When they had been driven off, as was right, he assembled as much of a larger army as he could, and surrounded the extraordinary city of Palestinian Caesarea, with no concern for the number of men, but instead for their might. Siege engines were quickly built, many ballistic machines were drawn up around the walls, and a beam with a metal front, which was called a battering ram, was put in place. Towers were prepared and moved forward at different times, whose armed men not only rained down torrents of various kinds of missiles on the Saracens who were standing on the battlements of the walls, but who also struck and slew them with their swords. There you would have seen catapults with huge rocks not only striking the external walls, but delivering the weight of harsh blows to the city's lofty palaces. As they smashed the building and walls, they also used sling-shots to scatter sticks burning with liquid lead, to set the town on fire. Meanwhile the battering-ram crashed against the walls; as it began to open a hole in the lower part of the wall, all the surrounding structures began to crack. Then, while the Franks struggled to enter, and eagerness to attack drove the Saracens to come forth, blood was shed on both sides. When one of our machines fell, killing many of our men, both sides became more courageous, for the Saracens, who do not like fighting in open combat, were remarkably competent when on the defensive. On the twentieth day of the siege, the king, supported by the best of his young knights, attacked the inhabitants fiercely, suddenly leaping from an assault tower, with one knight behind him, onto the wall, and driving the enemy into flight. The Franks swiftly followed the king, annihilating multitudes throughout the city, sparing no one, except the young women who could become slaves. Treasure was sought everywhere; they cut open not only chests, but the throats of the silent Saracens. When they were struck by a fist, their jaws yielded the besants that had been poured into them. They found pieces of gold in the wombs of the women who had used these areas for purposes other than the ones for which they were intended. A contingent of Franks was promptly left to guard the captive city, and shortly thereafter the king marched to Acre, wore it down with daily attacks, until it submitted to his authority. He is known to have captured many other cities, but since they were located in the middle of the insane pagans, he could not be sure that our colonists would be safe there. The series of battles and victories made the Saracens increasingly contemptible to the Christians; For example, here is something that we learned happened last year.
A certain knight,[266] whom the king had made prefect of the city of Tiberias, behaved insolently towards the king. Angry at the man's insolence, the king ordered him to leave the land he had been given. He hastened to leave, taking with him as his retinue two armed knights, and soon encountered a large troop of pagans. Putting his trust not in the number of his own men, but in God, he tore his shirt, which they call an undertunic, placed it as a banner on his spear, and commanded his companions to do the same. They did so, cried out loudly, spurred their horses forward, and charged headlong at their enemies. Frightened by the sudden attack, and thinking that a large army was following these men, they fled, leaving themselves mortally vulnerable to these three men. Many were killed, and more booty was taken than they could carry. Returning after this event, grateful to God, he was moved to prostrate himself before the king and he promised that he would faithfully obey him from that point on.
Once, when the king was suffering from a great lack of money, and did not have enough to pay the monthly stipend to his knights, divine mercy suddenly and miraculously granted aid. Things had become so difficult that the servants and knights were thinking of leaving, when the young men of Joppa, washing themselves, or rather enjoying a swim in the sea, on a certain day found in the swirling sand and water sacks filled with large amounts of gold, which the Venetians had lost here in a shipwreck. Brought to the king, they offered solace to everyone, an amazing miracle, both to the king, who had been close to despair, and to the new Christian community.
But since the charge has been spread about that the king repudiated his wife, here is what is said about it. His wife was descended from the finest pagans in the land, and in obedience to him, she followed her husband to Jerusalem, arriving by ship at the port of Saint-Simeon. There she was transferred to a faster ship, in an attempt to make the trip more quickly, but she was brought by unfavorable winds to certain island inhabited by Barbars. The islanders seized her, killed a bishop of her retinue, together with some other officials, and, after holding her captive for some time, finally released her. When she reached her husband, the king, suspicious, and not unreasonably, of the Barbars' sexual incontinence, banished her from his bed, changed her mode of dress, and sent her to live with other nuns in the monastery of Anne, the blessed mother of the virgin mother of God. He himself was glad to live the celibate life, because, "his struggle was not against the flesh and blood, but against the rulers of the world"[267]
Around the time of Easter last year, the knight I mentioned earlier, whom we called the prefect of Tiberiad, and who had been victorious in that battle, was involved in another encounter, less fortunate for our men, in which he was captured, and brought alive by the pagans to a city belonging to them. During I don't know which one of their sacrilegious celebrations, they brought this knight out and urged him to renounce and to abjure his own belief. Splendidly obdurate, he rejected such criminal behavior, and was horrified even to hear such a suggestion. This praiseworthy man was immediately seized, tied, as they say, to a tree that stood in the middle of a field, and was torn by a hail of arrows from all sides. The crown was then sawed from his head, and the rest was made into the form of a cup, as though to hold drinks for the king of Damascus, by whose orders these acts had been done, to frighten our men. By dying to preserve the confession of his faith, this knight made himself a martyr who would be known for ages to come. His name was Gervais, of noble blood, from the castle of Basilcas[268] in Soissons.
