in the same family, in which Noah is represented going into the ark, carrying under his arm a small trunk, on which was written, 'Papiers de la Maison de Lévis.'"—Walpole'sLetters to Sir H. Mann, August 17th, 1749.[192]See Appendix,No. LXXI.[193]"The notification of a probable disappointment at Quebec came only to heighten the pleasure of the conquest. You may now give yourself what airs you please; you are master of East and West Indies. An embassador is the only man in the world whom bullying becomes. I beg your pardon, but you are spies, if you are not bragadocios. All precedents are on your side: Persians, Greeks, Romans, always insulted their neighbors when they had taken Quebec. It was a very singular affair, the generals on both sides slain, and on both sides the second in command wounded—in short, very near what battles should be, in which only the principals ought to suffer. If their army has not ammunition and spirit enough to fall again upon ours before Amherst comes up, all North America is ours! Poetic justice could not have been executed with more rigor than it has been on the perjury, treachery, and usurpations of the French.... It appears that the victory was owing to the impracticability, as the French thought, and to desperate resolution on our side. What a scene! an army in the night dragging itself up a precipice by stumps of trees to assault a town and attack an army strongly intrenched and double in numbers. Adieu! I think I shall not write to you again this twelvemonth; for, like Alexander, we have no more worlds left to conquer."P.S.—Monsieur Fleurot is said to be sailed with his tiny squadron; but can the lords of America be afraid of half a dozen canoes? Mr. Chute is sitting by me, and says nobody is more obliged to Mr. Pitt than you are: he has raised you from a very uncomfortable situation to hold your head above the Capitol."—Walpole'sLetters to Sir H. Mann, October 19, 1759.[194]"The late Mrs. Wolfe, the mother of the brave general of that name, has very humanely left the residue of her estate and effects, after debts and legacies are paid, to be disposed of among the widows and families of the officers who were employed in the military land service under her son, General Wolfe."The executors of the late Mrs. Henrietta Wolfe, mother of the brave General Wolfe, have paid a legacy of £1000, left by her, to the Incorporated Society in Dublin for promoting English Protestant working schools in Ireland."—Annual Register, 1765.[195]See Appendix,No. LXVII.

[181]See Appendix,No. LXXII.

[182]"The following circumstance had nearly proved fatal to the general's scheme of landing where he did. In the twilight of the evening preceding the battle, two French deserters from the Regiment of La Sarre came in, and, being carried on board a ship of war, commanded by Captain Smith, then lying near the north shore, gave information that that very night the garrison of Quebec expected a convoy of provisions from M. de Bougainville's detachment, which was higher up the river. These deserters, some time after, perceiving the English boats gliding down the river in the dark, supposed them to be the expected convoy; and on this a noise ensued, which General Wolfe fortunately heard time enough to prevent the resolution which occasioned it; for Captain Smith, not having been informed of the general's intentions, was making preparations to fire into the boats, believing that they were the convoy the deserters had been speaking of; and had he done so, would have not only considerably hurt his friends, but sufficiently alarmed the French to frustrate the attempt. Again, the French sentries posted along the shore were in expectation of the convoy, and, therefore, when the English boats came near their posts, and properly answered their usual challenge, they suffered them to pass without the least suspicion."—Mante'sHistory of the Late Wars in America, p. 262.

[183]Graham'sHistory of the United States, vol. iv., p. 51.

[184]"At the late presentation of colors to the 30th Regiment, in Dublin garrison, on the 21st of July, 1834, their colonel-in-chief, Lieutenant-general Sir John Oswald, G.C.B., mentioned in the course of his address, that when he first joined the regiment in 1791, he found in it several of the companions of Wolfe. The colonel-in-chief was Fletcher, of a distinguished Scottish family. He led the 35th, under General Wolfe, through the surf of Louisburg, placed them first after the British Grenadiers in line on the Plains of Abraham, and there, during the contest, charging the French Grenadiers, carried off thewhite plumewhich for half a century this battalion bore. His majesty, George III., was so pleased with Colonel Fletcher's conduct, that when a lieutenant-colonel of only four years' standing, he gave him the colonelcy-in-chief."—Picture of Quebec.

[185]When Wolfe was shot, "The Treasury of Fortification," by John Barker, Esq., was found in his pocket. On the spare leaf is written, in his own hand-writing, "This is an exceeding book of Fortification.—Wolfe." This book is now in the Royal Artillery Library at Woolwich.

[186]"Ewen Cameron, a Highlander, killed nine Frenchmen, two being officers. When his sword-arm was carried off by a shot, he seized a bayonet and wounded several men, but a bullet in his throat slew him."—Letter from an Officer in Lascelles's Regiment, Quebec, 20th September, 1759;Gentleman's Mag., 1759, p. 553.

[187]"There is one incident very remarkable, and which I can affirm from my own personal knowledge, that the enemy were extremely apprehensive of being rigorously treated; for, conscious of their inhuman behavior to our troops upon a former occasion, the officers who fell into our hands, most piteously, with hats off, sued for quarter, repeatedly declaring they were not at Fort William Henry (by them called Fort St. George) in the year 1757."—Knox'sHistorical Journal, vol. ii., p. 72.

[188]"Had he (M. de Vaudreuil) fallen into our hands, our men were determined to scalp him, he having been the chief and blackest author of the cruelties exercised on our countrymen. Some of his letters were taken, in which he explicitly and basely said that 'Peace was the best time for making war on the English.'"—Walpole'sMemoirs of George II., p. 387.

[189]"Tandis que les Anglais entraient dans Surate à l'embouchure du fleuve Indus, ils prenoient Québec et tout le Canada au fonds de l'Amerique septentrionale; les troupes qui ont hasardé un combat pour sauver Québec ont été battues et presque détruites, malgré les efforts du Général Montcalm, tué dans cette journée et très regretté en France. On a perdu ainsi en un seul jour quinze cents lieues de pays."—Voltaire'sPrécis du Siècle de Louis XV., p. 291.

