Chapter 20

[99]Sparks,Life and Writings of Washington, II. 6.

[100]Sparks, II. 447. The conduct of Washington in this affair is regarded by French writers as a stain on his memory.

[101]For the French account of these operations, seeMémoire contenant le Précis des Faits. This volume, an official publication of the French court, contains numerous documents, among which are the papers of the unfortunate Braddock, left on the field of battle by his defeated army.

[102]First Journalof C. F. Post.

[103]Letters of Robert Stobo, an English hostage at Fort du Quesne.“Shamokin Daniel, who came with me, went over to the fort [du Quesne] by himself, and counselled with the governor, who presented him with a laced coat and hat, a blanket, shirts, ribbons, a new gun, powder, lead, &c. When he returned he was quite changed, and said, ‘See here, you fools, what the French have given me. I was in Philadelphia, and never received a farthing,’ and (directing himself to me) said, ‘The English are fools, and so are you.’”—Post,First Journal.Washington, while at Fort Le Bœuf, was much annoyed by the conduct of the French, who did their utmost to seduce his Indian escort by bribes and promises.

[103]Letters of Robert Stobo, an English hostage at Fort du Quesne.

“Shamokin Daniel, who came with me, went over to the fort [du Quesne] by himself, and counselled with the governor, who presented him with a laced coat and hat, a blanket, shirts, ribbons, a new gun, powder, lead, &c. When he returned he was quite changed, and said, ‘See here, you fools, what the French have given me. I was in Philadelphia, and never received a farthing,’ and (directing himself to me) said, ‘The English are fools, and so are you.’”—Post,First Journal.

Washington, while at Fort Le Bœuf, was much annoyed by the conduct of the French, who did their utmost to seduce his Indian escort by bribes and promises.

[104]Trumbull,Hist. Conn.II. 355. Holmes,Annals, II. 201.

[105]At this council an Iroquois sachem upbraided the English, with great boldness, for their neglect of the Indians, their invasion of their lands, and their dilatory conduct with regard to the French, who, as the speaker averred, had behaved like men and warriors.—Minutes of Conferences at Albany, 1754.

[106]Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanoe Indians from the British Interest, 77.

[107]Garneau, II. 551.Gent. Mag.XXV. 330.

[108]Smollett, III. 436.“The French inveighed against the capture of their ships, before any declaration of war, as flagrant acts of piracy; and some neutral powers of Europe seemed to consider them in the same point of view. It was certainly high time to check the insolence of the French by force of arms; and surely this might have been as effectually and expeditiously exerted under the usual sanction of a formal declaration, the omission of which exposed the administration to the censure of our neighbors, and fixed the imputation of fraud and freebooting on the beginning of the war.”—Smollett, III. 481. See also Mahon,Hist. England, IV. 72.

[108]Smollett, III. 436.

“The French inveighed against the capture of their ships, before any declaration of war, as flagrant acts of piracy; and some neutral powers of Europe seemed to consider them in the same point of view. It was certainly high time to check the insolence of the French by force of arms; and surely this might have been as effectually and expeditiously exerted under the usual sanction of a formal declaration, the omission of which exposed the administration to the censure of our neighbors, and fixed the imputation of fraud and freebooting on the beginning of the war.”—Smollett, III. 481. See also Mahon,Hist. England, IV. 72.

[109]Instructions of General Braddock. SeePrécis des Faits, 160, 168.

[110]The following is Horace Walpole’s testimony, and writers of better authority have expressed themselves, with less liveliness and piquancy, to the same effect:—“Braddock is a very Iroquois in disposition. He had a sister, who, having gamed away all her little fortune at Bath, hanged herself with a truly English deliberation, leaving only a note upon the table with those lines, ‘To die is landing on some silent shore,’ &c. When Braddock was told of it, he only said, ‘Poor Fanny! I always thought she would play till she would be forcedto tuck herself up.’”Here follows a curious anecdote of Braddock’s meanness and profligacy, which I omit. The next is more to his credit. “He once had a duel with Colonel Gumley, Lady Bath’s brother, who had been his great friend. As they were going to engage, Gumley, who had good humor and wit (Braddock had the latter), said, ‘Braddock, you are a poor dog! Here, take my purse. If you kill me, you will be forced to run away, and then you will not have a shilling to support you.’ Braddock refused the purse, insisted on the duel, was disarmed, and would not even ask his life. However, with all his brutality, he has lately been governor of Gibraltar, where he made himself adored, and where scarce any governor was endured before.”—Letters to Sir H. Mann, CCLXV. CCLXVI.Washington’s opinion of Braddock may be gathered from his Writings, II. 77.

[110]The following is Horace Walpole’s testimony, and writers of better authority have expressed themselves, with less liveliness and piquancy, to the same effect:—

“Braddock is a very Iroquois in disposition. He had a sister, who, having gamed away all her little fortune at Bath, hanged herself with a truly English deliberation, leaving only a note upon the table with those lines, ‘To die is landing on some silent shore,’ &c. When Braddock was told of it, he only said, ‘Poor Fanny! I always thought she would play till she would be forcedto tuck herself up.’”

Here follows a curious anecdote of Braddock’s meanness and profligacy, which I omit. The next is more to his credit. “He once had a duel with Colonel Gumley, Lady Bath’s brother, who had been his great friend. As they were going to engage, Gumley, who had good humor and wit (Braddock had the latter), said, ‘Braddock, you are a poor dog! Here, take my purse. If you kill me, you will be forced to run away, and then you will not have a shilling to support you.’ Braddock refused the purse, insisted on the duel, was disarmed, and would not even ask his life. However, with all his brutality, he has lately been governor of Gibraltar, where he made himself adored, and where scarce any governor was endured before.”—Letters to Sir H. Mann, CCLXV. CCLXVI.

