* * * * *
1862. Aug. 25 Lat. 39.15 N. Long. 26.30 W. 26 39.39 26.07 27 39.59 24.34 Aug. 28 Lat. 39.58 N. Long. 21.30 W. 29 38.56 19.23 30 37.23 19.06 31 Lat. by acc. 36.23 21.54 Sept. 1 Lat. 35.33 22.17 2 35.29 24.22 3 36.16 25.56 4 37.22 28.08 5 No observation. 6\ to | Off Flores. 11/ 12 40.17 34.05 13 40.34 35.24 14 40.12 33.02 15 40.03 32.46 16 Off Flores. 17 40.03 32.46 18 39.50 35.25 19 38.32 35.03 20 37.20 36.26 21 36.35 36.58 22 35.21 37.26 23 34.43 38.38 24 34.52 48.28 25 34.59 41.10 26 35.35 41.36 27 37.12 43.13 28 37.40 42.00 29 37.09 43.13 30 38.87 45.03 Oct. 1 40.27 46.31 2 40 to 40.30 48 to 48.20 3 39.58 50.00 4 39.52 50.41 5 40.19 51.14 6 41.02 53.50 7 No observation. 8 Lat. (D.R.) 41.00 Long. (D.R.) 55.43 Long. Chro. 54.37 9 Lat. 40.03 Long. 54.38 10 41.13 53.45 11 41.08 55.26 Oct. 12 Lat. 41.42 N. Long. 56.48 W. 13 Assumed 40.30 59.28 14 41.21 59.31 15 41.32 59.17 16 (D.R.)42.16 59.18 17 (D.R.)42.06 59.46 18 Supposed 41.25 59.10 19 40.21 62.08 20 40.28 62.40 21 40.18 62.40 22 By acct. 40.16 64.17 23 39.34 63.26 24 40.04 62.05 25 39.57 63.18 26 40.11 64.32 27 39.47 68.06 28 39.18 67.35 29 No observation. 30 39.18 69.12 31 37.51 67.34 Nov. 1 36.15 65.55 2 36.13 66.01 3 35.17 67.11 4 34.27 63.30 5 31.34 61.27 6 29.05 61.22 7 29.03 59.22 8 29.15 57.57 9 27.51 58.24 10 25.40 57.50 11 24.05 57.36 12 22.58 57.37 13 22.08 57.43 14 21.11 57.49 15 20.40 58.24 16 18.00 59.27 17 15.51 60.20 18 13.15 63.01 21 12.10 64.35 22\ to | At Island of Blanquilla. 25/ 26 13.12 65.30 Nov. 28 Lat. 16.19 N. Long. 66.06 W. 29 17.45 67.15 30 18.59 68.45 Dec. 1 19.40 69.49 2 20.04 71.50 3 20.12 72.58 4 \ to | Off Cape Maise, Jamaica, and Cuba. 12 / 13 18.47 78.28 14 18.16 80.43 15 18.39 83.06 16 19.16 84.10 17 19.18 84.25 18 19.47 85.46 19 20.00 85.31 20 21.20 86.32 21 22.06 88.40 22 21.26 91.15 23 20.18 91.50 24 \ to | At the Arcas. 31 / 1863. n. 1 \ to | At the Arcas. 5 / 6 21.11 93.13 7 22.35 94.26 8 24.36 94.45 9 26.19 94.11 10 27.45 94.42 11 28.51 94.55 12 28.03 93.08 13 27.05 90.37 14 25.58 88.58 15 26.16 88.35 16 23.43 87.35 17 21.45 85.34 18 19.50 82.51 19 18.30 80.34 20 \ to | At Port Royal. 25 / Jan.26 Lat. 17.50 N. Long. 74.52 W 27 17.19 72.21 28 17.56 70.28 29 At San Domingo. 30 19.31 67.38 31 21.45 68.06 Feb. 1 24.08 68.18 2 26.17 68.06 3 27.18 66.10 4 28.00 64.11 5 27.10 61.30 6 25.44 60.32 7 26.36 60.15 8 25.41 58.48 9 24.51 57.55 10 24.32 56.53 11 24.52 56.34 12 25.15 56.36 13 26.08 55.32 14 27.09 53.17 15 28.29 50.07 16 28.45 46.57 17 28.11 45.01 18 28.15 44.37 19 28.04 44.29 20 28.32 45.05 21 29.28 44.58 22 29.33 44.57 23 30.21 43.55 24 30.32 42.50 25 30.22 41.03 26 30.23 40.42 27 30.19 40.01 28 30.07 39.38 March 1 29.50 38.31 2 29.25 37.47 3 28.42 36.59 4 27.02 35.44 5 26.04 35.23 6 24.09 32.20 7 24.30 35.12 8 22.36 34.32 9 20.22 33.53 Mar. 10 Lat. 18.26 N. Long. 33.17 W. 11 16.18 32.36 12 13.57 31.47 13 11.31 31.25 14 9.24 31.48 15 8.36 31.43 16 7.46 30.21 17 7.53 30.34 18 7.14 29.26 19 5.59 28.01 20 4.32 27.00 21 2.47 26.23 22 2.11 26.24 23 2.08 26.08 24 1.41 26.13 25 1.22 26.08 26 1.12 26.32 27 No observation. 28 00.46 26.19 29 00.18 26.10 30 00.34 S. 25.35 31 00.39 25.19 April 1 1.00 25.20 2 2.10 26.02 3 2.52 25.58 4 3.12 26.09 5 3.25 27.04 6 3.46 28.00 7 3.57 30.07 8 4.01 Long. (D.R.) 31.17 9 4.08 32.01 10 \ to | At Fernando de Noronha. 22 / 23 4.42 31.49 24 5.45 31.53 25 6.22 31.44 26 7.36 31.57 27 8.16 32.18 28 8.19 31.40 29 8.22 31.07 30 9.02 31.39 May 1 9.17 32.17 May 2 Lat. 9.37 S Long. 32.34 W 3 9.39 32.44 4 8.48 32.34 5 10.06 32.45 6 10.24 32.30 7 12.08 33.07 8 12.30 33.52 9 12.55 34.49 10 13.29 36.07 11 \ to |At Bahia. 21 / 22 13.04 37.36 23 12.33 36.39 24 11.34 34.54 25 12.04 35.10 26 11.39 34.47 27 12.15 35.05 28 12.54 35.18 29 13.31 35.38 30 14.19 35.36 31 June 1 14.44 35.15 2 15.01 34.56 3 15.09 35.04 4 14.46 34.57 5 14.35 36.26 6 15.17 35.26 7 16.07 35.37 8 15.55 35.28 9 16.55 35.36 10 16.17 34.35 11 15.32 33.46 12 17.25 34.24 13 19.21 35.37 14 19.54 35.18 15 22.38 35.11 16 23.41 35.36 17 23.54 35.53 18 24.16 37.15 19 24.57 39.01 20 25.48 40.18 21 25.46 40.16 June 22 Lat. 25.55 S. Long. 40.21 W. 23 25.24 38.40 24 25.19 36.36 25 25.56 33.44 26 Lat.(D.R.) 26.40 30.16 27 26.01 28.29 28 25.57 30.31 29 26.35 32.59 30 25.56 35.12 July 1 25.38 36.38 2 26.14 37.51 3 26.31 37.33 4 27.27 34.37 5 27.58 31.43 6 28.28 30.20 7 29.45 27.36 8 30.00 24.20 9 29.57 21.16 10 29.29 17.47 11 28.00 15.12 12 26.44 13.32 13 28.13 13.27 14 29.21 11.31 15 30.07 8.06 16 Lat.