These are the things that, by the grace of God, we have found out from entirely reliable men up to this day. If, in following the opinions of other men, we have said anything false, we have not done so with the intention of deceiving anyone. We are grateful to God, the Redeemer of this holy City, through the efforts of our people. For when the siege of the city began, He himself revealed, to an anchorite living in Bethania, as the story has been reliably told to us, that the city would be besieged furiously, but that it would be entered on Easter day, at the hour at which Christ was brought to the cross, to demonstrate that He again redeemed it from its afflictions by the suffering of his own limbs. This anchorite then called together some of our leaders, and told them these things, which were all proven true by the manner in which the city was actually captured. We thank God for having composed these deeds with his own spirit, through our mouth. For the rest, if anyone thinks that we have not laid things out as diligently as Julius Caesar and Hirtius Pansa[269] did in the history of the Gauls, Spaniards, Pharsalians, Alexandrians, and Numidians, he should carefully consider the fact that the same people who waged the wars wrote them down. As a result, nothing general or particular that happened is omitted from their accounts. They tell how many thousands of men there were, how many from each region, who the princes were, to whom power was delegated, who the leaders and princes were on the other side, what the cavalry, what the lightly armed troops did, how many shields were pierced by javelins, and, if I may use their own words, "after the consuls and their officers had sounded the retreat," how many men were missing and wounded at the end of the battle. Since another profession detains us who write this history, and our confidence is not strengthened by what we saw, we have decided, in reporting what we have heard, to exercise restraint. Observing the discipline of the Julian Quirites,[270] the officers of the legions, the troops of cavalry, the common soldiers, and the cohorts were compelled to rally around their banners, and if the locations were favorable, and in suitable places they set up their encampments, as though they were towns or cities, with moats and towers. Before they set up battle lines, they occupied the neighboring mountains, taking into account the irregularities of the terrain, and they had large numbers of servants, workers, and expensive baggage. Since almost nothing like these arrangements and activities existed among our men, their deeds were due, I shall not say to Frankish courage, but rather to their strength and their aroused faith. Let those who wish say that I have omitted more than I have written: I prefer being less to being more. If anyone knows other things that were done, let him write what he please. We thank God and such victors, who, when they had no grain, learned to feed upon roots that they dug up. If anyone is in doubt about the name of the Parthians, whom we have called Turks, or of the Caucasus, let him read Solin on Wonders, Trogus-Pompeius on the origin of the Parthians, and Jordanus the Goth on the Getae. May God stand watch as this pious work comes to an end.—
Endnotes
[1] A translation into French was done more than 170 years ago by F. Guizot, in v. 9 of his *Collection des mémoires rélatifs a l'histoire de France*, Paris, 1825.
[2] John Benton, *Self and Society in Medieval France*, New York, 1970; Guibert de Nogent, *Autobiographie*, edited and translated by Edmond-René Labande, Paris, 1981; Paul J. Archambault, *A Monk's Confessions*, University Park, 1995. The *Monodiae*, however, was also not popular in its own time. No medieval writer mentions the work, and no manuscript has survived. See Labande's edition, pp. xxiii-xxviii, for a discussion of the editorial problems that stem from being compelled to work from BN. f.l. Baluze 42. For recent discussion of Guibert, see M.D. Coupe, "The personality of Guibert de Nogent reconsidered," *Journal of Medieval History* IX, no. 4 [Dec. 1983], pp. 317-329, which supplies summary and judgement of the work of J. Kantor, Benton, and others. See also Jacques Charaud, "La conception de l'histoire de Guibert de Nogent," *Cahiers de civilisation médiévale* VIII (1965), pp. 381-395, and Klaus Schreiner, "Discrimen veri ac falsi," *Archive fur Kulturgeschicht* XLVIII (1966), pp. 1-51. Both Charaud and Schreiner are concerned to demonstrate the degree to which Guibert's vision of history is ruled by theology, and tropology in particular; both articles can be read as respectful corrections of Bernard Monod, "De la méthode historique chez Guibert de Nogent," *Revue historique* 84 (1904), pp. 51-70. Unfortunately, Laetitia Boehm's thesis, *Studien zur Geschichtschreibung des ersten Kreuzzuges Guibert von Nogent*, Munich, 1954, has remained unpublished. Georg Misch also makes an attempt to characterize Guibert, for the most part on the basis of Book One of the *Monodiae*, in *Geschichte der Autobiographie*, vol. 3, part two, first half, Frankfurt, 1959, pp. 108-162
[3] Early in the *Memoirs* Guibert says that his father died eight months after his own birth; later he gives the time between his birth and his father's death as scarcely six months; in both instances he neglects to give the year.