Washington’s opinion of Braddock may be gathered from his Writings, II. 77.

[111]MS.Diary of the Expedition, in the British Museum.

[112]Sparks’sLife and Writings of Washington, II. 473. I am indebted to the kindness of President Sparks for copies of several French manuscripts, which throw much light on the incidents of the battle. These manuscripts are alluded to in the Life and Writings of Washington.

[113]Smith’s Narrative.This interesting account has been several times published. It may be found in Drake’sTragedies of the Wilderness.

[114]“Went to Lorette, an Indian village about eight miles from Quebec. Saw the Indians at mass, and heard them sing psalms tolerably well—a dance. Got well acquainted with Athanase, who was commander of the Indians who defeated General Braddock, in 1755—a very sensible fellow.”—MS. Journal of an English Gentleman on a Tour through Canada, in 1765.

[115]“My feelings were heightened by the warm and glowing narration of that day’s events, by Dr. Walker, who was an eye-witness. He pointed out the ford where the army crossed the Monongahela (below Turtle Creek, 800 yards). A finer sight could not have been beheld,—the shining barrels of the muskets, the excellent order of the men, the cleanliness of their appearance, the joy depicted on every face at being so near Fort du Quesne—the highest object of their wishes. The music re-echoed through the hills. How brilliant the morning—how melancholy the evening!”—Letter of Judge Yeates, dated August, 1776.See Haz.,Pa. Reg., VI. 104.

[116]Letter—Captain Orme, his aide-de-camp, to——, July 18.

[117]Sparks, I. 67.

[118]“The Virginia troops showed a good deal of bravery, and were nearly all killed; for I believe, out of three companies that were there, scarcely thirty men are left alive. Captain Peyrouny, and all his officers, down to a corporal, were killed. Captain Polson had nearly as hard a fate, for only one of his was left. In short, the dastardly behavior of those they call regulars exposed all others, that were inclined to do their duty, to almost certain death; and at last, in despite of all the efforts of the officers to the contrary, they ran, as sheep pursued by dogs, and it was impossible to rally them.”—Writings of Washington, II. 87.The English themselves bore reluctant testimony to the good conduct of the Virginians.—See Entick,Hist. Late War, 147.

The English themselves bore reluctant testimony to the good conduct of the Virginians.—See Entick,Hist. Late War, 147.

[119]Haliburton,Hist. Nova Scotia, I. Chap. IV.

[120]Holmes, II. 210. Trumbull,Hist. Conn.II. 368. Dwight,Travels, III. 361. Hoyt,Indian Wars, 279. Entick,Hist. Late War, I. 153.Review of Military Operations in North America.Johnson’sLetter to the Provincial Governors. Blodgett’sProspective View of the Battle near Lake George.Blodgett’s pamphlet is accompanied by a curious engraving, giving a bird’s eye view of the battle, including the surprise of Williams’ detachment, and the subsequent attack on the camp of Johnson. In the first half of the engraving, the French army is represented lying in ambuscade in the form of a horseshoe. Hendrick is conspicuous among the English, from being mounted on horseback, while all the others are on foot. In the view of the battle at the lake, the English are represented lying flat on their faces, behind their breastwork, and busily firing at the French and Indians, who are seen skulking among the woods and thickets.I am again indebted to President Sparks for the opportunity of examining several curious manuscripts relating to the battle of Lake George. Among them is Dieskau’s official account of the affair, and a curious paper, also written by the defeated general, and containing the story of his disaster, as related by himself in an imaginary conversation with his old commander, Marshal Saxe, in the Elysian Fields. Several writers have stated that Dieskau died of his wounds. This, however, was not the case. He was carried prisoner to England, where he lived for several years, but returned to France after the peace of 1763.

Blodgett’s pamphlet is accompanied by a curious engraving, giving a bird’s eye view of the battle, including the surprise of Williams’ detachment, and the subsequent attack on the camp of Johnson. In the first half of the engraving, the French army is represented lying in ambuscade in the form of a horseshoe. Hendrick is conspicuous among the English, from being mounted on horseback, while all the others are on foot. In the view of the battle at the lake, the English are represented lying flat on their faces, behind their breastwork, and busily firing at the French and Indians, who are seen skulking among the woods and thickets.

I am again indebted to President Sparks for the opportunity of examining several curious manuscripts relating to the battle of Lake George. Among them is Dieskau’s official account of the affair, and a curious paper, also written by the defeated general, and containing the story of his disaster, as related by himself in an imaginary conversation with his old commander, Marshal Saxe, in the Elysian Fields. Several writers have stated that Dieskau died of his wounds. This, however, was not the case. He was carried prisoner to England, where he lived for several years, but returned to France after the peace of 1763.

[121]Holmes, II. 226.

[122]Annual Register, 1759, p. 33.

[123]Mante,Hist. Late War, 238.

[124]“I have this day signified to Mr. Pitt that he may dispose of my slight carcass as he pleases; and that I am ready for any undertaking within the reach and compass of my skill and cunning. I am in a very bad condition, both with the gravel and rheumatism; but I had much rather die than decline any kind of service that offers: if I followed my own taste, it would lead me into Germany; and if my poor talent was consulted, they should place me to the cavalry, because nature has given me good eyes, and a warmth of temper to follow the first impressions. However, it is not our part to choose, but to obey.”—Letter—Wolfe to William Rickson, Salisbury, December 1, 1758.

[125]Knox,Journals, I. 358.