(D.R.)30.39 4.05 17 30.16 00.20 18 29.54 3.04 E. 19 at.(D.R.)29.47 5.32 20 29.57 7.23 21 30.43 10.19 22 31.33 12.37 23 31.59 14.12 24 33.24 14.51 25 33.56 15.34 26 33.26 16.37 27 33.46 17.17 28 33.46 17.31 29 \ to | At Saldanha Bay, and the Cape. Aug. 16 / 17 34.03 17.11 18 33.24 16.56 19 32.52 17.09 Aug. 20 Lat. 32.45 S. Long. 16.55 E. 21 33.14 15.41 22 32.13 16.08 23 31.43 15.30 24 31.24 14.34 25 31.18 13.37 26 27.57 14.12 27 No observation. 28 \ to | At Angra Pequena. 30 / 31 26.51 14.40 Sept. 1 No observation. 2 28.37 10.13 3 29.43 8.59 4 30.04 8.46 5 30.24 9.28 6 30.35 11.16 7 31.17 11.07 8 31.41 11.16 9 32.30 12.49 10 33.16 15.20 11 33.10 16.37 12 33.43 16.03 13 33.51 17.34 14 34.28 17.43 15 34.26 17.30 16 \ to | At Simon's Town. 24 /
25 35.26 18.15 26 37.28 17.58 27 37.52 19.03 28 39.02 23.07 29 39.02 27.20 30 39.12 31.59 Oct. 1 39.15 35.46 2 38.27 39.02 3 38.46 42.49 4 38.43 46.56 5 38.47 49.20 6 38.44 53.33 7 37.51 57.30 Oct. 8 Lat. 38.04 S. Long. 60.23 E. 9 38.16 64.15 10 38.26 68.57 11 38.28 72.40 12 38.46 77.12 13 38.15 80.29 14 37.47 83.42 15 35.23 89.55 16 35.23 89.55 17 32.59 93.28 18 30.59 96.17 19 28.26 98.43 20 25.33 99.42 21 22.41 100.12 22 21.13 100.10 23 18.52 100.10 24 15.45 101.25 25 Lat. (D.R.) 12.26 Long. (D.R.) 102.00 26 10.27 102.13 27 9.55 Long. 101.50 28 9.38 101.51 29 9.20 101.53 30 9.09 102.14 31 8.53 102.50 1 8.55 103.51 2 9.30 103.28 3 9.17 103.31 4 8.31 103.06 5 7.22 103.15 6 7.00 103.19 7 6.59 103.27 8 \ to | Off Flat Point. 10 / 11 4.48 106.49 12 4.19 108.00 13 3.59 107.25 14 3.44 109.05 15 3.03 109.27 16 2.44 109.16 17 \ to | Off the Malays. 23 / Nov. 24 Lat. 3.40 N Long. 109.45 E. 25 Supposed Lat. 3.50 Supposed Long. 110.30 26 4.36 111.42 27 4.51 111.54 28 4.51 111.54 29 5.01 111.47 30 6.14 110.31 Dec. 1 7.30 108.42 2 8.30 107.15 3 \ to | At Cindore. 14 / 15 8.24 106.48 16 7.18 107.27 17 (D.R.) 6.11 106.12 18 4.48 105.10 19 \ and | At Island of Aor. 20 / 21 \ to | At and off Singapore. 26 / 27 4.08 100.11 28 Supposed 4.46 99.40 29 Supposed 5.29 98.16 30 5.39 96.40 31 Off N. end of Sumatra. 1864. Jan. 1 6.23 93.35 2 5.39 93.08 3 5.29 92.33 4 6.05 Long. (D.R.) 91.40 5 6.29 90.37 6 6.07 88.40 7 5.39 87.22 8 5.22 84.53 9 5.05 82.09 10 5.14 79.50 11 5.49 78.25 12 7.26 76.02 13 7.33 76.01 14 7.57 76.09 15 8.25 76.08 Jan. 16 At Quilon. 17 Lat. 8.40 N. Long. 76.32 E. 18 8.31 76.30 19 8.05 75.05 20 7.29 74.28 21 No observation. 22 7.52 70.22 23 7.04 67.17 24 7.03 64.28 25 6.27 61.49 26 5.33 59.19 27 5.01 56.36 28 4.02 53.46 29 2.43 51.00 30 00.50 48.42 31 1.31 S. 47.20 Feb. 1 3.15 46.13 2 4.48 45.40 3 6.47 44.44 4 8.24 44.26 5 10.18 43.47 6 10.42 44.00 7 10.44 43.50 8 10.45 43.42 9 \ to | At Islands of Johanna and Mohilla. 16 / 17 13.41 43.04 18 14.15 42.45 19 15.03 42.24 20 16.00 41.45 21 17.02 41.31 22 18.43 41.20 23 19.49 41.23 24 20.29 41.19 25 21.18 41.44 26 23.36 41.15 27 25.31 40.00 28 27.11 37.51 29 29.16 36.17 March 1 31.32 34.37 2 33.20 32.22 3 35.05 29.49 March 4 Lat. 35.11 S. Long. 23.28 E. 5 35.51 26.43 6 39.09 24.58 7 35.10 24.03 8 35.49 21.39 9 35.46 20.29 10 35.42 20.13 11 35.08 18.21 12 33.57 17.06 13 33.35 16.10 14 34. 3 15.20 15 33.48 15.23 16 32.50 16.31 17 33.10 16.22 18 No observation. 19 32.57 15.55 20 33.51 17.31 21 \ to | At the Cape. 24 / 25 34.02 18.10 26 33.41 15.52 27 31.50 12.39 28 31.36 10.09 29 30.25 8.25 30 28.53 6.55 31 28.00 4.50 April 1 26.13 2.40 2 24.17 0.24 3 22.35 1.29 W. 4 21.01 3.13 5 19.37 4.44 6 18.41 4.22 7 17.15 3.44 8 17.42 5.50 9 18.00 8.53 10 18.12 11.47 11 18.25 14.42 12 18.47 17.13 13 18.55 19.43 14 18.58 22.33 15 19. 9 25.— 16 19.17 26.42 April 17 Lat. 19.12 S. Long. 27.33 W. 18 19.22 28.57 19 19.13 29.36 20 18.49 30.01 21 18.18 30.26 22 17.23 30.56 23 15.52 31.44 24 15.19 32. 6 25 13.59 32. 4 26 13. 5 32.22 27 11.16 32. 6 28 10. 5 31.46 29 8. 9 31.29 30 5.26 30.12 May 1 2.25 30.38 2 00.13 30.41 3 1.43 N. 31.28 4 3.30 32.38 5 5. 6 34.19 6 7.15 36. 7 7 9.40 37.36 8 11.54 38.43 9 14.13 39.43 10 16.43 40.33 11 18.37 41.09 12 20.10 41.25 13 20.33 41.19 14 20.53 41.09 15 21.12 40.55 16 22.05 41.16 17 22.57 41.50 18 24.33 41.57 19 26.32 41.50 20 28.04 41.33 21 29.24 40.42 22 30.25 39.54 23 31.39 38.39 24 33.13 36.49 25 35.51 35.41 26 37.43 33.53 27 38.42 32.50 28 39.23 32.31 29 39.51 (D.R.) 32.25 May 30 Lat. 40.25 N. Long. 30.22 W. 31 40.54 27.15 June 1 41.35 24.15 2 42.07 22.15 3 42.18 20.30 4 42.10 18.04 5 41.58 16.31 6 42.31 15.42 7 43.47 14.12 8 45.45 (D.R.) 12.06 9 47.34 9.07 10 49.18 6.03 11 On this day the Alabama entered Cherbourg harbour.