[4] Characteristics at work also in his other writings; see Guibert's *De pignoribus sanctorum* (Migne PL 156.607-684) for an extended attack on those who believe in the wrong relics.
[5] *Journal of Medieval History* 2 (1976), p. 299 (of pp. 281-303).
[6] See Louis Bréhier's edition and translation, *Histoire anonyme de la première croisade*, Paris, 1924; for a later edition, see Rosalind Hill, *Gesta Francorum*, London, New York, 1962.
[7] Baldric of Dole and Robert the Monk also insistently added to the story of the First Crusade what Riley-Smith (pp. 135-153) calls "theological refinement."
[8] Bréhier 119-125.
[9] Bréhier 155.
[10] Brehier 133-135.
[11] For a preliminary study of Guibert's diction, see Eitan Burstein, "Quelques remarques à propos du vocabulaire de Guibert de Nogent," *Cahiers de civilisation médiévale*, XXI (1978), pp. 247-263.
[12] *La tradition manuscrite de Guibert de Nogent*, The Hague,
1991, p. 20. Last year, however, in a note informing me of the
impending publication of his edition of the
[13] Guibert perhaps has some support for this preference: In Praeloq. 2.30 212A Rather of Verona quotes Ambrose on interpreting the difficulties of scripture: *quod difficilius invenitur, dulcius tenetur*."
[14] 339, n. 3
[15] 1973 613.
[16]p. 255.
[17] *De Moribus et Actis primorum Normanniae Ducum*, ed. Jules Lair, Caen, 1865.
[18] (eds.) J. Olrik and H. Raeder, *Saxonis Gest Danorum*, 1931, 1957, Hauniae, 2 vols. *The History of the Danes*, translated by Peter Fisher, ed. H.E. Davidson, Totowa, 1979, 1981, 2 vols.
[19] For the significance and influence of Martianus, see W.H. Stahl, R. Johnson, and E.L. Burge, *Martianus Capella and the Seven Liberal Arts*, NY, 1971; Danut Shanzer, *A philosophical and literary commentary on Martianus Capella's De Nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurri, book one*, Berkeley, 1986.
[20] For a densely compacted discussion of this hypothesis, see Herbert Grundmann, *Geschichtsschreibung im Mittelalters*, Göttingen, 1965. For a more extensive, lavishly detailed discussion, see Bernard Guenee, *Histoire et culture historique dans l'occident médiéval*, Paris, 1980. In English, the argument was popularized by R.G. Collingwood, *The Idea of History*, Oxford, 1946; p. 258 gives a useful formulation.
[21] Aimon's early eleventh-century rewriting of both Gregory of Tours sixth-century text and the eighth-century *Liber Historiae Francorum* is only roughly comparable, since he was much further removed in time from the authors whose work he was correcting. See Gregory of Tours, *Historiae Francorum*, edited by W. Arndt and Bruno Krusch, *Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum*, vol. I, Hanover, 1885; Aimon, *De Gestis Francorum*, pp. 20-143 of *Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de l France*, ed. M. Bouquet, vol. III, 1869, pp. 20-143; Bruno Krusch, *Fredegarii et Aliorum Chronica; Monumenta Germaniae Historica*: Scriptorum Rerum Merovingicarum, Hanover, 1888.
[22] Two editions are available: *Recueil des Historiens desCroisades, Historiens Occidentaux* III, Paris, 1866, pp. 319-585;*Fulcheri Carnotensis Histori Hierosolymitana*, ed. HeinrichHagenmayer. Heidelberg, 1913.