[126]Entick, IV. III.In his letter to the Ministry, dated Sept. 2, Wolfe writes in these desponding words:—“By the nature of the river, the most formidable part of this armament is deprived of the power of acting; yet we have almost the whole force of Canada to oppose. In this situation there is such a choice of difficulties, that I own myself at a loss how to determine. The affairs of Great Britain I know require the most vigorous measures, but then the courage of a handful of brave troops should be exerted only when there is some hope of a favorable event. However, you may be assured, that the small part of the campaign which remains shall be employed (as far as I am able) for the honor of his Majesty, and the interest of the nation; in which I am sure of being well seconded by the admiral and by the generals: happy if our efforts here can contribute to the success of his Majesty’s arms in any other part of America.”

[126]Entick, IV. III.

In his letter to the Ministry, dated Sept. 2, Wolfe writes in these desponding words:—

“By the nature of the river, the most formidable part of this armament is deprived of the power of acting; yet we have almost the whole force of Canada to oppose. In this situation there is such a choice of difficulties, that I own myself at a loss how to determine. The affairs of Great Britain I know require the most vigorous measures, but then the courage of a handful of brave troops should be exerted only when there is some hope of a favorable event. However, you may be assured, that the small part of the campaign which remains shall be employed (as far as I am able) for the honor of his Majesty, and the interest of the nation; in which I am sure of being well seconded by the admiral and by the generals: happy if our efforts here can contribute to the success of his Majesty’s arms in any other part of America.”

[127]“This anecdote was related by the late celebrated John Robison, Professor of Natural Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh, who, in his youth, was a midshipman in the British navy, and was in the same boat with Wolfe. His son, my kinsman, Sir John Robison, communicated it to me, and it has since been recorded in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh.‘The paths of glory lead but to the grave’is one of the lines which Wolfe must have recited as he strikingly exemplified its application.”—Grahame,Hist. U. S.IV. 50. See alsoPlayfair’s Works, IV. 126.

‘The paths of glory lead but to the grave’

is one of the lines which Wolfe must have recited as he strikingly exemplified its application.”—Grahame,Hist. U. S.IV. 50. See alsoPlayfair’s Works, IV. 126.

[128]Smollett, V. 56,note(Edinburgh, 1805). Mante simply mentions that the English were challenged by the sentinels, and escaped discovery by replying in French.

[129]This incident is mentioned in a manuscript journal of the siege of Quebec, by John Johnson, clerk and quartermaster in the 58th regiment. The journal is written with great care, and abounds in curious details.

[130]Knox,Journal, II. 68, note.

[131]Despatch of Admiral Saunders, Sept. 20, 1759.

[132]Despatch of General Townshend, Sept. 20. Gardiner,Memoirs of the Siege of Quebec, 28.Journal of the Siege of Quebec, by a Gentleman in an Eminent Station on the Spot, 40.Letter to a Right Honorable Patriot on the Glorious Success of Quebec.Annual Register for 1759, 40.

[133]Knox, II. 78. Knox derived his information from the person who supported Wolfe in his dying moments.

[134]Knox, II. 77.

[135]Annual Register for 1759, 43.

[136]Gordon,Hist. Penn.321.Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians from the British Interest.MS. Johnson Papers.

[137]The following are extracts from his journals:—“We set out from Kushkushkee for Sankonk; my company consisted of twenty-five horsemen and fifteen foot. We arrived at Sankonk in the afternoon. The people of the town were much disturbed at my coming, and received me in a very rough manner. They surrounded me with drawn knives in their hands, in such a manner that I could hardly get along; running up against me with their breasts open, as if they wanted some pretence to kill me. I saw by their countenances they sought my death. Their faces were quite distorted with rage, and they went so far as to say, I should not live long; but some Indians, with whom I was formerly acquainted, coming up and saluting me in a friendly manner, their behavior to me was quickly changed.” ... “Some of my party desired me not to stir from the fire, for that the French had offered a great reward for my scalp, and that there were several parties out on that purpose. Accordingly I stuck constantly as close to the fire as if I had been chained there....“In the afternoon, all the captains gathered together in the middle town; they sent for us, and desired we should give them information of our message. Accordingly we did. We read the message with great satisfaction to them. It was a great pleasure both to them and us. The number of captains and counsellors were sixteen. In the evening, messengers arrived from Fort Duquesne, with a string of wampum from the commander; upon which they all came together in the house where we lodged. The messengers delivered their string, with these words from their father, the French king:—“‘My children, come to me, and hear what I have to say. The English are coming with an army to destroy both you and me. I therefore desire you immediately, my children, to hasten with all the young men; we will drive the English and destroy them. I, as a father, will tell you always what is best.’ He laid the string before one of the captains. After a little conversation, the captain stood up, and said, ‘I have just heard something of our brethren, the English, which pleaseth me much better. I will not go. Give it to the others; maybe they will go,’ The messenger took up again the string, and said, ‘He won’t go; he has heard of the English.’ Then all cried out, ‘Yes, yes, we have heard from the English.’ He then threw the string to the other fireplace, where the other captains were; but they kicked it from one to another, as if it was a snake. Captain Peter took a stick, and with it flung the string from one end of the room to the other, and said, ‘Give it to the French captain, and let him go with his young men; he boasted much of his fighting; now let us see his fighting. We have often ventured our lives for him; and had hardly a loaf of bread when we came to him; and now he thinks we should jump to serve him.’ Then we saw the French captain mortified to the uttermost; he looked as pale as death. The Indians discoursed and joked till midnight; and the French captain sent messengers at midnight to Fort Duquesne.”The kicking about of the wampum belt is the usual indication of contempt for the message of which the belt is the token. The uses of wampum will be described hereafter.