No. III.
Mr. LAIRD'S SPEECH ON THE ALABAMA.
The following is a full report of Mr. Laird's speech in the House of Commons on Friday night:—After the discussion that has taken place about the Alabama, I shall not trouble the house with many remarks. I can only say, from all I know and all I have heard, that from the day the vessel was laid down to her completion everything was open and above-board in this country. (Cheers.) I also further say that the officers of the Government had every facility afforded them for inspecting the ship during the progress of building. When the officers came to the builders they were shown the ship, and day after day the customs officers were on board, as they were when she finally left, and they declared there was nothing wrong. ("Hear," from Mr. Bright.) They only left her when the tug left, and they were obliged to declare that she left Liverpool a perfectly legitimate transaction. (Hear, hear.) One point has been overlooked in this discussion. If a ship without guns and without arms is a dangerous article, surely rifled guns and ammunition of all sorts are equally—(cheers)—and even more dangerous. (Cheers.) I have referred to the bills of entry in the custom houses of London and Liverpool, and I find there have been vast shipments of implements of war to the Northern States through the celebrated houses of Baring and Co.—(loud cheers and laughter)—Brown, Shipley and Co., of Liverpool, and a variety of other names, which I need not more particularly mention, but whose Northern tendencies are well known to this house. (Hear, hear.) If the member for Rochdale, or the honourable member for Bradford, wishes to ascertain the extent to which the Northern States of America have had supplies of arms from this country, they have only to go to a gentleman who, I am sure, will be ready to afford them every information, and much more readily than he would to me or to any one else calling upon him—the American consul in Liverpool. Before that gentleman the manifest of every ship is laid, he has to give an American pass to each vessel; he is consequently able to tell the exact number of rifles which have been shipped from this country for the United States—information, I doubt not, which would be very generally desired by this house. (Loud cries of "Hear.") I have obtained from the official custom house returns some details of the sundries exported from the United Kingdom to the Northern States of America from the 1st of May, 1861, to the 31st of December, 1862. There were—muskets, 41,500 (hear, hear); rifles, 341,000 (cheers); gun flints, 26,500; percussion caps, 49,982,000 (cheers and laughter); and swords, 2,250. The best information I could obtain leads me to believe that from one-third to a half may be added to these numbers for items which have been shipped to the Northern States as hardware. (Hear, hear.) I have very good reason for saying that a vessel of 2,000 tons was chartered six weeks ago for the express purpose of taking out a cargo of "hardware" to the United States. (Cheers.) The exportation has not ceased yet. From the 1st of January to the 17th March, 1863, the custom bills of entry show that 23,870 gun-barrels, 30,802 rifles, and 3,105,800 percussion caps were shipped to the United States. (Hear, hear). So that if the Southern States have got two ships, unarmed, unfit for any purpose of warfare—for they procured their armaments somewhere else—the Northern States have been well supplied from this country through the agency of some most influential persons. (Hear, hear.) Now, it has been stated—and by way of comparison treated as matter of complaint—that during the Crimean war the Americans behaved so well that the honourable member for Bradford and the member for Birmingham both lauded their action as compared with that of our own Government. Now, I have heard that a vessel sailed from the United States to Petropaulovski. (Cries of "Name.") If honourable members will allow me I will go on, and first I propose to read an extract from theTimes, written by their correspondent at San Francisco, dated the 29th of January, 1863:—
"Now, this case of the Alabama illustrates the saying that a certain class should have a good memory. During the Crimean war, a man-of-war (called the America, if I remember) was built in America for the Russian Government, and brought out to the Pacific, filled with arms and munitions, by an officer in the United States navy. This gentleman took her to Petropaulovski, where she did service against the allied squadron, and she is still in the Russian navy. (Cries of 'No,' and 'Hear, hear.') We made no such childish fuss about this act of 'hostility' by a friendly Power, which we could not prevent, as our friends are now making about the Alabama, whose departure from England our Government could not stop."
The America was commanded by a Lieutenant Hudson, who—if my information be correct, and I have no doubt that it is—was then, or had been just previously, a lieutenant in the American navy; he was the son of a most distinguished officer in the same service, Captain Hudson. I am further informed that some doubts having arisen about the character of this ship, the American men-of-war in the different ports she called at protected her; and, on her arrival in Russia, the captain who took her out was, I know, very handsomely rewarded for his services. (Hear, hear.) Now, I will go a step further about the Northern States. In 1861, just after the war broke out, a friend of mine, whom I have known for many years, was over here, and came to me with a view of getting vessels built in this country for the American Government—the Northern Government. (Hear, hear.) Its agents in this country made inquiries; plans and estimates were given to my friend, and transmitted to the Secretary of the American Navy. I will read an abstract from this gentleman's letter, dated the 30th of July, 1861. It is written from Washington, and states—
"Since my arrival here I have had frequent interviews with our 'Department of Naval Affairs,' and am happy to say that the Minister of the Navy is inclined to have an iron-plated ship built out of the country. (Hear, hear.) This ship is designed for a specific purpose, to accomplish a definite object. I send you herewith a memorandum handed me last evening from the department, with the request that I would send it to you by steamer's mail of to-morrow, and to ask your immediate reply, stating if you will agree to build such a ship as desired, how soon, and for how much, with such plans and specifications as you may deem it best to send me."