[23] A judgement contained within the less sardonic assessment, almost nine hundred years later, by Ernest Baker, who called Fulcher, "a kindly old pedant," in the *Encyclopaedia Britannica*, 11th edition, Cambridge, 1910.
[24] Guibert decision to insert verses of his own composition, in a variety of meters, some unusual, in his predominantly prose text, also seems to be an attempt to outdo Fulker, who had chosen to compose occasional verse for his predominantly prose text, although he limited himself to hexameters and elegaics.
[25] Quod ego Fulcherus Carnotensis, cum ceteris iens peregrinis, postea, sicut oculis meis perspexi, diligenter et sollicite in memoriam posteris collegi. (RHC.HO III.327) The case for the *Gesta Francorum* as a text composed by an eye-witness is inferential only.
[26] Isidore of Seville, *Etymologies*, I, XLI, ed. W.M Lindsay, Oxford, 1911. See also Bernard Guenée on the topos of the eye-witness, in *Histoire et culture historique dans l'occident médiéval*, Paris, 1980. For a paradigmatic example of the difficulties generated by trying to determine whether a medieval text of an historical nature is the product of an eyewitness, see Stubbs' argument (Rolls Series 38.1) that the *Itinerarium Regis Ricardi* is the product of an eyewitness of the Third Crusade, then Gaston Paris' argument that *L'Estoire de la guerre sainte*, Paris, 1897 is the eye-witness account that the author of the *Itinerarium* was translating, and then Hans Eberhard Mayer, *Das Itinerarium peregrinorum*, Stuttgart, 1962, for the argument that neither is an eye-witness account; see also the discussion in M.R. Morgan, *The Chronicle of Ernoul and the Continuations of William of Tyre*, Oxford, 1973, pp. 61 ff..
[27] See E.R. Curtius, *European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages*, New York, 1953, pp. 83-85.
[28] Translation by Rosalind Hill, London, 1962, p. 44.
[29] Translated by H. Rushton Fairclough, *Horace*, London, 1966, p. 465.
[30] Guibert's behavior in this respect suggests that the anxiety of influence which Harold Bloom assigned primarily to the English Romantic poets existed earlier and more extensively ( *Anxiety of Influence*, Oxford, 1973).
[31] III Reg xii.10; II Par x.10.
[32] Book VII, p. 239.
[33] See Appendix A.
[34] Jeremiah III.27,28.
[35] A term Paul Zumthor introduced in "Roman et Gothique," in *Studi in honore di Italo Siciliano*, Florence, 1966, vol. II, p. 1227.
[36] For evidence that Guibert was remarkably fastidious in his attitude towards his literary production, or at least towards three of his theological compositions, see Monique-Cecile Garand, "Le Scriptorium de Guibert de Nogent," *Scriptorium* 31 (1977), pp. 3-29.
[37] See Robert Levine, "Satiric Vulgarity in Guibert de Nogent's *Gesta Dei per Francos," Rhetorica* 7 (1989), pp. 261-273.
[38] Although he calls the Pope a fine Latinist, instead of giving Urban's words at Clermont, Guibert rewrites them, *etsi non verbis, tamen intentionibus*, "not word for word, but according to what he meant." For an attempt, on the basis of the various surviving representations of Urban's performance at Clermont, to determine what the Pope actuually said, see D.C. Munro, "The Speech of Pope Urban II at Clermont," *American Historical Review* XI (1906), pp. 231-242. For objections to Munro's technique, see Paul Rousset, *Les origines et les caracteres de la premiere croisade*, Geneva, 1945, p. 58.
[39] See W. Porges, "The Clergy, the Poor, and the Non-Combatants on the First Crusade," *Speculum* 21 (1946), pp. 1-20; Jean Flori, "Faut-il réhabiliter Pierre l'Ermite?" *Cahier de civilisation médiévale* XXXVIII (1995), pp. 35-54.
[40] See Appendix A.
[41] Labande, I.xvii, pp. 135 ff..
[42] A task for which Heinrich Hagenmeyer's *Chronologie de la première croisade*, Hildesheim, 1898-1901, provides a sound basis.
[43] Whenever possible, the modern spellings are taken from the Gazetteer provided in *A History of the Crusades*, ed. by Kenneth M. Setton and M.W. Baldwin, Madison, 1969, vol. I, pp. 626-666.
[44] *paregorizantis*, "curative," a rare word, used by Augustine.