[137]The following are extracts from his journals:—

“We set out from Kushkushkee for Sankonk; my company consisted of twenty-five horsemen and fifteen foot. We arrived at Sankonk in the afternoon. The people of the town were much disturbed at my coming, and received me in a very rough manner. They surrounded me with drawn knives in their hands, in such a manner that I could hardly get along; running up against me with their breasts open, as if they wanted some pretence to kill me. I saw by their countenances they sought my death. Their faces were quite distorted with rage, and they went so far as to say, I should not live long; but some Indians, with whom I was formerly acquainted, coming up and saluting me in a friendly manner, their behavior to me was quickly changed.” ... “Some of my party desired me not to stir from the fire, for that the French had offered a great reward for my scalp, and that there were several parties out on that purpose. Accordingly I stuck constantly as close to the fire as if I had been chained there....

“In the afternoon, all the captains gathered together in the middle town; they sent for us, and desired we should give them information of our message. Accordingly we did. We read the message with great satisfaction to them. It was a great pleasure both to them and us. The number of captains and counsellors were sixteen. In the evening, messengers arrived from Fort Duquesne, with a string of wampum from the commander; upon which they all came together in the house where we lodged. The messengers delivered their string, with these words from their father, the French king:—

“‘My children, come to me, and hear what I have to say. The English are coming with an army to destroy both you and me. I therefore desire you immediately, my children, to hasten with all the young men; we will drive the English and destroy them. I, as a father, will tell you always what is best.’ He laid the string before one of the captains. After a little conversation, the captain stood up, and said, ‘I have just heard something of our brethren, the English, which pleaseth me much better. I will not go. Give it to the others; maybe they will go,’ The messenger took up again the string, and said, ‘He won’t go; he has heard of the English.’ Then all cried out, ‘Yes, yes, we have heard from the English.’ He then threw the string to the other fireplace, where the other captains were; but they kicked it from one to another, as if it was a snake. Captain Peter took a stick, and with it flung the string from one end of the room to the other, and said, ‘Give it to the French captain, and let him go with his young men; he boasted much of his fighting; now let us see his fighting. We have often ventured our lives for him; and had hardly a loaf of bread when we came to him; and now he thinks we should jump to serve him.’ Then we saw the French captain mortified to the uttermost; he looked as pale as death. The Indians discoursed and joked till midnight; and the French captain sent messengers at midnight to Fort Duquesne.”

The kicking about of the wampum belt is the usual indication of contempt for the message of which the belt is the token. The uses of wampum will be described hereafter.

[138]Minutes of Council at Easton, 1758.

[139]Account of Conferences between Major-General Sir W. Johnson and the Chief Sachems and Warriors of the Six Nations(Lond. 1756).

[140]MS.Johnson Papers.

[141]The estimates given by Croghan, Bouquet, and Hutchins, do not quite accord with that of Johnson. But the discrepancy is no greater than might have been expected from the difficulties of the case.

[142]Bartram,Observations, 41.

[143]I am indebted to the kindness of Rev. S. K. Lothrop for a copy of the journal of Mr. Kirkland on his missionary tour among the Iroquois in 1765. The journal contains much information respecting their manners and condition at this period.

[144]MS.Journal of Lieutenant Gorell, 1763. Anonymous MS.Journal of a Tour to Niagara in 1765. The following is an extract from the latter:—“July 2d. Dined with Sir Wm. at Johnson Hall. The office of Superintendent very troublesome. Sir Wm. continually plagued with Indians about him—generally from 300 to 900 in number—spoil his garden, and keep his house always dirty....“10th. Punted and rowed up the Mohawk River against the stream, which, on account of the rapidity of the current, is very hard work for the poor soldiers. Encamped on the banks of the river, about 9 miles from Harkimer’s.“The inconveniences attending a married Subaltern strongly appear in this tour. What with the sickness of their wives, the squealing of their children, and the smallness of their pay, I think the gentlemen discover no common share of philosophy in keeping themselves from running mad. Officers and soldiers, with their wives and children, legitimate and illegitimate, make altogether a pretty compound oglio, which does not tend towards showing military matrimony off to any great advantage....“Monday, 14th. Went on horseback by the side of Wood Creek, 20 miles, to the Royal Blockhouse, a kind of wooden castle, proof against any Indian attacks. It is now abandoned by the troops, and a sutler lives there, who keeps rum, milk, rackoons, etc., which, though none of the most elegant, is comfortable to strangers passing that way. The Blockhouse is situated on the east end of the Oneida Lake, and is surrounded by the Oneida Indians, one of the Six Nations.”

[144]MS.Journal of Lieutenant Gorell, 1763. Anonymous MS.Journal of a Tour to Niagara in 1765. The following is an extract from the latter:—

“July 2d. Dined with Sir Wm. at Johnson Hall. The office of Superintendent very troublesome. Sir Wm. continually plagued with Indians about him—generally from 300 to 900 in number—spoil his garden, and keep his house always dirty....

“10th. Punted and rowed up the Mohawk River against the stream, which, on account of the rapidity of the current, is very hard work for the poor soldiers. Encamped on the banks of the river, about 9 miles from Harkimer’s.

“The inconveniences attending a married Subaltern strongly appear in this tour. What with the sickness of their wives, the squealing of their children, and the smallness of their pay, I think the gentlemen discover no common share of philosophy in keeping themselves from running mad. Officers and soldiers, with their wives and children, legitimate and illegitimate, make altogether a pretty compound oglio, which does not tend towards showing military matrimony off to any great advantage....

“Monday, 14th. Went on horseback by the side of Wood Creek, 20 miles, to the Royal Blockhouse, a kind of wooden castle, proof against any Indian attacks. It is now abandoned by the troops, and a sutler lives there, who keeps rum, milk, rackoons, etc., which, though none of the most elegant, is comfortable to strangers passing that way. The Blockhouse is situated on the east end of the Oneida Lake, and is surrounded by the Oneida Indians, one of the Six Nations.”