(Loud cheers.) The extract from the memorandum states that "the ship is to be finished complete, with guns and everything appertaining." (Renewed cheering and laughter.) On the 14th of August I received another letter from the same gentleman, from which the following is an extract:
"I have this morning a note from the Assistant-Secretary of the Navy, in which he says, 'I hope your friends will tender for the two-iron plated steamers.'" (Hear, hear.) After this, the firm with which I was lately connected, having made contracts to a large extent with other persons, stated that they were not in a position to undertake any orders to be done in so short a time. This was the reply:
"I sent your last letter, received yesterday, to the Secretary of the Navy, who was very desirous to have you build the iron-plated or bomb-proof batteries, and I trust that he may yet decide to have you build one or more of the gunboats."
(Loud cheers.) I think, perhaps, in the present state of the law in America, I shall not be asked to give the name of my correspondent (hear), but he is a gentleman of the highest respectability. If any honourable member wishes, I should have no hesitation in handing the whole correspondence, with the original letters, into the hands of you, sir, or the First Minister of the Crown, in strict confidence, because there are communications in these letters respecting the views of the American Government which I certainly should not divulge, which I have not mentioned or alluded to before. But seeing that the American Government are making so much work about other parties, whom they charge with violating or evading the law, though in reality they have not done so, I think it only fair to state those facts. (Cheers.) As I said before, they are facts. (Hear, hear.) I do not feel at liberty to state those points to which I have referred, as being of a confidential character, but, if any honourable gentleman feels a doubt regarding the accuracy of what I have stated, I shall feel happy to place the documents in the hands of the Speaker, or of the First Minister of the Crown, when he will see that they substantiate much more than I have stated. (Cheers.) I do not wish to occupy the House longer; but I must say this, that to talk of freedom in a land like the Northern States of America is an absurdity. Almost every detective that can be got hold of in this country is employed. (Hear, hear.) I believe there are spies in my son's works in Birkenhead, and in all the great establishments in the country. A friend of mine had detectives regularly on his track in consequence of some circumstances connected with his vessels. If that be freedom, I think we had better remain in the position in which we now are. (Cheers and laughter.) In conclusion, I will allude to a remark which was made elsewhere last night—a remark, I presume, applying to me or to somebody else, which was utterly uncalled for. (Hear.) I have only to say that I would rather be handed down to posterity as the builder of a dozen Alabamas than as the man who applies himself deliberately to set class against class (loud cheers), and to cry up the institutions of another country, which, when they come to be tested, are of no value whatever, and which reduce liberty to an utter absurdity. (Cheers.)
No. IV.
From the Journal of an Officer of theALABAMA.
Sunday, 11th.—Fine moderate breeze from the eastward. Read Articles of War. Noon: Eighteen miles from Galveston. As I write this some are discussing the probability of a fight before morning. 2.25 P.M.: Light breeze; sail discovered by the look-out on the bow. Shortly after, three, and at last five, vessels were seen; two of which were reported to be steamers. Every one delighted at the prospect of a fight, no doubt whatever existing as to their being war-vessels—blockaders we supposed. The watch below came on deck, and of their own accord began preparing the guns, &c., for action. Those whose watch it was on deck were engaged in getting the propeller ready for lowering; others were bending a cable to a kedge and putting it over the bow—the engineers firing up for steam, officers looking to their side-arms, &c., and discussing the size of their expected adversary or adversaries. At 2.30 shortened sail and tacked to the southward. 4 P.M.: A steamer reported standing out from the fleet toward us. Backed maintopsail and lowered propeller. 4.50: Every thing reported ready for action. Chase bearing N.N.E., distant ten miles. Twilight set in about 5.45. Took in all sail. At 6.20 beat up to quarters, manned the starboard battery, and loaded with five second shell; turned round, stood for the steamer, having previously made her out to be a two-masted side-wheel, of apparent 1,200 tons, though at the distance she was before dark we could not form any correct estimate of her size, &c.
At 6.30 the strange steamer hailed and asked, "What steamer is that?" We replied (in order to be certain who he was), "Her Majesty's ship Petrel! What steamer is that?" Two or three times we asked the question, until we heard, "This is the United States steamer——," not hearing the name. However, United States steamer was sufficient. As no doubt existed as to her character, we said, at 6.35, that this was the "Confederate States steamer, Alabama," accompanying the last syllable of our name with a shell fired over him. The signal being given, the other guns took up the refrain, and a tremendous volley from our whole broadside given to him, every shell striking his side, the shot striking being distinctly heard on board our vessel, and thus found that she was iron.
The enemy replied, and the action became general. A most sharp spirited firing was kept up on both sides, our fellows peppering away as though the action depended on each individual. And so it did. Pistols and rifles were continually pouring from our quarter-deck messengers most deadly, the distance during the hottest of the fight not being more than forty yards! It was a grand, though fearful sight, to see the guns belching forth, in the darkness of the night, sheets of living flame, the deadly missiles striking the enemy with a force that we couldfeel. Then, when the shells struck her sides, especially the percussion ones, her whole side was lit up, and showing rents of five or six feet in length. One shot had just struck our smoke-stack, and wounding one man in the cheek, when the enemy ceased his firing, and fired a lee gun; then a second, and a third. The order was given to "Cease firing." This was at 6.52. A tremendous cheering commenced, and it was not till everybody had cleared his throat to his own satisfaction, that silence could be obtained. We then hailed him, and in reply he stated that he had surrendered, was on fire, and also that he was in a sinking condition. He then sent a boat on board, and surrendered the U.S. gunboat, Hatteras, nine guns, Lieutenant-Commander Blake, 140 men. Boats were immediately lowered and sent to his assistance, when an alarm was given that another steamer was bearing down for us. The boats were recalled and hoisted up, when it was found to be a false alarm. The order was given, and the boatswain and his mates piped "All hands out boats to save life;" and soon the prisoners were transferred to our ship—the officers under guard on the quarter deck, and the men in single irons. The boats were then hoisted up, the battery run in and secured, and the main brace spliced. All hands piped down, the enemy's vessel sunk, and we steaming quietly away by 8.30, all having been done in less than two hours. In fact, had it not been for our having the prisoners on board, we would have sworn nothing unusual had taken place—the watch below quietly sleeping in their hammocks. The conduct of our men was truly commendable. No flurry, no noise—all calm and determined. The coolness displayed by them could not be surpassed by any old veterans—our chief boatswain's mate apparently in his glory. "Sponge!"—"Load with cartridge!"—"Shell-fire seconds!"—"Runout!"—"Well, down compressors!"—"Left, traverse!"—"Well!"—"Ready!"—"Fire!"—"That's into you!"—"Damn you! that kills your pig!"—"That stops your wind!" &c., &c., was uttered as each shot was heard to strike with a crash that nearly deafened you. The other boatswain's mate seemed equally to enjoy the affair. As he got his gun to bear upon the enemy, he would take aim, and banging away, would plug her, exclaiming, as each shot told—"That's from the scum of England!"—"That's a British pill for you to swallow!" the New York papers having once stated that our men were the "scum of England." All other guns were served with equal precision. We were struck seven times; only one man being hurt during the engagement, and he only received a flesh-wound in the cheek. One shot struck under the counter, penetrating as far as a timber, then glancing off; a second struck the funnel; a third going through the side across the berth-deck, and into the opposite side; another raising the deuce in the lamp room; the others lodging in the coal-bunkers. Taking a shell up and examining it, we found it filled with sand instead of powder. The enemy's fire was directed chiefly towards our stern, the shots flying pretty quick over the quarter-deck, near to where our Captain was standing. As they came whizzing over him, he, with his usual coolness, would exclaim—"Give it to the rascals!"—"Aim low, men!"—"Don't be all night sinking that fellow!" when for all or anything we knew, she might have been an iron-clad or a ram.