[190]"The horror of the night, the precipice scaled by Wolfe, the empire he with a handful of men added to England, and the glorious catastrophe of contentedly terminating life where his fame began ... ancient story may be ransacked, and ostentatious philosophy thrown into the account, before an episode can be found to rank with Wolfe's."—Pitt's Speech on the Motion for erecting a Monument to Wolfe, related in Walpole'sMemoirs of George II., p. 393.

[191]"You know they pique themselves much upon their Jewish name, and call cousins with the Virgin Mary. They have a picture in the family, where she is made to say to the founder of the houses, 'Couvrez-vous, mon cousin.' He replies, 'Non pas, mas très sainte cousine, je sais trop bien le respect que je vous dois.' There is said to have been another equally absurd picture in the same family, in which Noah is represented going into the ark, carrying under his arm a small trunk, on which was written, 'Papiers de la Maison de Lévis.'"—Walpole'sLetters to Sir H. Mann, August 17th, 1749.

[192]See Appendix,No. LXXI.

[193]"The notification of a probable disappointment at Quebec came only to heighten the pleasure of the conquest. You may now give yourself what airs you please; you are master of East and West Indies. An embassador is the only man in the world whom bullying becomes. I beg your pardon, but you are spies, if you are not bragadocios. All precedents are on your side: Persians, Greeks, Romans, always insulted their neighbors when they had taken Quebec. It was a very singular affair, the generals on both sides slain, and on both sides the second in command wounded—in short, very near what battles should be, in which only the principals ought to suffer. If their army has not ammunition and spirit enough to fall again upon ours before Amherst comes up, all North America is ours! Poetic justice could not have been executed with more rigor than it has been on the perjury, treachery, and usurpations of the French.... It appears that the victory was owing to the impracticability, as the French thought, and to desperate resolution on our side. What a scene! an army in the night dragging itself up a precipice by stumps of trees to assault a town and attack an army strongly intrenched and double in numbers. Adieu! I think I shall not write to you again this twelvemonth; for, like Alexander, we have no more worlds left to conquer."P.S.—Monsieur Fleurot is said to be sailed with his tiny squadron; but can the lords of America be afraid of half a dozen canoes? Mr. Chute is sitting by me, and says nobody is more obliged to Mr. Pitt than you are: he has raised you from a very uncomfortable situation to hold your head above the Capitol."—Walpole'sLetters to Sir H. Mann, October 19, 1759.

"P.S.—Monsieur Fleurot is said to be sailed with his tiny squadron; but can the lords of America be afraid of half a dozen canoes? Mr. Chute is sitting by me, and says nobody is more obliged to Mr. Pitt than you are: he has raised you from a very uncomfortable situation to hold your head above the Capitol."—Walpole'sLetters to Sir H. Mann, October 19, 1759.

[194]"The late Mrs. Wolfe, the mother of the brave general of that name, has very humanely left the residue of her estate and effects, after debts and legacies are paid, to be disposed of among the widows and families of the officers who were employed in the military land service under her son, General Wolfe."The executors of the late Mrs. Henrietta Wolfe, mother of the brave General Wolfe, have paid a legacy of £1000, left by her, to the Incorporated Society in Dublin for promoting English Protestant working schools in Ireland."—Annual Register, 1765.

"The executors of the late Mrs. Henrietta Wolfe, mother of the brave General Wolfe, have paid a legacy of £1000, left by her, to the Incorporated Society in Dublin for promoting English Protestant working schools in Ireland."—Annual Register, 1765.

[195]See Appendix,No. LXVII.

On the 18th of October, Admiral Saunders, with the whole fleet—the Race-horse of twenty, and the Porcupine of eighteen guns, excepted—weighed anchor and dropped down the river to Isle aux Coudres, there to await a fair wind to sail for Halifax and England. Brigadier Monckton embarked at the same time for New York, where he soon recovered from his wound, and Brigadier Townshend proceeded direct to London. The government of Quebec was intrusted to Brigadier Murray, with Colonel Burton as lieutenant-governor, and all the soldiers of the several regiments engaged in the campaign, who were still fit for duty, remained to form the garrison: the number of all ranks and arms now only amounted to 7300 men. The sick and wounded, whose recovery was remote or improbable, were sent home with the admiral. Having left a squadron at Halifax, the fleet reached England in safety ere the severity of the winter had set in.

Before the close of the navigation, the French governor and intendant of Canada intrusted their melancholy dispatches to M. Cannon, who succeeded in passing Quebec unobserved, by taking advantage of a favorable wind and a thick fog. Having escaped the many other dangers which beset his voyage, he arrived safely in France. These dispatches were filled with criminations and recriminations: M. de Vaudreuil animadverted bitterly upon M. de Ramsay for his "precipitate surrender" of Quebec, while from other quarters heavy complaints were put forward against M. de Vaudreuil for his retreat, or rather flight, from the lines of Montmorency.

The condition of the once splendid colony of France was now very lamentable. To the east, Quebec; to the west, Niagara; to the south, Crown Point and Ticonderoga—all the strongest positions in the northern continent of America, had passed from their hands in one disastrous campaign. Many of their veteran soldiers had found graves in the land which they had bravely but vainly striven to defend, or had been borne away as prisoners across the Atlantic. Provisions of all kinds were scarce, almost to famine; the prices during winter rose to an enormous height: wheat was commonly sold at 30 or 40 livres a bushel; a cow was worth 900 livres; a pair of oxen, 1500 or 2000; and sheep from 200 to 300 livres apiece. Many people actually died of want; and at length no money would induce the farmers to part with their produce, when life itself depended upon their retaining such supplies as they possessed. The politic Indians were quick to observe the fallen condition of the French, their poverty, and their weakness: a general defection among doubtful allies was the consequence, increased activity of enemies, and a more measured assistance from friends.

As the winter approached, the Chevalier de Levi retreated to Montreal, where he put the greater part of his army into cantonments. He, however, busied himself during that period of forced military inaction in preparations for a bold attempt to wipe out the memory of last year's disasters by the reconquest of Quebec. At the first opening of spring he began to refit such of the shipping as still bore the French flag, repaired the small craft, built galleys, and at Sorel embarked the necessary stores and ammunition, which he had drawn from the dépôts of St. John's and Chambly. M. de Vaudreuil seconded these exertions by the publication of an address to the Canadian people, representing in a highly colored style the imaginary cruelties and oppressions of the British governor of Quebec. He also endeavored to raise their hopes while he stimulated their animosity. "We have a numerous and gallant army," said he, "and well-grounded assurances of powerful assistance from France." His appeal met with no echo from a starving and discontented people.