[145]Mitchell,Contest in America. Pouchot,Guerre de l’Amérique.Expedition against the Ohio Indians, appendix.Hutchins,Topographical Description of Virginia, etc. Pownall,Topographical Description of North America. Evans,Analysis of a Map of the Middle British Colonies. Beatty,Journal of a Tour in America. Smith,Narrative. M’Cullough,Narrative. Jemmison,Narrative. Post,Journals. Washington,Journals, 1753-1770. Gist,Journal, 1750. Croghan,Journal, 1765, etc., etc.

[146]A striking example of Indian acuteness once came under my observation. Travelling in company with a Canadian named Raymond, and an Ogillallah Indian, we came at nightfall to a small stream called Chugwater, a branch of Laramie Creek. As we prepared to encamp, we observed the ashes of a fire, the footprints of men and horses, and other indications that a party had been upon the spot not many days before. Having secured our horses for the night, Raymond and I sat down and lighted our pipes, my companion, who had spent his whole life in the Indian country, hazarding various conjectures as to the numbers and character of our predecessors. Soon after, we were joined by the Indian, who, meantime, had been prowling about the place. Raymond asked what discovery he had made. He answered, that the party were friendly, and that they consisted of eight men, both whites and Indians, several of whom he named, affirming that he knew them well. To an inquiry how he gained his information, he would make no intelligible reply. On the next day, reaching Fort Laramie, a post of the American Fur Company, we found that he was correct in every particular,—a circumstance the more remarkable, as he had been with us for three weeks, and could have had no other means of knowledge than we ourselves.

[147]MS.Gage Papers.

[148]Sabine,American Loyalists, 576. Sparks,Writings of Washington, III. 208, 244, 439; IV, 128, 520, 524.Although Rogers, especially where his pecuniary interest was concerned, was far from scrupulous, I have no hesitation in following his account of the expedition up the lakes. The incidents of each day are minuted down in a dry, unambitious style, bearing the clear impress of truth. Extracts from the orderly books and other official papers are given, while portions of the narrative, verified by contemporary documents, may stand as earnests for the truth of the whole.Rogers’s published works consist of theJournalsof his ranging service and hisConcise Account of North America, a small volume containing much valuable information. Both appeared in London in 1765. To these may be added a curious drama, calledPonteach, or the Savages of America, which appears to have been written, in part, at least, by him. It is very rare, and besides the copy in my possession, I know of but one other, which may be found in the library of the British Museum. For an account of this curious production, see Appendix, B. An engraved full-length portrait of Rogers was published in London in 1776. He is represented as a tall, strong man, dressed in the costume of a ranger, with a powder-horn slung at his side, a gun resting in the hollow of his arm, and a countenance by no means prepossessing. Behind him, at a little distance, stand his Indian followers.The steep mountain called Rogers’ Slide, near the northern end of Lake George, derives its name from the tradition that, during the French war, being pursued by a party of Indians, he slid on snowshoes down its precipitous front, for more than a thousand feet, to the frozen lake below. On beholding the achievement, the Indians, as well they might, believed him under the protection of the Great Spirit, and gave over the chase. The story seems unfounded; yet it was not far from this mountain that the rangers fought one of their most desperate winter battles, against a force of many times their number.

[148]Sabine,American Loyalists, 576. Sparks,Writings of Washington, III. 208, 244, 439; IV, 128, 520, 524.

Although Rogers, especially where his pecuniary interest was concerned, was far from scrupulous, I have no hesitation in following his account of the expedition up the lakes. The incidents of each day are minuted down in a dry, unambitious style, bearing the clear impress of truth. Extracts from the orderly books and other official papers are given, while portions of the narrative, verified by contemporary documents, may stand as earnests for the truth of the whole.

Rogers’s published works consist of theJournalsof his ranging service and hisConcise Account of North America, a small volume containing much valuable information. Both appeared in London in 1765. To these may be added a curious drama, calledPonteach, or the Savages of America, which appears to have been written, in part, at least, by him. It is very rare, and besides the copy in my possession, I know of but one other, which may be found in the library of the British Museum. For an account of this curious production, see Appendix, B. An engraved full-length portrait of Rogers was published in London in 1776. He is represented as a tall, strong man, dressed in the costume of a ranger, with a powder-horn slung at his side, a gun resting in the hollow of his arm, and a countenance by no means prepossessing. Behind him, at a little distance, stand his Indian followers.

The steep mountain called Rogers’ Slide, near the northern end of Lake George, derives its name from the tradition that, during the French war, being pursued by a party of Indians, he slid on snowshoes down its precipitous front, for more than a thousand feet, to the frozen lake below. On beholding the achievement, the Indians, as well they might, believed him under the protection of the Great Spirit, and gave over the chase. The story seems unfounded; yet it was not far from this mountain that the rangers fought one of their most desperate winter battles, against a force of many times their number.

[149]Henry,Travels and Adventures, 9.

[150]There can be no reasonable doubt, that the interview with Pontiac, described by Rogers in hisAccount of North America, took place on the occasion indicated in hisJournals, under date of the 7th of November. The Indians whom he afterwards met are stated to have been Hurons.

[151]Rogers,Journals, 214;Account of North America, 240, 243.

[152]MS. Johnson Papers.