On Commander Blake surrendering his sword, he said that "it was with deep regret he did it." Captain Semmes smacked his lips and invited him down to his cabin. On Blake giving his rank to Captain Semmes, he gave up his state-room for Blake's special use, the rest of the officers being accommodated according to their rank in the wardroom and steerages, all having previously been paroled, the crew being placed on the berth-deck, our men sleeping anywhere, so that the prisoners might take their places. Of the enemy's loss we could obtain no correct accounts, a difference of seventeen being in their number of killed, the Hatteras having on board men she was going to transfer to other ships. Their acknowledged loss was only two killed and seven wounded. A boat had been lowered just before the action to board us; as we anticipated, and learnt afterwards, it pulled in for the fleet and reached Galveston. From conversation with her First-Lieutenant, I learnt that as soon as we gave our name and our first broadside, the whole after division on board her left the guns, apparently paralyzed; it was some time before they recovered themselves. The conduct of one of her officers was cowardly and disgraceful in the extreme. Some of our shells went completely through her before exploding, others burst inside her, and set her on fire in three places. One went through her engines, completely disabling her; another exploding in her steam chest, scalding all within reach. Thus was fought, twenty-eight miles from Galveston, a battle, though small, yet the first yard-arm action between two steamers at sea. She was only inferior in weight of metal—her guns being nine in number, viz., four thirty-two pounders, two rifled thirty pounders, carrying 60lb. shot (conical), one rifled twenty pounder, and a couple of small twelve pounders. On account of the conflicting statements made by her officers, we could never arrive at a correct estimate of her crew. Our prisoners numbered seventeen officers, one hundred and one seamen. We further learnt that the Hatteras was one of seven vessels sent to recapture Galveston, it being (although unknown to us) in the possession of our troops. We also found that the flag-ship Brooklyn, twenty-two guns, and the Oneida, nine guns, sailed in search of us. By their account of the course they steered they could not fail to have seen us.
No. V.
[From theCape Argus.]
August 6th, 1863.
Yesterday, at almost noon, a steamer from the northward was made down from the signal-post, Lion's-hill. The Governor had, on the previous day, received a letter from Captain Semmes, dated Saldanha Bay, informing his Excellency that the gallant captain had put his ship into Saldanha Bay for repairs. This letter had been made public in the morning, and had caused no little excitement. Cape Town, that has been more than dull—that has been dismal for months, thinking and talking of nothing but bankruptcies—bankruptcies fraudulent and bankruptcies unavoidable—was now all astir, full of life and motion. The stoop of the Commercial Exchange was crowded with merchants, knots of citizens were collected at the corner of every street; business was almost, if not altogether suspended. All that could be gleaned, in addition to the information in Captain Semmes' letter to the Governor, a copy of which was sent to the United States Consul immediately it was received, was that the schooner Atlas had just returned from Malagas Island, where she had been with water and vegetables for men collecting guanos there. Captain Boyce, the master of the Atlas, reported that he had himself actually seen the steamer Alabama; a boat from the steamer had boarded his vessel, and he had been on board her. His report of Captain Semmes corroborated that given by every one else. He said the captain was most courteous and gentlemanly. He asked Captain Boyce to land thirty prisoners for him in Table Bay, with which request Captain Boyce was unable to comply. Captain Semmes said that the Florida was also a short distance off the Cape, and that the Alabama, when she had completed her repairs, and was cleaned and painted, would pay Table Bay a visit. He expected to be there, he said, very nearly as soon as the Atlas.
Shortly after the Atlas arrived, a boat brought up some of the prisoners from Saldanha Bay, and amongst them one of the crew of the Alabama, who said he had left the ship. All these waited on the United States Consul, but were unable to give much information beyond what we had already received. The news that the Alabama was coming into Table Bay, and would probably arrive about four o'clock this afternoon, added to the excitement. About noon a steamer from the north-west was made known by the signal-man on the hill. Could this be the Alabama? or was it the Hydaspes, from India, or the Lady Jocelyn, from England? All three were now hourly expected, and the city was in doubt. Just after one it was made down, "CONFEDERATE STEAMER ALABAMA, FROM THE N.W., AND FEDERAL BARQUE FROM THE S.E." Here was to be a capture by the celebrated Confederate craft, close to the entrance of Table Bay. The inhabitants rushed off to get a sight. Crowds of people ran up the Lion's-hill, and to the Kloof-road. All the cabs were chartered—every one of them; there was no cavilling about fares; the cabs were taken and no questions asked, but orders were given to drive as hard as possible. The barque coming in from the south-east, and, as the signal-man made down, five miles off; the steamer, coming in from the north-west, eight miles off, led us to think that the Kloof-road was the best place for a full view. To that place we directed our Jehu to drive furiously. We did the first mile in a short time; but the Kloof-hill for the next two and-a-half miles is up-hill work. The horse jibbed, so we pushed on, on foot, as fast as possible, and left the cab to come on. When we reached the summit, we could only make out a steamer on the horizon, from eighteen to twenty miles off. This could not be the Alabama, unless she was making off to sea again. There was no barque. As soon as our cab reached the crown of the hill, we set off at a breakneck pace down the hill, on past the Roundhouse, till we came near Brighton, and as we reached the corner, there lay the Alabama within fifty yards of the unfortunate Yankee. As the Yankee came round from the south-east, and about five miles from the bay, the steamer came down upon her. The Yankee was evidently taken by surprise. The Alabama fired a gun, and brought her to. When first we got sight of the Alabama, it was difficult to make out what she was doing; the barque's head had been put about, and the Alabama lay off quite immovable, as if she were taking a sight at the "varmint!" The weather was beautifully calm and clear, and the sea was as smooth and transparent as a sheet of glass. The barque was making her way slowly from the steamer, with every bit of her canvas spread. The Alabama, with her steam off, appeared to be letting the barque get clear off. What could this mean? no one understood. It must be the Alabama. "There," said the spectators, "is the Confederate flag at her peak; it must be a Federal barque, too, for there are the Stars and the Stripes of the States flying at her main." What could the Alabama mean lying there—
"As idly as a painted shipUpon a painted ocean."