During the winter the French made several demonstrations against the British outposts at Point Levi, Cape Rouge, St. Foy, and Lorette, without, however, any result beyond bloodshed and mutually inflicted suffering; but on the 6th of April, M. de Bourlemaque, with three battalions of regular troops and a body of militia, marched from Jacques Cartier upon Cape Rouge, with the hope of surprising the English detachment at that place. His troops lay on their arms that night, with the exception of two companies of Grenadiers, whom he sent to reconnoiter. On their return the main body became alarmed, supposing them to be English troops, and fired among them; the Grenadiers returned the fire, and the disastrous mistake was not discovered until twenty-two of their men were killed and wounded. Before dawn the unlucky expedition returned to their quarters at Jacques Cartier.

On the 17th of April, 1760, De Levi left Montreal with all his available force, and, collecting on his way the several detached corps, arrived in the neighborhood of Cape Rouge with eight battalions of regular troops, recruited to 4500 men, 6000 Canadians, of whom 200 were cavalry and 250 Indians. His heavy artillery, ammunition, and stores, followed his march by the river in bateaux and other vessels.

Meanwhile Murray lost no time in strengthening his position at Quebec. He erected eight timber redoubts outside the works of the city, and armed them with artillery; he broke up the neighboring roads, laid in eleven months' provision, and repaired 500 of the houses, which the English shot had ruined, for quarters for his troops. The outposts which he had established in the country round Quebec proved of considerable advantage: by them his movements were concealed, and those of the enemy watched. The inhabitants of eleven parishes in the vicinity placed themselves under British protection, and swore allegiance to the British crown: they subsequently proved very useful in supplying fresh provisions and firewood for the army to their utmost ability. Nevertheless, Murray's troops were obliged to undergo great hardship in collecting fuel for themselves: no less than a fourth of the whole army had to march ten miles each day, for many successive days, to cut timber in the forests, and numbers of the men were frost-bitten, or sank altogether under the trial. The scurvy raged also with extraordinary violence in the garrison; many fell victims to that dreadful disease; but a decoction of the hemlock spruce, recommended by an old Canadian, was at length successfully employed as a remedy. The severity of the duty and the monotony of the winter proved intolerable to not a few of the British soldiers; designing Frenchmen were at hand to profit by this opportunity; they persuaded many of the soldiers to leave their colors, and the spirit of desertion was not checked till some of those taken in the act were hanged, and their abettors subjected to a like punishment.

When Murray was apprized of the approach of the French army, he marched out on the 27th of April with the whole disposable force to cover the retreat of his advanced posts: in this he succeeded with the loss of only two men. He then broke down all the bridges, and retired into the city the same evening. De Levi crossed the little stream at Cape Rouge, and cantoned his army, upward of 10,000 strong, in and about the village of St. Foy; at nine the following morning he advanced within three miles of Quebec.

The British general, unwarned by Montcalm's fate, formed the unaccountable resolution of giving battle to the French in the open field with his feeble army, which was now reduced by sickness, desertion, and the sword to 3000 available men. In his letter to the Secretary of State reporting the consequent events, he states the following not very conclusive reasons for having taken this unfortunate step: "Well weighing my peculiar position, and well knowing that, in shutting myself up within the walls of the city, I should risk the whole stake on the chance of defending a wretched fortification, which could not be lessened by an action in the field."

At daylight on the 28th of April, Murray marched out to the Plains of Abraham with his ten skeleton battalions and twenty pieces of artillery. His light troops easily drove in those of the French; he then proceeded to form his line of battle. On the right, Colonel Burton led the 15th, the 48th, and the second battalion of the 60th. The center consisted of the 43d and 58th, under Colonel James, and the left of the 28th, 47th, and 78th, under Colonel Fraser. The 35th, and the third battalion of the 60th, formed the reserve. Major Dalling's Light Infantry covered the right flank, and some Volunteers and the Rangers the left. The guns were distributed in the most suitable positions.

When the formations were completed, Murray rode to the front to reconnoiter the enemy's position: he found them occupied in putting their arms, which had been damaged by heavy rains during the night, in order, and in other respects unprepared for action. This seemed to afford a favorable opportunity for striking a blow, and accordingly he returned in all speed, and gave orders to attack without delay. The little army joyfully obeyed, and moved forward in admirable order over the brow of the heights, thence down the slope into the plains beyond.

At first De Levi could not bring himself to believe that the British were abandoning their vantage-ground to grapple with his overwhelming force; but when he perceived their colors still steadily advancing almost within gunshot range, he called his men "to arms." The French hurried together, and formed their front of battle, not, however, without some confusion and alarm. Two companies of Grenadiers were in the mean time pushed forward into the woods above Sillery as a covering party; here they came in collision with the volunteers and Rangers of the British left, and, after a short encounter, they retired leisurely upon the main body. Murray's irregulars, now joined by the Light Infantry, pursued with unlucky zeal: this hasty advance exposed them to the fire of their own artillery, and compelled its silence; finally they were repulsed and broken by the French battalions, which had by that time attained to a steady formation. They then fell to the rear, and showed no more during the combat.

De Levi's army was by this time ranged in battle array. Bourlemaque, with three battalions of Regulars, held the right; the general in person, with a like force, held the left; and M. Dumas, with two battalions, occupied the center. The lines were formed three deep, and in the intervals between the bodies of veteran troops the Canadian levies were formed. Some companies of the Marine or Colony troops, with the Indians, were posted in a wood somewhat in advance of the right of the position. The French had no artillery.