[153]Extract from a MS. letter—Sir W. Johnson to Governor Colden, Dec. 24, 1763.“I shall not take upon me to point out the Originall Parsimony &c. to whthe first defection of the Indians can with justice & certainty be attributed, but only observe, as I did in a former letter, that the Indians (whose friendship was never cultivated by the English with that attention, expense, & assiduity with whyeFrench obtained their favour) were for many years jealous of our growing power, were repeatedly assured by the French (who were at yepains of having many proper emissaries among them) that so soon as we became masters of this country, we should immediately treat them with neglect, hem them in with Posts & Forts, encroach upon their Lands, and finally destroy them. All whafter the reduction of Canada, seemed to appear too clearly to the Indians, who thereby lost the great advantages resulting from the possession whthe French formerly had of Posts & Trade in their Country, neither of which they could have ever enjoyed but for the notice they took of the Indians, & the presents they bestowed so bountifully upon them, whhowever expensive, they wisely foresaw was infinitely cheaper, and much more effectual than the keeping of a large body of Regular Troops, in their several Countrys, ... a Plan which has endeared their memory to most of the Indian Nations, who would I fear generally go over to them in case they ever got footing again in this Country, & who were repeatedly exhorted, & encouraged by the French (from motives of Interest & dislike whthey will always possess) to fall upon us, by representing that their liberties & Country were in yeutmost danger.” In January, 1763, Colonel Bouquet, commanding in Pennsylvania, writes to General Amherst, stating the discontent produced among the Indians by the suppression of presents. The commander-in-chief replies, “As to appropriating a particular sum to be laid out yearly to the warriors in presents, &c., that I can by no means agree to; nor can I think it necessary to give them any presents by way ofBribes, for if they do not behave properly they are to be punished.” And again, in February, to the same officer, “As you are thoroughly acquainted with my sentiments regarding the treatment of the Indians in general, you will of course order Cap. Ecuyer ... not to give those who are able to provide for their families any encouragement to loiter away their time in idleness about the Fort.”

[153]Extract from a MS. letter—Sir W. Johnson to Governor Colden, Dec. 24, 1763.

“I shall not take upon me to point out the Originall Parsimony &c. to whthe first defection of the Indians can with justice & certainty be attributed, but only observe, as I did in a former letter, that the Indians (whose friendship was never cultivated by the English with that attention, expense, & assiduity with whyeFrench obtained their favour) were for many years jealous of our growing power, were repeatedly assured by the French (who were at yepains of having many proper emissaries among them) that so soon as we became masters of this country, we should immediately treat them with neglect, hem them in with Posts & Forts, encroach upon their Lands, and finally destroy them. All whafter the reduction of Canada, seemed to appear too clearly to the Indians, who thereby lost the great advantages resulting from the possession whthe French formerly had of Posts & Trade in their Country, neither of which they could have ever enjoyed but for the notice they took of the Indians, & the presents they bestowed so bountifully upon them, whhowever expensive, they wisely foresaw was infinitely cheaper, and much more effectual than the keeping of a large body of Regular Troops, in their several Countrys, ... a Plan which has endeared their memory to most of the Indian Nations, who would I fear generally go over to them in case they ever got footing again in this Country, & who were repeatedly exhorted, & encouraged by the French (from motives of Interest & dislike whthey will always possess) to fall upon us, by representing that their liberties & Country were in yeutmost danger.” In January, 1763, Colonel Bouquet, commanding in Pennsylvania, writes to General Amherst, stating the discontent produced among the Indians by the suppression of presents. The commander-in-chief replies, “As to appropriating a particular sum to be laid out yearly to the warriors in presents, &c., that I can by no means agree to; nor can I think it necessary to give them any presents by way ofBribes, for if they do not behave properly they are to be punished.” And again, in February, to the same officer, “As you are thoroughly acquainted with my sentiments regarding the treatment of the Indians in general, you will of course order Cap. Ecuyer ... not to give those who are able to provide for their families any encouragement to loiter away their time in idleness about the Fort.”

[154]Some of the principal causes of the war are exhibited with spirit and truth in the old tragedy ofPonteach, written probably by Major Rogers. The portion of the play referred to is given in Appendix, B.“The English treat us with much Disrespect, and we have the greatest Reason to believe, by their Behavior, they intend to Cut us off entirely; They have possessed themselves of our Country, it is now in our power to Dispossess them and Recover it, if we will but Embrace the opportunity before they have time to assemble together, and fortify themselves, there is no time to be lost, let us Strike immediately.”—Speech of a Seneca chief to the Wyandots and Ottawas of Detroit, July, 1761.

“The English treat us with much Disrespect, and we have the greatest Reason to believe, by their Behavior, they intend to Cut us off entirely; They have possessed themselves of our Country, it is now in our power to Dispossess them and Recover it, if we will but Embrace the opportunity before they have time to assemble together, and fortify themselves, there is no time to be lost, let us Strike immediately.”—Speech of a Seneca chief to the Wyandots and Ottawas of Detroit, July, 1761.

[155]Minutes of Conference with the Six Nations at Hartford, 1763,MS. Letter—Hamilton to Amherst, May 10, 1761.

[156]“We are now left in Peace, and have nothing to do but to plant our Corn, Hunt the wild Beasts, smoke our Pipes, and mind Religion. But as these Forts, which are built among us, disturb our Peace, & are a great hurt to Religion, because some of our Warriors are foolish, & some of our Brother Soldiers don’t fear God, we therefore desire that these Forts may be pull’d down, & kick’d out of the way.”At a conference at Philadelphia, in August, 1761, an Iroquois sachem said, “We, your Brethren of the several Nations, are penned up like Hoggs. There are Forts all around us, and therefore we are apprehensive that Death is coming upon us.”

At a conference at Philadelphia, in August, 1761, an Iroquois sachem said, “We, your Brethren of the several Nations, are penned up like Hoggs. There are Forts all around us, and therefore we are apprehensive that Death is coming upon us.”

[157]Croghan,Journal. See Hildreth,Pioneer History, 68. Also Butler,Hist. Kentucky, Appendix.