[45] Horace AP 105.
[46] One of the names of Mars.
[47] Literally, never goes beyond Mercurial moderation.
[48] An area in northeast Persia, but used as a general term for the Near East by the Western chroniclers of the First Crusade.
[49] Gnaeus Trogus Pompeius, a contemporary of Livy, wrote 44 books, of which only an epitome by Justin survives.
[50] I Kings xii.10; II Chronicles x.10.
[51] Translation by J.D. Duff, *Lucan*, Cambridge, 1969. "of one's own blood," is the more literal translation.
[52] Lucan I. 8,9,12.
[53] Albert of Aix uses the same comparison several times within one paragraph to describe the joys of the Crusaders about to attack Ascalon: they are *tanquam ad convivium pergentes laetati*, then the pagan prefect of Ramna, noticing that the Christians are singing and rejoicing, *tanquam ad epulas omnium deliciarum invitati essent*, remarks: Miror, et sufficienter mirari nequeo unde populus hic in tanta laetitia et voce exultationis glorietur, quasi ad convivium iturus. (RHC IV.492)
[54] That is, children.
[55] Proverbs xxx.27.
[56] The first printed edition offers *genuinae*, where MS A offers *geminae*.
[57] That is, Helena.
[58] Psalm 63.7
[59] Genesis III.17,18.
[60] Died c. 336 A.D..
[61] Died c. 274 A.D.
[62] Ephesians 5.27.
[64] buccella intinctio.
[65] Iznik (Turkish).
[66] abortivis? _________
[67] Jacob V.4.
[68] Psalm 80.13.
[69] Psalm 9.21
[70] Psalm 146 (147)20
[71] Robert I, count of Flanders, 1071-1093. The letter is printed in *Epistulae et chartae ad historiam primi belli sacri sectantes*, edited by Heinrich Hagenmayer, Innsbruck, 1901, pp. 129-136
[72] Michael VII Ducas, Parapinaces, 1071-1078.
[73] He was the son of Eucherius, master of Lageri.
[74] Elected abbot of Cluny in 1049.
[75] Odo, nephew of Urban II.
[76] Stephen II, 752-757; Zacharias, 741-752.
[77] Pepin compelled Astolphus to restore Ravenna and other cities to Stephen in 755.
[78] Last Lombard king, 756-774.
[79] A reference to the struggle between Emperor Henry IV and Gregory VII; see Uta-Renate Blumenthal, *The Investiture Controversy* Philadelphia, 1988.
[80] Paschal came to France in 1107, with Philip I on the throne. Isidore of Seville (IX.ii.101) offers two derivations for "Franks." *Franci a quodam proprio duce vocari putantur. Alii eos a feritate morum nuncupatos existimant* The archdeacon of Mainz clearly was referring to their animal-like behavior.
[81] Jeremiah III.27,28.
[82] An error by Guibert or by the scribe; the council of Clermont began 18 November, 1095.
[83] Sidonius Apollinarus uses *piperata facundia* in Book VIII, epistle xi, of the *Poems and Letters*, ed. W.B. Anderson, Cambridge, 1984, vol I.
[84] Mathew 27.53.
[85] Isaiah 11.10.
[86] Eccl. 1.7
[87] II Thess. ii.4
[88] II Thess ii.3
[89] Luke xxi.24.
[90] John VII.6
[91] II Thess ii.3.
[92] Isaiah 43.5.
[93] Presumably Peter and Paul.
[94] Psalm 47.8.
[95] Psalm 77.7.
[96] These seven elegiacs are the first verses Guibert inserts in the *Gesta Dei*.
[97] Rom X.2
[98] Classical Latin for a conical column.
[99] In French, *moisson* means "harvest."
[100] Izmit, on the sea of Marmara. The *Gest Francorum* begins here. A more specific account of the difficulties that produced the separation from the Franks can be found in Albert of Aix, RHC IV.284.
[101] Franci a quodam proprio duce vocari putantur. Alii eos a feritate morum nuncupatos existimant. Sunt enim in illis mores inconditi, naturalis ferocitas animorum. The French are thought to derive their name from one of their leaders. Others think that they derive their name from the ferocity of their behavior. For they are naturally fierce. (Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, ____________ ed. W.M. Lindsay, Oxford, 1962, vol. 2).
[102] Asia Minor, or the entire Byzantine empire.
[103] Xerigordo, according to Anna Comnena; today, Eski-Kaled.