When the flight of the light troops opened the front of battle, a column of French Infantry was seen winding up through the suburbs of St. Roch, so as to threaten Murray's right. Major Morris, with the 35th from the reserve, were quickly called into action, and they checked this movement. But, in the mean time, the British left was altogether over-matched. Fraser, with his brigade, had boldly attacked the French right, and at first gained some advantage, having, by an impetuous charge, driven Bourlemaque from two redoubts; but the superior weight of the enemy's fire soon told upon his weak battalions, and they were speedily reduced to a mere handful of men. The 43d from the center and the 3d battalion of the 60th from the reserve, now came to his aid, and still he bravely held his own ground against the overwhelming numbers of the French. At this critical time the Royal Roussillon from De Levi's center, who had not, as yet, fired a shot, charged in upon the British left, and bore down all resistance. The whole of Fraser's brigade then gave way, and retired in confusion; Burton's men, on the right, already hardly pressed, soon followed; all the artillery was lost; and, had it not been for the firm front presented by the 15th and 58th, the disaster might have proved irreparable. Even as it was, the carnage was almost unexampled in proportion to the numbers engaged: Murray left no less than 300 dead upon the field, and upward of 700 more of his men were wounded.[196]

The triumph of the French was sullied by unusual cruelty to their gallant but unfortunate foes. Quarter was in vain asked by some of the British officers: four of them, being conducted to the officers of the Regiment of La Sarre, were received with a wave of the hand, and "Allez-vous-en," which speedily decided their bloody fate. Of the great number of wounded Englishmen who were unavoidably abandoned in the retreat, twenty-eight only were sent to the hospitals; the rest were given up to glut the rage of the Indians. Murray's artillery, and the steady fire of his veterans, caused the French to purchase victory at a very heavy cost: by their own computation, 1800 of their men were killed and wounded.

De Levi followed up his success by intrenching himself before the city and preparing for the siege. Murray was not idle. No more than 2200 of the British troops were now fit for duty; but even the wounded assisted as far as they were able; nearly 600 men, unable to walk without crutches, seated themselves on the ramparts, made sand-bags for the works, and cartridges for the cannon. The women were also active in tending the wounded, and cooking rations for the soldiers, who were now too much occupied to perform those offices for themselves. By unremitting exertion, 132 guns were soon mounted on the ramparts; and, as many of the Infantry had during the winter been trained by the artillerymen, Murray was enabled to keep up a fire which altogether overpowered that of the French.

But the hopes of the besieged rested alone for final delivery on the arrival of the fleet. On the 9th of May the Leostoffe frigate rounded the headland of Point Levi, and stood over for the city. For a time an intense anxiety reigned in both armies, as the French also expected a squadron with supplies. At length, when the red-cross flag ran up to the mizen peak of the strange ship, and a boat put off for the Lower Town, the joy of the garrison knew no bounds; officers and soldiers together mounted the parapets in the face of the enemy, and for nearly an hour together made the air ring with hearty British cheers. On the 16th, Commodore Swainton arrived with the Vanguard and the Diana frigate; the next day he passed the town, and destroyed or captured the whole of the French armament upon the river.[197]

De Levi, upon this, raised the siege with inglorious haste. His camp, guns, ammunition, stores, provisions, and intrenching tools were all abandoned, and his retreat was almost a flight. Murray pushed out his Grenadiers and Light Infantry in pursuit, and succeeded in taking some of the rear guard prisoners. The French then took up their old quarters at Jacques Cartier. This attempt upon Quebec, the results of which were so disproportionate to the means employed, was called by the Canadians "De Levi's folly."

Although the siege of Quebec lasted but a short time, it gave opportunity to the French officers of departments to indulge in enormous peculation.[198]The public money was squandered with the utmost profusion and with the most unblushing dishonesty. False estimates were authorized by the engineers, and paid by the intendant at Montreal. Among other charges against the French government was put forward a bill for 300,000 moccasins for the Indians; the infamous Cadet managed this contract himself, in the name of his clerk, and charged the crown no less than 300,000 livres for the fraudulent supply. Large stores were constantly furnished to the army, the greater part of which became the property of the contractors, and was resold by them to the government at an exorbitant rate: meanwhile the soldiers were miserably supplied, and the people almost perishing with want.

But this reign of peculation and oppression was fast drawing to a close. The successful action at Sillery was "Fortune's parting smile" upon the French in Canada. On the 3d of May, General, now Sir Jeffery Amherst, the commander-in-chief, embarked at New York and proceeded to Schenectady; from thence, with part of his army, he pursued his route to Oswego, where he encamped on the 9th of July. General Gage and the rest of the force was ordered to follow with all diligence: accordingly, they also reached Oswego on the 22d, and Sir William Johnson, with his Indians, arrived the following day. In the mean time, Captain Loring, of the navy, with two armed vessels, had cleared the Lake Ontario of the French cruisers, and driven them for refuge to the beautiful labyrinth of the "Thousand Isles."

Amherst's army, now assembled on the shores of Lake Ontario, consisted of a detachment of the Royal Artillery, six complete battalions and thirteen companies of regular troops, a corps of Grenadiers, and another of Light Infantry, with some Rangers, and eight battalions of Provincials, in all 10,142 men of all ranks; Johnson's Indians numbered 706.

The plan of the campaign was again founded on combined movements. The general-in-chief, warned by the untoward delays which he had experienced in the preceding year, himself chose to descend upon the enemy's capital by Lake Ontario and the Upper St. Lawrence, leaving the route of Lake Champlain to Colonel Haviland, with a force of some artillery, 1500 regular troops, 1800 Provincials, and a few Indians, which were assembled at Crown Point. At the same time, Murray, with the disposable portion of the gallant garrison of Quebec, aided by Lord Rollo and two battalions from Louisburg, was to push up the St. Lawrence, and, if possible, meet the other two corps under the general-in-chief and Haviland on the island of Montreal. Their movements were as follows:

Amherst embarked the grenadiers and light troops, with a battalion of Highlanders, on the 7th of August, and dispatched them, under Colonel Haldimand, to take post at that end of Lake Ontario from whence issues the River St. Lawrence. On the 10th, he himself, with the artillery, the remainder of the regular troops, and the Indians, followed in whale-boats. The Provincials, under Gage, joined the flotilla on the 12th, and the following day the whole army reached La Galette, on the banks of the Great River. They then dropped down the stream to Isle Royale without any occurrence worth record, except the gallant capture of an armed vessel by Colonel Williamson with a detachment of troops in row-boats.