[158]Examination of Gershom Hicks, a spy. SeePennsylvania Gazette, No. 1846.Many passages from contemporary letters and documents might be cited in support of the above. The following extract from a letter of Lieut. Edward Jenkins, commanding at Fort Ouatanon on the Wabash, to Major Gladwin commanding at Detroit, is a good example. The date is 28 March, 1763. “The Canadians here are eternally telling lies to the Indians.... One La Pointe told the Indians a few days ago that we should all be prisoners in a short time (showing when the corn was about a foot high), that there was a great army to come from the Mississippi, and that they were to have a great number of Indians with them; therefore advised them not to help us. That they would soon take Detroit and these small posts, and then they would take Quebec, Montreal, &c., and go into our country. This, I am informed, they tell them from one end of the year to the other.” He adds that the Indians will rather give six beaver-skins for a blanket to a Frenchman than three to an Englishman.

[158]Examination of Gershom Hicks, a spy. SeePennsylvania Gazette, No. 1846.

Many passages from contemporary letters and documents might be cited in support of the above. The following extract from a letter of Lieut. Edward Jenkins, commanding at Fort Ouatanon on the Wabash, to Major Gladwin commanding at Detroit, is a good example. The date is 28 March, 1763. “The Canadians here are eternally telling lies to the Indians.... One La Pointe told the Indians a few days ago that we should all be prisoners in a short time (showing when the corn was about a foot high), that there was a great army to come from the Mississippi, and that they were to have a great number of Indians with them; therefore advised them not to help us. That they would soon take Detroit and these small posts, and then they would take Quebec, Montreal, &c., and go into our country. This, I am informed, they tell them from one end of the year to the other.” He adds that the Indians will rather give six beaver-skins for a blanket to a Frenchman than three to an Englishman.

[159]M’Cullough’s Narrative.SeeIncidents of Border Life, 98. M’Cullough was a prisoner among the Delawares, at the time of the prophet’s appearance.

[160]MS.Minutes of a Council held by Deputies of the Six Nations, with the Wyandots, Ottawas, Ojibwas, and Pottawattamies, at the Wyandot town, near Detroit, July 3, 1761.Extract from a MS. Letter—Captain Campbell, commanding at Detroit, to Major Walters, commanding at Niagara.“Detroit, June 17th. 1761, two o’clock in the morning.“Sir:“I had the favor of Yours, with General Amherst’s Dispatches.“I have sent You an Express with a very Important piece of Intelligence I have had the good fortune to Discover. I have been Lately alarmed with Reports of the bad Designs of the Indian Nations against this place and the English in General; I can now Inform You for certain it Comes from the Six Nations; and that they have Sent Belts of Wampum & Deputys to all the Nations, from Nova Scotia to the Illinois, to take up the hatchet against the English, and have employed the Messagues to send Belts of Wampum to the Northern Nations....“Their project is as follows: the Six Nations—at least the Senecas—are to Assemble at the head of French Creek, within five and twenty Leagues of Presqu’ Isle, part of the Six Nations, the Delawares and Shanese, are to Assemble on the Ohio, and all at the same time, about the latter End of this Month, to surprise Niagara & Fort Pitt, and Cut off the Communication Every where; I hope this will Come time Enough to put You on Your Guard and to send to Oswego, and all the Posts on that communication, they Expect to be Joined by the Nations that are Come from the North by Toronto.”

[160]MS.Minutes of a Council held by Deputies of the Six Nations, with the Wyandots, Ottawas, Ojibwas, and Pottawattamies, at the Wyandot town, near Detroit, July 3, 1761.

Extract from a MS. Letter—Captain Campbell, commanding at Detroit, to Major Walters, commanding at Niagara.

“Detroit, June 17th. 1761, two o’clock in the morning.

“Sir:

“I had the favor of Yours, with General Amherst’s Dispatches.

“I have sent You an Express with a very Important piece of Intelligence I have had the good fortune to Discover. I have been Lately alarmed with Reports of the bad Designs of the Indian Nations against this place and the English in General; I can now Inform You for certain it Comes from the Six Nations; and that they have Sent Belts of Wampum & Deputys to all the Nations, from Nova Scotia to the Illinois, to take up the hatchet against the English, and have employed the Messagues to send Belts of Wampum to the Northern Nations....

“Their project is as follows: the Six Nations—at least the Senecas—are to Assemble at the head of French Creek, within five and twenty Leagues of Presqu’ Isle, part of the Six Nations, the Delawares and Shanese, are to Assemble on the Ohio, and all at the same time, about the latter End of this Month, to surprise Niagara & Fort Pitt, and Cut off the Communication Every where; I hope this will Come time Enough to put You on Your Guard and to send to Oswego, and all the Posts on that communication, they Expect to be Joined by the Nations that are Come from the North by Toronto.”

[161]Letter,Geo. Croghan to Sir J. Amherst, Fort Pitt, April 30, 1763, MS. Amherst replies characteristically, “Whatever idle notions they may entertain in regard to the cessions made by the French Crown can be of very little consequence.”Croghan, Sir William Johnson’s deputy, and a man of experience, had for some time been anxious as to the results of the arrogant policy of Amherst. On March 19th he wrote to Colonel Bouquet: “How they (the Indians) may behave I can’t pretend to say, but I do not approve of Genl.Amherst’s plan of distressing them too much, as in my opinion they will not consider consequences if too much distrest, tho’ Sir Jeffrey thinks they will.”Croghan urges the same views, with emphasis, in other letters; but Amherst was deaf to all persuasion.

Croghan, Sir William Johnson’s deputy, and a man of experience, had for some time been anxious as to the results of the arrogant policy of Amherst. On March 19th he wrote to Colonel Bouquet: “How they (the Indians) may behave I can’t pretend to say, but I do not approve of Genl.Amherst’s plan of distressing them too much, as in my opinion they will not consider consequences if too much distrest, tho’ Sir Jeffrey thinks they will.”

Croghan urges the same views, with emphasis, in other letters; but Amherst was deaf to all persuasion.