[104] September 29, 1096.
[105] Guibert here rejects the perhaps more pathetic scene in the *Gesta Francorum* (Brehier 8): *alii mingebant in pugillo alterius et bibebant*.
[106] Eight elegiacs.
[107] Ten elegiacs.
[108] Sometimes given the epithet, *sine habere*, "the Penniless."
[109] Gemlik, now abandoned.
[110] Iznick, on the lake of the same name.
[111] Twelve Asclepiadeans. At this point, the *Gest Francorum* gives only *quemdam sacerdotem missam celebrantem, quem statim super altare martirizaverunt*, "a priest celebrating mass, whom they immediately martyred on the altar."
[112] Two dactyls, the second line borrowed from Horace, Sat I.97.
[113] Durazzo.
[114] This single elegiac may contain a scribal error, confusing Alemannus with Lemanus (Lake Geneva). The epitaph reads: Hic terror mundi Guiscardus, hic expulit urbe Quem Ligures regem, Roma, Alemannus habet. Parthus, Arabs, Macedumque phalanx non texit Alexim, At fuga; sed Venetum, nec fuga, nec pelagus.
[115] A single dactylic hexameter.
[116] In the Latin, *de prima civitate Richardum*, glossed (p. 152) as *Richardum de Principatu, vel Principem*.
[117] Edirne (Turkish) in Bulgaria.
[118] Today, the Vardar.
[119] Ash Wednesday.
[120] Today, Ruskujan.
[121] "outside of the city wall" is my version of *brugo*, uninhabited land, a field not under cultivation.
[122] Suetoniuis, Caesar 80: Gallias Caesar subegit, Nicomedes Caesarem.
[123] For whatever facts can be assembled about the siege, see R. Rogers, *Latin Siege Warfare in the Twelfth Century*, Oxford, 1992, pp. 16-25.
[124] Four dactylic hexameters.
[125] Tomyris dips Cyrus' head in a bag of blood in Herodotus I CCV. Tibullus (IV.i.143 ff.) alludes to the story, and Valerius Maximus (IX.x) uses the story to illustrate vengeance.
[126] 99 Adonic verses kata stichon, followed by 13 dactylic hexameters.
[127] Lamentations II.9
[128] Matthew XX.12.
[129] Two dactylic hexameters.
[130] Three dactylic hexameters.
[131] Fourteen elegiacs.
[132] The *Gesta Francorum* had given the number as 360,000, Anselm of Ribemont as 260,000. (Brehier 49).
[133] An elegiac couplet.
[134] Deut XXXII.30.
[135] Kilidj-Arslan
[136] one hexameter.
[137] Spikes of cactus, perhaps, or making flour?
[138] Konya (Turkish).
[139] Ereghli (Turkish)
[140] One dactylic hexameter.
[141] Paul.
[142] Adana.
[143] Mamistra (medieval), Mopsuestia (classical), Msis (Armenian), Misis (Turkish).
[144] Thoros.
[145] Selevgia (West Armenian), Silifke (Turkish).
[146] Horace *Ars Poetica* 180-181.
[147] John III.32
[148] Kayseri
[149] Placentia, or Comana.
[150] Goksun.
[151] Riha, perhaps.
[152] Rouveha, perhaps.
[153] Marash
[154] Oct 21, 1097
[155] Aregh
[156] Sallust, Jugurtha 85.
[157] Aleppo.
[158] Eleven stanzas of sapphics.
[159] Lucan I.135.
[160] i.e., become emaciated
[161] Fourteen heptameters.
[162] Juvenal 6.443.
[163] Fourteen dactylic hexameters."
[164] Seven dactylic hexameters.
[165] February 9.
[166] Two dactylic hexameters.
[167] Rom X.2.
[168] Sultan.
[169] Psalm 81.8.
[170] Psalm 78.6.
[171] Psalm 92.3.
[172] Romans 9.25
[173] I Mac. v.62.
[174] Acts IX.25; II Cor XI.33
[175] Sixteen dactylic hexameters.
[176] One dactylic hexameter.
[177] Scatter them that they may know that no other than you, our Lord fights for us. Scatter them by your power, and destroy them, our protector, Lord. (Eccl. xxxvi.1)
[178] Iskenderum.
[179] Aksehir.
[180] Hebrews XII.6.
[181] Or "miracle" in B.