Upon Isle Royale there was a French post of some strength, called Fort Levi, which Amherst determined to subdue, partly because he was unwilling to leave an enemy in his rear, but principally because among the little garrison were several men well skilled in the dangerous navigation of the St. Lawrence, whose services might prove of great value to the expedition; accordingly, the fort was completely invested by the 20th. On the 23d the British batteries were in readiness, and the armed vessels placed in a favorable position, while a detachment of grenadiers with scaling-ladders were told off to storm the works. A cannonade was opened upon the fort; but the gallant little garrison returned the fire with such spirit, that one of the British vessels which had got aground was obliged to strike her colors, and was abandoned by her crew. Amherst, astonished at this vigorous resistance, deferred his contemplated assault to another day. The delay proved fortunate in preventing further bloodshed; for M. Pouchot, the French commandant, seeing that there was no hope of a successful defense, surrendered at discretion on the 25th.

When the fort was delivered up, a circumstance occurred which reflects far more honor upon Englishmen than the triumph of their arms. Johnson's Indians had secretly determined to seize their opportunity of vengeance, and to massacre the gallant band of Frenchmen as soon as they gained admission within the works. Happily, Amherst was made aware of this atrocious scheme. He immediately gave orders to Sir William to dissuade the savages, if possible, from their intention; at the same time, he promised them all the stores which might be found in the fort, and warned them that if they persisted he would restrain them by force. The Indians sullenly submitted and returned to their camp, but they bitterly resented the interference, and Johnson informed the general that they would probably quit the army in anger. Amherst answered, "Although I wish to retain their friendship, I will not purchase it at the expense of countenancing barbarity; and tell them that, if they commit any acts of cruelty on their return home from the army, I will assuredly chastise them." Amherst lost his Indians, but he preserved his honor. Nearly all abandoned him; they did not, however, dare to perpetrate any violence on their way home.

The British leveled the works at Fort Levi, and continued their route down the stream with little difficulty till they reached the dangerous passage of the Cedars. About noon on the 4th of September the van of the army entered the rapids. Here the vast flood of the St. Lawrence dashes swiftly through a comparatively narrow channel; broken rocks, eddies, and surging waves render the appearance of this navigation terrible to the unaccustomed eye, but under the guidance of experienced pilots light boats constantly pass with little or no danger. Amherst expected that the enemy would have opposed him at this critical point; he therefore did not deem it prudent to permit the boats to descend in the successive order which would have best suited the navigation, but, himself leading the way, he ordered on a number of boats filled with artillery, grenadiers, and light infantry at the same time. Scarcely had they entered the boisterous waters when the boats became crowded together; some were stove in against each other, and many were dashed to pieces upon the rocks. No less than eighty-eight men and sixty-four boats, with some artillery and stores, were lost by this lamentable disaster.

On the 6th of September the British army landed on the island of Montreal, nine miles from the town; the French retired before them within the walls, and the same evening the place was invested in form.

In pursuance of the plan of the campaign, Murray had sailed from Quebec on the 14th of June, to co-operate with the expeditions under Amherst and Haviland. His army consisted of 2450 men of all ranks, the veterans who had conquered under Wolfe. His voyage up the river was an almost continuous skirmish. Whenever his vessels approached the shore, they were assailed with musketry, and by cannon at all suitable points; however, he met with no resistance of a nature materially to delay his progress. On the 8th of August the fleet passed Three Rivers, and on the 12th anchored opposite to Sorel, where M. de Bourlemaque was posted with about 4000 men. Here Murray judged it prudent to await Lord Rollo with the regiment from Louisburg, and, being joined by this re-enforcement, he again sailed upward on the 27th. On the 7th of September the troops were disembarked upon the island of Montreal, and on the following day they encamped to the northeast of the city. M. de Bourlemaque had retired before them within the walls.

Colonel Haviland embarked upon Lake Champlain on the 11th of August; on the 16th he encamped opposite the French port at Isle aux Noix, and by the 24th opened a fire of mortars upon it. On the night of the 27th, M. de Bougainville, the commandant, retired from the fort, leaving a garrison of only thirty men, who surrendered the next morning. Without any further interruption, Haviland also arrived upon the island of Montreal by the 8th of September. A British force of 16,000 men was then assembled under the walls of the defenseless city. On the same day the Marquis de Vaudreuil signed the capitulation which severed Canada from France forever.

All Canada was included in this capitulation, from the fishing stations on the coast of the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the unknown wilderness of the West. The regular troops were permitted to march out from their several posts with the honors of war, and were then conveyed to France in British ships, under an engagement that they were not again to serve before the conclusion of the first peace. The Provincial militia were allowed to return unmolested to their homes. The free exercise of religion was granted, and private property was held sacred. All the civil officers were also conveyed to France, with their families, baggage, and papers, except such of the latter as might be deemed useful to the conquerors for the future government of the country. The French colonists were guaranteed the same civil and commercial privileges as British subjects, and were to be allowed to retain their slaves. The Indians who had supported the cause of France were to be unmolested in person, and the possession of their lands was secured to them.

The total effective force of the French included in the capitulation was eight battalions of the line, and two of the colony or marine, being 4011 regular troops; sixty-four companies of the Quebec militia, 7976; nineteen of Three Rivers, 1115, and eighty-seven of Montreal, 7331; altogether, 20,433 men. The French had destroyed all their colors, but the English regained possession of two of their own, which had been taken from Shirley's and Pepperel's Provincial regiments at the capture of Oswego.

Although the campaign of 1760 was unmarked by many events of stirring interest, its conduct was most creditable to the officers and men of the British army. Amherst's plans were as ably executed as they were judiciously conceived. By descending the St. Lawrence from Ontario, he rendered it impossible for the French to retire westward from Montreal, and to prolong the war on the shores of the great lakes. His combinations were arranged with admirable accuracy, and carried out by his lieutenants with almost unparalleled success. With scarcely any loss, three considerable bodies of troops had accomplished journeys of uncommon difficulty, by routes of dangerous and almost unknown navigation, in the face of a vigilant and still formidable enemy, and all three had arrived at the place of meeting within forty-eight hours of each other.