[162]Drake,Life of Tecumseh, 138.Several tribes, the Miamis, Sacs, and others, have claimed connection with the great chief; but it is certain that he was, by adoption at least, an Ottawa. Henry Conner, formerly government interpreter for the northern tribes, declared, on the faith of Indian tradition, that he was born among the Ottawas of an Ojibwa mother, a circumstance which proved an advantage to him by increasing his influence over both tribes. An Ojibwa Indian told the writer that some portion of his power was to be ascribed to his being a chief of theMetai, a magical association among the Indians of the lakes, in which character he exerted an influence on the superstition of his followers.

[162]Drake,Life of Tecumseh, 138.

Several tribes, the Miamis, Sacs, and others, have claimed connection with the great chief; but it is certain that he was, by adoption at least, an Ottawa. Henry Conner, formerly government interpreter for the northern tribes, declared, on the faith of Indian tradition, that he was born among the Ottawas of an Ojibwa mother, a circumstance which proved an advantage to him by increasing his influence over both tribes. An Ojibwa Indian told the writer that some portion of his power was to be ascribed to his being a chief of theMetai, a magical association among the Indians of the lakes, in which character he exerted an influence on the superstition of his followers.

[163]The venerable Pierre Chouteau, of St. Louis, remembered to have seen Pontiac, a few days before his death, attired in the complete uniform of a French officer, which had been given him by the Marquis of Montcalm not long before the battle on the Plains of Abraham.

[164]MS. Letter—M. D’Abbadie to M. Neyon, 1764.

[165]Wampum was an article much in use among many tribes, not only for ornament, but for the graver purposes of councils, treaties, and embassies. In ancient times it consisted of small shells, or fragments of shells, rudely perforated, and strung together; but more recently, it was manufactured by the white men, from the inner portions of certain marine and fresh-water shells. In shape, the grains or beads resembled small pieces of broken pipe-stem, and were of various sizes and colors, black, purple, and white. When used for ornament, they were arranged fancifully in necklaces, collars, and embroidery; but when employed for public purposes, they were disposed in a great variety of patterns and devices, which, to the minds of the Indians, had all the significance of hieroglyphics. An Indian orator, at every clause of his speech, delivered a belt or string of wampum, varying in size, according to the importance of what he had said, and, by its figures and coloring, so arranged as to perpetuate the remembrance of his words. These belts were carefully stored up like written documents, and it was generally the office of some old man to interpret their meaning.When a wampum belt was sent to summon the tribes to join in war, its color was always red or black, while the prevailing color of a peace-belt was white. Tobacco was sometimes used on such occasions as a substitute for wampum, since in their councils the Indians are in the habit of constantly smoking, and tobacco is therefore taken as the emblem of deliberation. With the tobacco or the belt of wampum, presents are not unfrequently sent to conciliate the good will of the tribe whose alliance is sought. In the summer of the year 1846, when the western bands of the Dahcotah were preparing to go in concert against their enemies the Crows, the chief who was at the head of the design, and of whose village the writer was an inmate, impoverished himself by sending most of his horses as presents to the chiefs of the surrounding villages. On this occasion, tobacco was the token borne by the messengers, as wampum is not in use among the tribes of that region.

When a wampum belt was sent to summon the tribes to join in war, its color was always red or black, while the prevailing color of a peace-belt was white. Tobacco was sometimes used on such occasions as a substitute for wampum, since in their councils the Indians are in the habit of constantly smoking, and tobacco is therefore taken as the emblem of deliberation. With the tobacco or the belt of wampum, presents are not unfrequently sent to conciliate the good will of the tribe whose alliance is sought. In the summer of the year 1846, when the western bands of the Dahcotah were preparing to go in concert against their enemies the Crows, the chief who was at the head of the design, and of whose village the writer was an inmate, impoverished himself by sending most of his horses as presents to the chiefs of the surrounding villages. On this occasion, tobacco was the token borne by the messengers, as wampum is not in use among the tribes of that region.

[166]MS.Johnson Papers.

[167]MS.Speech of a Miami Chief to Ensign Holmes.MS. Letter—Holmes to Gladwyn, March 16, 1763.Gladwyn to Amherst, March 21, 1763.Extract from a MS. Letter—Ensign Holmes commanding at Miamis, to Major Gladwyn:—“Fort Miamis, March 30th, 1763.“Since my Last Letter to You, wherein I Acquainted You of the Bloody Belt being in this Village, I have made all the search I could about it, and have found it out to be True; Whereon I Assembled all the Chiefs of this Nation, & after a long and troublesome Spell with them, I Obtained the Belt, with a Speech, as You will Receive Enclosed; This Affair is very timely Stopt, and I hope the News of a Peace will put a Stop to any further Troubles with these Indians, who are the Principal Ones of Setting Mischief on Foot. I send you the Belt, with this Packet, which I hope You will Forward to the General.”

[167]MS.Speech of a Miami Chief to Ensign Holmes.MS. Letter—Holmes to Gladwyn, March 16, 1763.Gladwyn to Amherst, March 21, 1763.

Extract from a MS. Letter—Ensign Holmes commanding at Miamis, to Major Gladwyn:—

“Fort Miamis, March 30th, 1763.

“Since my Last Letter to You, wherein I Acquainted You of the Bloody Belt being in this Village, I have made all the search I could about it, and have found it out to be True; Whereon I Assembled all the Chiefs of this Nation, & after a long and troublesome Spell with them, I Obtained the Belt, with a Speech, as You will Receive Enclosed; This Affair is very timely Stopt, and I hope the News of a Peace will put a Stop to any further Troubles with these Indians, who are the Principal Ones of Setting Mischief on Foot. I send you the Belt, with this Packet, which I hope You will Forward to the General.”

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