What it meant was soon seen. Like a cat watching and playing with a victimized mouse, Captain Semmes permitted his prize to draw off a few yards, and he then up steam again, and pounced upon her. She first sailed round the Yankee from stem to stern, and stern to stem again. The way that fine, saucy, rakish craft was handled was worth riding a hundred miles to see. She went round the bark like a toy, making a complete circle, and leaving an even margin of water between herself and her prize of not more than twenty yards. From the hill it appeared as if there were no water at all between the two vessels. This done, she sent a boat with the prize crew off, took possession in the name of the Confederate States, and sent the barque off to sea. The Alabama then made for the port.
We came round the Kloof to visit Captain Semmes on board. As we came we found the heights overlooking Table Bay covered with people; the road to Green Point lined with cabs. The windows of the villas at the bottom of the hill were all thrown up, and ladies waved their handkerchiefs, and one and all joined in the general enthusiasm; over the quarries, along the Malay burying-ground, the Gallows Hill, and the beach, there were masses of people—nothing but a sea of heads as far as the eye could reach. Along Strand Street and Adderley Street the roofs of all the houses from which Table Bay is overlooked, were made available as standing-places for the people who could not get boats to go off to her. The central, the north, the south, and the coaling jetties, were all crowded. At the central jetty it was almost impossible to force one's way through to get a boat. However, all in good time, we did get a boat, and went off in the midst of dingies, cargo-boats, gigs and wherries, all as full as they could hold. Nearly all the city was upon the bay; the rowing clubs in uniform pulled off with favoured members of their respective clubs on board. The crews feathered their oars in double-quick time, and their pulling, our "stroke" declared, was "a caution, and no mistake." Just before getting alongside, we passed Captain Wilson in the port-boat, who told us that the prize taken was the Sea Bride, and that there was no difficulty in hearing from Captain Semmes himself the whole story of the capture. We passed the Federal barque Urania at her anchorage, and that ship, disregardful of the privateer, sported all her bunting with becoming pluck. The Stars and Stripes floated defiantly from her-mizen peak, and her name from her main. On getting alongside the Alabama, we found about a dozen boats before us, and we had not been on board five minutes before she was surrounded by nearly every boat in Table Bay, and as boat after boat arrived, three hearty cheers were given for Captain Semmes and his gallant privateer. This, upon the part of a neutral people, is, perchance, wrong; but we are not arguing a case—we are recording facts. They did cheer, and cheer with a will, too. It was not, perhaps, taking the view of either side, Federal or Confederate, but in admiration of the skill, pluck, and daring of the Alabama, her captain, and her crew, who now afford a general theme of admiration for the world all over.
Visitors were received by the officers of the ship most courteously, and without distinction, and the officers conversed freely and unreservedly of their exploits. There was nothing like brag in their manner of answering questions put to them. They are as fine and gentlemanly a set of fellows as ever we saw; most of them young men. The ship has been so frequently described, that most people know what she is like, as we do who have seen her. We should have known her to be the Alabama if we had boarded her in the midst of the ocean, with no one to introduce us to each other. Her guns alone are worth going off to see, and everything about her speaks highly for the seamanship and discipline of the commander and his officers. She has a very large crew, fine, lithe-looking fellows, the very picture of English men-of-war's men.
The second officer told us that it was the Sea Bride they had captured, and pointed out her captain, who stood aft conversing with a number of people who had gathered round him. "This, sir," said the officer, "is our fifty-sixth capture; we have sent her off with about ten of our men as a crew, and we left a few of her own men on board of her." We asked him how he liked Saldanha Bay, and his answer was, "It is a very charming place. Why did you not build Cape Town there?" Our answer was, "Because we never do anything properly at the Cape." "Ah, sir!" he said; "that is a great mistake to leave so fine a bay without harbor conveniences. It is a great deal better than Table Bay. We enjoyed ourselves capitally there, had some good shooting; one of us shot an ostrich, a fine fellow, but he got away. Unfortunately, we lost one of our officers there—one whom we all respected—as fine an officer as ever trod this ship's deck. He was in a boat in the bay, shooting wild fowl; he drew his gun towards him, the barrel in his hand; the trigger caught, the charge passed through his lung, and his only dying words were, 'Oh, me!' and he fell back a corpse. But for that circumstance, we should always remember Saldanha Bay with pleasure. The gun was within an inch of his breast when it went off."
After this melancholy recital, we walked across to get a little chat with the prisoner so recently captured. He is a superior man, and spoke of the loss of his ship in the spirit of a philosopher. He was leaning against a rail just opposite the cabin. "What can't be cured must be endured," said he. In answer to our remark, that an hour more would have saved him, he said, "Yes, it would; I had not the remotest idea of a capture at this end of the world. I never supposed that she was in this direction. I was in my cabin, washing," said he, "and my mate came down and said there was a steamer in sight. 'Capital!' I said; 'it is the English mail-steamer; I shall be just in time for my letters.' He went up again, and shortly returning, said, 'She is going to hail us.' 'Hail us!' I said; 'what the deuce can she want to hail us for?' and I went on deck. I looked at that (pointing to the Confederate flag), and I soon saw who we were falling into the hands of. I said, 'Good-bye, mate; we shall not be long here.' This, sir," he went on to say, "is the second time I have been captured coming to the Cape. I left New York in the M.J. Calcon, and was captured by the Florida in 33° West and between 28° and 29° North. I went home all right, and left New York again on the 28th of May, direct for the Cape." This gentleman's name is Mr. H. Spaling.
The next we had an opportunity of conversing with was the chief officer. This gentleman who, by the way, stands six feet four out of his shoes, showed us round the ship with just pride. He pointed out to us the peculiar qualities of the magnificent guns. One of Blakeley's rifle pieces is a terrible-looking weapon. It throws conical shells of a hundred weight; and he remarked, "When we fought the Hatteras, these conical shells struck one after the other in capital style; they exploded with magnificent effect, and lit up her whole broadside." Many of the captured crew we observed in irons.