While we dwell with pleasure upon the achievements of this British army and of their generals, we may not forget the merits of the gallant men against whom they fought. With a noble patriotism that no neglect could damp, Montcalm and his veterans strove for the honor of their country. From first to last they persevered almost against hope; destitute, and well-nigh deserted by France, they never for a moment wavered in their loyalty; all that skill could accomplish, they accomplished; all that devotion could endure, they endured; and all that chivalry could dare, they dared. In these later times, when the intoxication of triumph and the sting of defeat have long since passed away, the soldiers of France and England may alike look back with honest pride to the brave deeds of their ancestors in the Canadian war.

One of the most momentous political questions that has ever yet moved the human race was decided in this struggle. When a few English and French emigrants first landed among the Virginian and Canadian forests, it began; when the British flag was hoisted on the citadel of Quebec, it was decided. From that day the hand of Providence pointed out to the Anglo-Saxon race that to them was henceforth intrusted the destiny of the New World.

FOOTNOTES:[196]"Who the deuse was thinking of Quebec? America was like a book one has read and done with, or, at least, if one looked at the book, one just recollected that there was a supplement promised, to contain a chapter on Montreal, the starving and surrender of it; but here we are on a sudden reading our book backward. An account came two days ago that the French, on their march to besiege Quebec, had been attacked by General Murray, who got into a mistake and a morass, attacked two bodies that were joined when he hoped to come up with one of them before he was inclosed, embogged, and defeated. By the list of officers killed and wounded, I believe there has been a rueful slaughter, and the place, I suppose, will be retaken."—Walpole'sLetters to Sir H. Mann, June 20th, 1760.[197]"The Pomona, one of the French frigates, was driven on shore above Cape Diamond; the other frigate, the Atalanta, ran ashore, and was burned at Point aux Trembles."—Gentleman's Magazine, vol. xxx., p. 297.[198]"Pour comble de malheur, on accusait des plus horribles brigandages presque tous ceux qui étaient employés au nom du roi dans cette malheureuse colonie. Ils ont éte jugés au Châtelet de Paris, tandis que le Parlement informait contre Lalli, 1764. Celui-ci, après avoir cent fois exposé sa vie, l'a perdue par la main d'un bourreau, tandis que les concussionnaires du Canada n'ont été condamnés qu'à des restitutions et des amendes: tant il est de différence entre les affaires qui semblent les mêmes."—Voltaire'sPrécis du Siècle de Louis XV., p. 291.

[196]"Who the deuse was thinking of Quebec? America was like a book one has read and done with, or, at least, if one looked at the book, one just recollected that there was a supplement promised, to contain a chapter on Montreal, the starving and surrender of it; but here we are on a sudden reading our book backward. An account came two days ago that the French, on their march to besiege Quebec, had been attacked by General Murray, who got into a mistake and a morass, attacked two bodies that were joined when he hoped to come up with one of them before he was inclosed, embogged, and defeated. By the list of officers killed and wounded, I believe there has been a rueful slaughter, and the place, I suppose, will be retaken."—Walpole'sLetters to Sir H. Mann, June 20th, 1760.

[197]"The Pomona, one of the French frigates, was driven on shore above Cape Diamond; the other frigate, the Atalanta, ran ashore, and was burned at Point aux Trembles."—Gentleman's Magazine, vol. xxx., p. 297.

[198]"Pour comble de malheur, on accusait des plus horribles brigandages presque tous ceux qui étaient employés au nom du roi dans cette malheureuse colonie. Ils ont éte jugés au Châtelet de Paris, tandis que le Parlement informait contre Lalli, 1764. Celui-ci, après avoir cent fois exposé sa vie, l'a perdue par la main d'un bourreau, tandis que les concussionnaires du Canada n'ont été condamnés qu'à des restitutions et des amendes: tant il est de différence entre les affaires qui semblent les mêmes."—Voltaire'sPrécis du Siècle de Louis XV., p. 291.

No. I.

"Geneva, Nov. 6.—Two days after the news arrived here of the taking of Quebec, Monsieur de Voltaire gave a grand entertainment at his house in the country. In the evening the company retired into a noble gallery, at the end of which was erected an elegant theater, and a new piece, called Le Patriot Insulaire, was performed, in which all the genius and fire of that celebrated poet were exhausted in the cause of liberty. M. de Voltaire himself appeared in the principal character, and drew tears from the whole audience. The scenes were decorated with emblems of liberty, and over the stage was this inscription in Latin and English:

'Libertati quietiMusis SacrumS P of the F.'

The English line means 'Spite of the French.'

"After the play the windows of the gallery flew open, and presented a spacious court finely illuminated and adorned with savage trophies. In the middle of the court a magnificent fire-work was played off, accompanied with martial music; the star of St. George shedding forth innumerable rockets, and underneath a lively representation, by girandoles, of the cataract of Niagara."—Public Advertiser, Nov. 23, 1759.

No. II.

"One of the most singular geographical illusions on record is that which for a long while haunted the imaginations of the inhabitants of the Canaries. They fancied they beheld a mountainous island, of about ninety leagues in length, lying far to the westward. It was only seen at intervals, though in perfectly clear and serene weather. To some it seemed one hundred leagues distant, to others forty, to others only fifteen or eighteen.[199]

"On attempting to reach it, however, it somehow or other eluded the search, and was nowhere to be found. Still, there were so many persons of credibility who concurred in testifying to their having seen it, and the testimony of the inhabitants of different islands agreed so well as to its form and position, that its existence was generally believed; and geographers inserted it in their maps. It is laid down on the globe of Martin Behrm, projected in 1492, as delineated by M. de Murr, and it will be found in most of the maps of the time of Columbus, placed commonly about 200 leagues west of the Canaries. During the time that Columbus was making his proposition to the court of Portugal, an inhabitant of the Canaries applied to King John II. for a vessel to go in search of this island. In the archives of the Torre di Tombo,[200]also, there is a record of a contract made by the crown of Portugal with Fernando de Ulmo, cavalier of the royal household, and captain of the Island of Terceira, wherein he undertakes to go, at his own expense, in quest of an island, or islands, or terra firma, supposed to be the Island of the Seven Cities, on condition of having jurisdiction over the same for himself and his heirs, allowing one tenth of the revenues to the king. This Ulmo, finding the expedition above his capacity, associated one Juan Alphonso del Estreito in the enterprise. They were bound to be ready to sail with two caravels in the month of March, 1487.[201]The fate of their enterprise is unknown.