[182] Miraculous intervention at this point is reported also in the*Gesta Francorum*, (Brehier 154), and in a letter published byHagenmayer (*Epistulae et Chartae* 167), but neither Raymond norFulcher mention it.
[183] Malach.III.10
[184] August 1, 1098.
[185] IV Kings.v.12
[186] At this point manuscript I adds: Jerome says, in the fifth book of his explication of Isaiah, that Antioch was the city of Reblata, in which king Nabugodonosor tore out the eyes of king Sedechia, and killed his sons.
[187] Latin for "red."
[188] Ma'arrat-an-Nu'man.
[189] Kafartab.
[190] Rafaniya.
[191] Abou Ali Ibn Ammar.
[192] Raymond, vicount of Torena.
[193] Job 2.4
[194] Latakia.
[195] Djebali
[196] Among the Romans, *iustitium* was a day on which no business can be undertaken due to natural disaster
[197] Judges XVII.6.
[198] Manassas II of Chatillon died in 1106. Anselm's letters have survived and appear in *Epistulae et chartae ad historiam primi belli sacri spectantes*, ed. Heinrich Hagenmeyer, Innsbruck, 1901, pp. 144-146 and 156-160.
[199] October 31.
[200] Botron.
[201] Jubail.
[202] Nahir-Ibrahim.
[203] Saida.
[204] I Kings 17.9.
[205] Tyre.
[206] Ramla.
[207] I Kings I.
[208] Robert, a Norman cleric.
[209] Psalm 21.30.
[210] John IX.7.
[211] Guibert has elided the assertion in the *Gest Francorum* that the Arabs had poisoned the wells, substituting instead these remarks sympathetic to the class from which he sprung.
[212] Joshua VI.20.
[213] The author of the *Gesta Francorum* gives his name as Gaston Bearn.
[214] Part of a dactylic hexameter couplet.
[215] Three elegiac lines.
[216] Two dactylic hexameters.
[217] Psalms 121.1.
[218] 48 iambic trimeters.
[219] Guibert multiplies the single *nuntius* of the *Gesta Francorum* into *legati*.
[220] Sichem, then Flavia Neapolis, then Nabulus.
[221] Arnulf of Martirano.
[222] The *Gesta Francorum* reports the presence of the animals without attributing them to any Arabian design.
[223] One dactylic hexameter.
[224] Two dactylic hexameters.
[225] Psalm 92.4.
[226] Three dactylic hexameters.
[227] Isaiah 43.5.
[228] Zech 12.2.
[229] Galatians 2.2.
[230] Zechariah 12.2.
[231] Zechariah 12.3.
[232] Zechariah 12.3.
[233] Luke 21.24.
[234] Ezekiel 29.18.
[235] Zechariah 12.4.
[236] Zechariah 12.4.
[237] Zechariah.12.5.
[238] Zechariah 12.6.
[239] Zechariah 12.6.
[240] Zechariah 12.7
[241] Zechariah 12.8.
[242] Zechariah 12.8.
[243] Zechariah 12.9.
[244] Psalm 2.8.
[245] Apoc 2.27; 19.15.
[246] Zecharia 12.10.
[247] 5.5.
[248] It is not clear what this province is. The RHC editor tentatively suggests "Isauria."
[249] Judges VI, VII, VIII.
[250] Terence *Eunuch* 4.6.6.
[251] Hebrews 13 II.
[252] Three times in the course of the last book of the *Gesta Dei* Guibert finds something positive in the absence of Western kings on the expedition to Jerusalem. Among the practical reasons for their absence: (1) Philip I and the Holy Roman Emperor were excommunicate at the time; (2) William Rufus was anticlerical and otherwise occupied; (3) the Italian rulers were absorbed with local problems.
[253] Lucan I.135.
[254] Ecclesiasticus 11.5.
[255] Horace, Ars Poetica 97.
[256] Robert the Monk, RHC.HO III, p. 794, provides a longer passage on Gualo.
[257] In Terence's *Eunuch* (I.ii.105), the slave Parmeno says he can keep silent about the truth, but must immediately speak (or leak) what is a lie.
[259] 1066-1118.
[260] 1104.
[261] One dactylic hexameter.
[262] Numbers XX.2-13; XXIII.38.
[263] Fulker.
[264] In RHC, p. 333, Fulker mentions 600,000.
[265] Luke 12.32.
[266] The *Gesta Francorum* gives his name: Gervais de Bazoches.
The Deeds of God through the Franks(C)1997 by Robert Levine