We were now introduced to Capt. Semmes, who up to this time had been engaged in the cabin with Mr. W.J. Anderson, of Anderson, Saxon, and Co., upon the subject of supplies, which are to be provided by the firm. We received a very cordial greeting from the gallant gentleman, who remarked that at Bahia, and indeed everywhere he had been, both his officers and himself had received very great attention from the English residents. We had always concluded that Captain Semmes, of the Powhattan, a fine steamer belonging to the States, to whom we were introduced some years since by the late Mr. D.M. Huckins, American Consul, was the captain of the Sumter and Alabama; but we found we were mistaken, and on remarking this to the captain, he said, "Captain Semmes of the Powhattan is of the same family as myself—he is, indeed, my cousin; but he was born in the North, his interests are all there, and he remains in the Federal service." Having desired us to take a seat, he said he should be happy to give us any information in his power; he had no secrets, and bade us take notes if we wished so to do. He then informed us that he had taken fifteen ships since he left Bahia. We told him that Captain Bartlett, of the ship Fortuna, stated that on the 2d of July he saw a ship on fire. Our readers will recollect that the particulars were given in a paragraph immediately after the Fortuna arrived. It was as follows:—"On the 2d of July, Captain Bartlett saw some smoke rising up on the horizon, which he supposed to be the smoke from a steamer. Later in the day, however, a strong reflection of light was seen in the sky, and which the captain at once believed to be a ship on fire. All hands were then called up 'to bout ship,' and they stood towards the spot from whence the light proceeded. This was about six o'clock; and at two o'clock on the morning of the 3d July, and in lat. 25° 57' South, and in long. 38° 20' West, the Fortuna ran up within forty yards of a large vessel of 800 or 1000 tons, which was enveloped in one mass of flame from stem to stern. Nothing remained of her but her hull; the whole of her rigging, masts, and decks had already been consumed. As the Fortuna ran towards the wreck, another vessel—the Oaks—bound to Calcutta, joined her, and the two vessels spoke one another. From what Captain Bartlett could make out, the captain of the Oaks told him that in the evening, about half-past six, an English man-of-war had passed him, and whilst passing she fired two guns, from which it was concluded that the crew of the burning vessel had been rescued by the man-of-war." Captain Semmes said Captain Bartlett was quite right in supposing that the ship had been set on fire by himself. She was the Annie F. Schmidt, from New York to San Francisco, with a general cargo on board; but the supposition of the man-of-war coming to the rescue of the crew was a mistake. "We set her on fire in the night," said Captain Semmes, "and shortly after we had done so, we heard a couple of guns. We thought it was another Yankee, and we up steam and fired a gun for her to heave-to. On coming alongside her, we found she was Her Majesty's frigate Dido. 'We did not take her, sir,' said the captain, with a laugh; 'in fact, we never attempt to take any of Her Majesty's frigates.'"
We said we would mention that, and we do, as Captain Semmes's last. "The Dido people," he went on to say, "asked us if we had set the ship on fire, and I answered we had, and had got the crew safe on board. 'All right!' was the answer, and we parted. She was a vessel of about 1000 tons." We asked Captain Semmes if he could give us the names of the vessels he had captured. He answered that he could. "For," he said, "you English people won't be neighbourly enough to let me bring my prizes into your ports, and get them condemned, so that I am obliged to sit here a court of myself, try every case, and condemn the ships I take. The European powers, I see, some of them complain of my burning the ships; but what, if they will preserve such strict neutrality as to keep me out of their ports, what am I to do with these ships when I take them but burn them?" He then fetched his record books, and we took the following down from his lips:—"The ships we have captured were—the Ocmulgee, of 400 tons, thirty-two men on board; we burned her. The Alert, a whaler of 700 tons; we burned her. The whaling schooner Weathergauge; we burned her. The whaling brig Altamaha; we burned her. The whaling ship Benjamin Tucker; we burned her. The whaling schooner Courser; we burned her. The whaling barque Virginia; we burned her. The barque Elisha Dunbar, a whaler; we burned her. The ship Brilliant, with 1000 tons of grain on board; we burned her. The Emily Farnum we captured and released as a cartel, and having so many prisoners we put some of them on board her, and sent them off. The Wave Crest, with a general cargo on board for Europe, we set on fire. The Dunkirk brig, with a general cargo on board, we burned. The ship Tonawanda we captured, with a valuable freight on board, and released her, after taking a bond for a thousand dollars. The ship Manchester, with a cargo of grain, we burned. The barque Lamplighter, with an assorted cargo for Europe, we burned. The barque Lafayette, with an assorted cargo, we burned. The schooner Crenshaw, with an assorted cargo for the West Indies, we burned. The barque Lauretta, with an assorted cargo on board for Europe, we burned. The brig Baron de Custine we took a bond for and released. The whaling ship Levi Starbuck we burned. The T.B. Wales, from Calcutta to Boston, with a valuable cargo on board, we burned. The barque Martha, from Calcutta to West Indies, with an assorted cargo, we burned. The schooner Union we, after boarding, found had some English property on board, and we released her on bond. The mail steamer Ariel Running between New York and Aspinwall, we captured. Unfortunately she was going, not returning, or we should have had a lot of gold. We released her on bond. The United States gunboat Hatteras, who came out to fight us, had the same number of guns and crew. Our guns were a little heavier than hers, but we equalized them by permitting her to fight us at 300 yards. We sunk her in thirteen minutes by the watch. The barque Golden Rule, with an assorted cargo, we burned. She belonged to the same company as the Ariel. The brig Chastelaine we burned. The schooner Palmetto we burned. The barque Olive Jane we burned. The Golden Eagle, laden with guano, we burned. The Washington, from the Pacific, with guano, we released on bond. The Bethia Thayer, from East India, with a valuable cargo on board, was released on bond. The John A. Parker, with flour and lumber, from Boston to Buenos Ayres, we burned. The Punjaub, from East India, we found to have some English cargo on board, we released on bond. The ship Morning Star we released on bond. The whaling schooner Kingfisher we burned. The ship Nora, from Liverpool to West Indies, with salt on board, we burned. The barque Lafayette we burned. The whaling brig Kate Cory we burned. The whaling barque Nye we burned. The Charles Hall, from Liverpool, with coal, we burned.
"The ship Louisa Hatch, from Cardiff to West Indies, we burned. The ship Dorcas Prince, with a general cargo, we burned. The ship Sea Lark, with a general cargo from the East Indies, we burned. The barque Union Jack, from Boston to Shanghai, we burned. We captured a Yankee consul on board of her; he was on his way to Foochin; we landed him at the Brazils. The ship Gildersliene, from New York to the East Indies, we burned. The barque Justina we released on bond, to take home prisoners. The ship Jabez Snow, from New York to the East Indies, we burned. The barque Amazonian, from Boston to Buenos Ayres, we burned. The ship Talisman, from New York to the East Indies, we burned. The barque Conrad, fitted up as a Federal cruiser, a tender to a man-of-war, we captured and burned. After these came the Anne F. Schmidt, mentioned before, and the Sea Bride—and the Sea Bride you saw us take to-day. The estimated value of these captures is 4,200,000 dollars."
The American Consul, Mr. Graham, has handed to his Excellency the Governor a protest against the capture of the Sea Bride, on the ground that the vessel was in British waters at the time of her being stopped by the Alabama. His Excellency told Mr. Graham that the decision of the case remained purely on evidence, but he would see there was no breach of neutrality. The Captain of the Sea Bride says he is prepared to show by bearings that he was within two and a half miles of Robben Island.
No. VI.
Rear-Admiral Sir B. Walker to the Secretary to the Admiralty. August19, 1863.
I beg you will be pleased to acquaint my Lords Commissioners of theAdmiralty with the following particulars relative to the proceedings ofthe Confederate States ships of war Alabama, her reported tenderTuscaloosa, and the Georgia, which have recently arrived at the Cape ofGood Hope.
2. On the 28th of July an English schooner arrived in Table Bay, and reported that on the previous day she had been boarded by the Confederate steamer Alabama, fifteen miles north-west of Green Point. After some inquiries the Alabama left her, steering south-east.