"The name of St. Brandan, or Borondan, given to this imaginary island from time immemorial, is said to be derived from a Scotch abbot, who flourished in the sixth century, and who is called sometimes by the foregoing appellations, sometimes St. Blandano or St. Blandanus. In the Martyrology of the order of St. Augustine, he is said to have been the patriarch of 3000 monks. About the middle of the sixth century, he accompanied his disciple, St. Maclovio or St. Malo, in search of certain islands, possessing the delights of paradise, which they were told existed in the midst of the ocean, and were inhabited by infidels. After these most adventurous saints-errant had wandered for a long time upon the ocean, they at length landed upon an island called Ima. Here St. Malo found the body of a giant lying in a sepulcher. He resuscitated him, and had much interesting conversation with him, the giant informing him that the inhabitants of that island had some notions of the Trinity, and, moreover, giving him an account of the torments which Jews and pagans suffered in the infernal regions. Finding the giant so docile and reasonable, St. Malo expounded to him the doctrines of the Christian religion, converted him, and baptized him by the name of Mildum. The giant, however, either through weariness of life, or eagerness to enjoy the benefits of his conversion, begged permission, at the end of fifteen days, to die again, which was granted him.

"According to another account, the giant told them he knew of an island in the ocean, defended by walls of burnished gold, so resplendent that they shone like crystal, but to which there was no entrance. At their request he undertook to guide them to it, and, taking the cable of their ship, threw himself into the sea. He had not proceeded far, however, when a tempest arose and obliged them all to return, and shortly after the giant died.[202]A third legend makes the saint pray to Heaven, on Easter day, that they may be permitted to find land where they may celebrate the offices of religion with becoming state: an island immediately appears, on which they land, perform a solemn mass, and the sacrament of the Eucharist; after which, reembarking and making sail, they behold to their astonishment the supposed island suddenly plunge to the bottom of the sea, being nothing else than a monstrouswhale.[203]When the rumor circulated of an island seen from the Canaries, which always eluded the search, the legends of St. Brandan were revived, and applied to this unapproachable land. We are told, also, that there was an ancient Latin manuscript in the archives of the cathedral church of the Grand Canary in which the adventures of these saints were recorded. Through carelessness, however, this manuscript disappeared.[204]Some have maintained that this island was known to the ancients, and was the same mentioned by Ptolemy among the Fortunate or Canary Islands by the name of Aprositus,[205]a Greek word signifying 'inaccessible,' and which, according to Friar Diego Philipo, in his book on the Incarnation of Christ, shows that it possessed the same quality in ancient times of deluding the eye, and being unattainable to the feet of mortals.[206]But, whatever belief the ancients may have had on the subject, it is certain that it took a strong hold on the faith of the moderns during the prevalent rage for discovery; nor did it lack abundant testimonials. Don Joseph de Viera y Clavijo says there never was a more difficult paradox or problem in the science of geography, since to affirm the existence of this island is to trample upon sound criticism, judgment, and reason, and to deny it, one must abandon tradition and experience, and suppose that many persons of credit had not the proper use of their senses.[207]

"The belief in this island has continued long since the time of Columbus. It was repeatedly seen, and by various persons at a time, always in the same place and the same form. In 1626, an expedition set off for the Canaries in quest of it, commanded by Fernando de Troya and Fernando Alvarez. They cruised in the wonted direction, but in vain; and their failure ought to have undeceived the public. 'The phantasm of the island, however,' says Viera, 'had such a secret enchantment for all who beheld it, that the public preferred doubting the good conduct of the explorers than their own senses.' In 1570 the appearances were so repeated and clear, that there was a universal fever of curiosity awakened among the people of the Canaries, and it was determined to send forth another expedition. That they might not appear to act upon light grounds, an exact investigation was previously made of all the persons of talent and credibility who had seen these apparitions of land, or who had other proofs of its existence.

"Alonzode Espinosa, governor of the island of Ferro, accordingly made a report, in which more than one hundred witnesses, several of them persons of the highest respectability, deposed that they had beheld the unknown island about forty leagues to the northwest of Ferro; that they had contemplated it with calmness and certainty, and had seen the sun set behind one of its points.

"Testimonials of still greater force came from the islands of Palma and Teneriffe. There were certain Portuguese who affirmed that, being driven about by a tempest, they had come upon the island of St. Borondon. Pedro Vello, who was the pilot of the vessel, asserted that, having anchored in a bay, he landed with several of the crew. They drank fresh water in a brook, and beheld in the sand the print of footsteps, double the size of those of an ordinary man, and the distance between them was in proportion. They found a cross nailed to a neighboring tree, near to which were three stones placed in form of a triangle, with signs of fire having been made among them, probably to cook shell-fish. Having seen much cattle and sheep grazing in the neighborhood, two of their party, armed with lances, went into the woods in pursuit of them. The night was approaching, the heavens began to lower, and a harsh wind arose. The people on board the ship cried out that she was dragging her anchor, whereupon Vello entered the boat and hurried on board. In an instant they lost sight of land, being, as it were, swept away in the hurricane. When the storm had passed away, and sea and sky were again serene, they searched in vain for the island; not a trace of it was to be seen, and they had to pursue their voyage, lamenting the loss of their two companions who had been abandoned in the wood.[208]

"A learned licentiate, Pedro Ortez de Funez, inquisitor of the Grand Canary, while on a visit at Teneriffe, summoned several persons before him who testified having seen the island. Among them was one Marcos Verde, a man well known in those parts. He stated that, in returning from Barbary, and arriving in the neighborhood of the Canaries, he beheld land, which, according to his maps and calculations, could not be any of the known islands. He concluded it to be the far-famed St. Borondon. Overjoyed at having discovered this land of mystery, he coasted along its spell-bound shores until he anchored in a beautiful harbor, formed by the mouth of a mountain ravine. Here he landed with several of his crew. 'It was now,' he said, 'the hour of Ave Maria, or of vespers. The sun being set, the shadows began to spread over the land. The navigators, having separated, wandered about in different directions, until out of hearing of each other's shouts. Those on board, seeing the night approaching, made signals to summon back the wanderers to the ship. They re-embarked, intending to resume their investigations on the following day. Scarcely were they on board, however, when a whirlwind came rushing down the ravine with such violence as to drag the vessel from her anchor and hurry her out to sea, and they never saw any thing more of this hidden and inhospitable island.'