3. Upon the receipt of this intelligence I ordered Captain Forsyth, of the Valorous, to hold himself in readiness to proceed to any of the ports in this colony where the Alabama might anchor, in order to preserve the rules of strict neutrality.
4. By a letter addressed to the Governor of this Colony by Captain Semmes, copy of which was telegraphed to me on the 4th instant, it appears that the Alabama had proceeded to Saldanha Bay for a few days, anchoring there on the 29th of July.
5. On the 5th instant I received a private telegram to the effect that the Alabama was off Table Bay, when I directed the Valorous immediately to proceed to that anchorage; and shortly afterwards a telegram reached me from the Governor stating "that the Alabama had captured a vessel (American), which was in sight, and steering for Table Bay." The Valorous reached that Bay at 10.15 P.M., where the Alabama had anchored at 3 o'clock in the afternoon of the same day.
6. Captain Forsyth having informed me that the tender to the Alabama had been ordered by Captain Semmes to Simon's Bay for provisions, and having learned that this vessel had been captured off the coast of Brazil, and not been condemned in any Prize Court, I had doubts as to the legality of considering her in the light of a tender, being under the impression that it was a ruse to disguise the real character of the vessel. I therefore wrote to the Governor to obtain the opinion of the Attorney-General of the Colony upon this subject, which correspondence is inclosed.
7. On the 8th of August the tender Tuscaloosa, a sailing barque, arrived in Simon's Bay, and the boarding officer having reported to me that her original cargo of wool was still on board, I felt that there were grounds for doubting her real character, and again called the Governor's attention to this circumstance. My letter and his reply are annexed. And I would here beg to submit to their Lordships' notice that this power of a captain of a ship of war to constitute every prize he may take a "tender," appears to me to be likely to lead to abuse and evasion of the laws of strict neutrality, by being used as a means for bringing prizes into neutral ports for disposal of their cargoes, and secret arrangements—which arrangements, it must be seen, could afterwards be easily carried out at isolated places.
8. The Alabama, after lying three days in Table Bay, came to this anchorage to caulk and refit. She arrived here on the 9th, and sailed again on the 15th instant. Captain Semmes was guarded in his conduct, and expressed himself as most anxious not to violate the neutrality of these waters.
9. I should observe that, from the inclosed copy of a letter from Captain Forsyth to the Governor, it would appear that the vessel Sea Bride, taken by the Alabama off Table Bay, was beyond the jurisdiction of neutral territory.
10. During his passage to this port Captain Semmes chased another American vessel, the Martha Wentzel, standing in for Table Bay. On my pointing out to him that he had done so in neutral waters, he assured me that it was quite unintentional, and, being at a distance from the land, he did not observe that he had got within three miles of an imaginary line drawn from the Cape of Good Hope to Cape Hanglip, but on discovering it he did not detain the vessel. The explanation I considered sufficient.
11. The tender Tuscaloosa, having been detained by a strong south-easter, got under way for the purpose of going to sea on the 14th instant, but anchored again a little distance from the Roman Rock lighthouse in consequence of thick fog prevailing.
12. The Alabama did not take in any coal, either here or at Table Bay, but after being caulked she proceeded to sea on the 15th instant, followed by the Tuscaloosa. Their destinations are unknown.
13. On the 16th instant, the Confederate States steamer Georgia, Commander Maury, anchored in this bay. She requires coal, provision, and caulking. This vessel did not meet the Alabama outside.
14. The Florida, another Confederate States steamer, is reported to be off this coast, probably cruising to intercept the homeward-bound American ships from China; indeed, it is with that object these ships are on this part of the Station.
15. I have learnt, since the departure of the Alabama, and her so-called tender, that overtures were made by some parties in Cape Town to purchase the cargo of wool, but, being unsatisfactory, they were not accepted. It is reported to be Captain Semmes' intention to destroy the Tuscaloosa at sea.
16. The Alabama is a steamer of about 900 tons, with 8 guns, and 150 men. The Georgia is an iron steamer of about 700 tons, with 5 guns, and 110 men. The Tuscaloosa is a sailing-barque of 500 tons, having 2 small guns and 10 men.
Captain Semmes, C.S.N., to Governor Sir P. Wodehouse. August1, 1863.
An opportunity is offered me by the coasting schooner Atlas, to communicate with the Cape, of which I promptly avail myself.
I have the honour to inform your Excellency that I arrived in this bay on Wednesday morning last, for the purpose of effecting some necessary repairs. As soon as these repairs can be completed I will proceed to sea, and in the meantime your Excellency may rest assured that I will pay the strictest attention to the neutrality of your Government.
Rear-Admiral Sir B. Walker to Governor Sir P. Wodehouse. August7, 1863.
Captain Forsyth having informed me that the Alabama has a tender outside captured by Captain Semmes on the coast of America, and commissioned by one of the Alabama's Lieutenants, and as this vessel has been ordered into Simon's Bay for provisions, may I request your Excellency will be good enough to obtain the opinion of the Law Officers whether this vessel ought still to be looked upon in the light of a prize, she never having been condemned in a Prize Court; the instructions, copy of which I inclose, strictly forbidding prizes captured by either of the contending parties in North America being admitted into our ports.
Governor Sir P. Wodehouse to Rear-Admiral Sir B. Walker, August 8, 1863.
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letter of yesterday's date, and to inclose the copy of an opinion given by the Acting Attorney-General to the effect that the vessel to which you refer ought to be regarded as a tender and not as a prize.
I shall take care to submit this question to Her Majesty's Government by the next mail, but in the meantime I conclude that your Excellency will be prepared to act on the opinion of the Attorney-General in respect to any vessels which may enter these ports in the character of prizes converted into ships of war by the officers of the navy of the Confederate States.
Extracts from "Wheaton's Elements of International Law."
What constitutes a setting forth as a vessel of war has been determined by the British Courts of Prize, in cases arising under the clause of the Act of Parliament, which may serve for the interpretation of our own law, as the provisions are the same in both. Thus it has been settled that where a ship was originally armed for the Slave Trade, and after capture an additional number of men were put on board, but there was no commission of war and no additional arming, it was not a setting forth as a vessel of war under the Act. But a commission of war is decisive if there be guns on board; and where the vessel after the capture has been fitted out as a privateer, it is conclusive against her, although, when recaptured, she is navigating as a mere merchant-ship; for where the former character of a captured vessel had been obliterated by her conversion into a ship of war, the Legislature meant to look no further, but considered the title of the former owner forever extinguished. Where it appeared that the vessel had been engaged in a military service of the enemy, under the direction of his Minister of the Marine, it was held as a sufficient proof of a setting forth as a vessel of war; so where the vessel is armed, and is employed in the public military service of the enemy by those who have competent authority so to employ it, although it be not regularly commissioned. But the mere employment in the enemy's military service is not sufficient; but if there be a fair semblance of authority, in the person directing the vessel to be so employed, and nothing upon the face of the proceedings to invalidate it, the Court will presume that he is duly authorized; and the commander of a single ship may be presumed to be vested with this authority as commander of a squadron.