"Another testimony remains on record in a manuscript of one Abreu Galindo, but whether taken at this time does not appear. It was that of a French adventurer, who, many years before, making a voyage among the Canaries, was overtaken by a violent storm, which carried away his masts. At length the furious winds drove him to the shores of an unknown island covered with stately trees. Here he landed with part of his crew, and, choosing a tree proper for a mast, cut it down, and began to shape it for his purpose. The guardian power of the island, however, resented, as usual, this invasion of his forbidden shores. The heavens assumed a dark and threatening aspect; the night was approaching; and the mariners, fearing some impending evil, abandoned their labor, and returned on board. They were borne away, as usual, from the coast, and the next day arrived at the island of Palma.[209]

"The mass of testimony collected by official authority in 1570 seemed so satisfactory that another expedition was fitted out in the same year in the island of Palma. It was commanded by Fernando de Villalobos, regidor of the island, but was equally fruitless with the preceding. St. Borondon seemed disposed only to tantalize the world with distant and serene glimpses of his ideal paradise, or to reveal it amid storms to tempest-tossed mariners, but to hide it completely from the view of all who diligently sought it. Still, the people of Palma adhered to their favorite chimera. Thirty-four years afterward, in 1605, they sent another ship on the quest, commanded by Gaspar Perez de Acosta, an accomplished pilot, accompanied by the Padre Lorenzo Pinedo, a holy Franciscan friar, skilled in natural science. San Borondon, however, refused to reveal his island to either monk or mariner. After cruising about in every direction, sounding, observing the skies, the clouds, the winds, every thing that could furnish indications, they returned without having seen any thing to authorize a hope.

"Upward of a century now elapsed without any new attempt to seek this fairy island. Every now and then, it is true, the public mind was agitated by fresh reports of its having been seen. Lemons and other fruits, and the green branches of trees, which floated to the shores of Gomara and Ferro, were pronounced to be from the enchanted groves of San Borondon. At length, in 1721, the public infatuation again rose to such a height that a fourth expedition was sent, commanded by Don Gaspar Dominguez, a man of probity and talent. As this was an expedition of solemn and mysterious import, he had two holy friars as apostolical chaplains. They made sail from the island of Teneriffe toward the end of October, leaving the populace in an indescribable state of anxious curiosity. The ship, however, returned from its cruise as unsuccessful as all its predecessors.

"We have no account of any expedition being since undertaken, though the island still continued to be a subject of speculation, and occasionally to reveal its shadowy mountains to the eyes of favored individuals. In a letter written from the island of Gomara, 1759, by a Franciscan monk to one of his friends, he relates having seen it from the village of Alaxera, at six in the morning of the third of May. It appeared to consist of two lofty mountains, with a deep valley between, and on contemplating it with a telescope, the valley or ravine appeared to be filled with trees. He summoned the curate, Antonio Joseph Manrique, and upward of forty other persons, all of whom beheld it plainly.[210]

"Nor is this island delineated merely in ancient maps of the time of Columbus. It is laid down as one of the Canary Islands in a French map published in 1704; and Mons. Gautier, in a geographical chart annexed to his Observations on Natural History, published in 1759, places it five degrees to the west of the Island of Ferro, in the 29th degree of north latitude.[211]

"Such are the principal facts existing relative to the island of St. Brandan. Its reality was for a long time a matter of firm belief. It was in vain that repeated voyages and investigations proved its non-existence: the public, after trying all kinds of sophistry, took refuge in the supernatural to defend their favorite chimera. They maintained that it was rendered inaccessible to mortals by divine providence or by diabolical magic. Most inclined to the former. All kinds of extravagant fancies were indulged concerning it:[212]some confounded it with the fabled island of the Seven Cities, situated somewhere in the bosom of the ocean, where, in old times, seven bishops and their followers had taken refuge from the Moors. Some of the Portuguese imagined it to be the abode of their last king, Sebastian. The Spaniards pretended that Roderic, the last of their Gothic kings, had fled thither from the Moors after the disastrous battle of the Guadalete. Others suggested that it might be the seat of the terrestrial paradise—the place where Enoch and Eliiah remained in a slate of blessedness until the final day; and that it was made at times apparent to the eyes, but invisible to the search of mortals. Poetry, it is said, has owed to this popular belief one of its beautiful fictions; and the garden of Armida, where Rinaldo was detained enchanted, and which Tasso places in one of the Canary Islands, has been identified with the imaginary San Borondon.[213]

"The learned father Feyjoo[214]has given a philosophical solution to this geographical problem. He attributes all these appearances, which have been so numerous and so well authenticated as not to admit of doubt, to certain atmospherical deceptions, like that of the Fata Morgana, seen at times in the Straits of Messina, where the city of Reggio and its surrounding country is reflected in the air above the neighboring sea; a phenomenon which has likewise been witnessed in front of the city of Marseilles. As to the tales of the mariners who had landed on these forbidden shores, and been hurried from thence in whirlwinds and tempests, he considers them as mere fabrications.

"As the populace, however, reluctantly give up any thing that partakes of the marvelous and mysterious, and as the same atmospherical phenomena which first gave birth to the illusion may still continue, it is not improbable that a belief in the island of St. Brandan may still exist among the ignorant and credulous of the Canaries, and that they at times behold its fairy mountains rising above the distant horizon of the Atlantic."—Washington Irving,Life of Columbus.

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