ARTHUR LEE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Paris, March 19th, 1779.
Sir,
I received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 13th, relative to the few papers of our late joint commission remaining in my hands; they are confounded among a multitude of other papers. I will examine them soon, and if I find any that relate to public accounts remaining unpaid (which I do not believe I shall find) I will inform you of it, that copies may be taken of them.
You are pleased to say, that Mr Adams gave you the papers unasked. Mr Adams gave you the general papers, which no way related to him in particular, on your promise that you would have them arranged and kept in order. Mr Adams was not a calumniated person, nor were thepapers he delivered to you necessary to justify him and prove the wickedness of his accuser. In circumstances so totally different I cannot imagine, Sir, that you can think we should act the same. Your pressing so earnestly to get from me a few original papers, which you only conjecture may be in some shape or other useful to you, after I have informed you that they are absolutely necessary to my vindication from an impeachment, that touches even my life and honor, gives me great uneasiness. Whether you are concerned or not in the accusations, it is equally necessary for me to refute them, and I am sure, Sir, you know that originals are better evidence than copies, however authenticated. On the contrary, copies are as adequate to the purposes you mention as originals, and I am most ready to give you copies sealed and authenticated of all, or any of the papers in my hands, as you may command. I beg, Sir, that you will have the goodness to believe, that when I give my reasons for my conduct, I do not mean to enter into or occasion a dispute.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, April 22d, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I enclose you copies[45]of a note and letter from me to the Marquis de la Fayette, to show the terms on which it seems to me we are most likely to obtain a loan from either France or Spain. If Congress approve of them, I should be glad of some instructions in conformity to them; if they are not approved of, I should wish to know it, that I may not repeat the proposal.
I cannot learn that England means to send out any considerable augmentation of their army with you. They have lately received despatches relative to the proceedings in Georgia, but it does not appear yet whether they will send a reinforcement thither from Great Britain, though I think it probable they will.
I have not had a line from you since October last. The peace is not yet signed in Germany. The news of the taking of Pondicherry and other French settlements in India, by the English, together with their advantageous situation in the West Indies, has raised their funds, their credit, and their spirits.[46]
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, April 26th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
Since I had the honor of writing you last, on the 22d of April, nothing material has happened. An account of the signing of the peace in Germany is expected here daily.
The reinforcements sent and sending out to the army against you, amount to about 8000 in new Scotch levies, and British and German recruits. It is the plan of the British ministry, as far as I can learn, to make great exertions in this campaign, both against theUnited States and the French Islands. Their war against you will in all probability be in expeditions against different parts.
This will be delivered to you by Mr Hezekiah Ford, who has served me faithfully for eight months as Secretary. He will give you the best information in his power of the state of affairs here.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, May 21st, 1779.
Gentlemen,
It is now more than six months since I was honored with a line from you. I wrote you last on the 26th of April; since that time a solemn treaty of peace has been concluded, by the mediation of France, between the Porte and the Court of Petersburg. Though this may appear to leave Russia at liberty to assist Great Britain, I do not think you have anything in reality to apprehend from that quarter.
It is probable the German powers will soon be at peace, though it is not yet signed at Teschin. The effect of this will be to furnish Great Britain with a number of German troops, such as the free companies which are levied by different leaders in all German wars, and are dismissed when they end. These having once pursued the military life will the more readily engage, especially when tempted with good pay and promises of plunder. The King of Prussia and the Elector of Saxony are from interest inclined to our cause; but there are so many intermediate considerations, which retard an open declaration, that it is not possible to say when that will take place.
The House of Austria is in its politics inclined to England, and the Empress is personally so. The Emperor I think has different sentiments, but he is not the Sovereign. The Grand Duke, though much our friend, must follow the steps of his mother.
Spain, Portugal, and Naples are in perfect harmony. The first is more able to reduce Great Britain to terms of peace, by a full acknowledgment of our independency and sovereignty, than any power in Europe. Her ministers are able, her credit great, her treasury well supplied, her finances well administered, her commerce increasing, her fleet amounting to fifty sail of the line, and a proportionable number of frigates, fit for immediate service. In a word she is in a state to begin at a moment’s warning a powerful war, and continue it for three years without borrowing a sol. She has made a noble motion to conclude what is stipulated in the treaty of alliance, and as I have not received one word of answer to my letters to Congress of the 10th of February, and 4th of April 1778, it is not easy for me to know how to act. I wish always to receive the instructions of my constituents, that I may pursue them to the best of my ability.
The States-General have at length resolved to grant convoys to their merchant ships, and support their commerce against the pretensions of England. Sweden and Denmark have determined the same; and all these governments are augmenting their naval force, so as to support these resolutions. I imagine this will, by degrees, let in the commerce of America, to which these powers will give every protection they can, short of open hostilities, and Great Britain will be obliged to wink at it.
In England the discontents in the army and navy are little short of disaffection. The Ministers are pursued with unremitting acrimony, and supported by the king with proportionable perseverance. The examination of the sea and land officers before the House of Commons, in the inquiry now making into the conduct of the Howes, with the correspondence between the Ministers and Generals, prove very satisfactorily, that both the Ministers and Generals exerted their utmost in the war against us; and that it did not fail from their fault, but from the impracticability of the attempt. General Grey’s decided opinion is, that the war can never succeed. Captain Hammond spoke highly of the behavior and utility of our row gallies and fire flats. The new recruiting scheme in England is very unproductive; they have not yet raised six thousand of the fifteen thousand they expected. Their expense is enormous, and the produce of their taxes, though they are increased in number, greatly deficient. Scotland is irritated by the countenance given to the Roman Catholics, and their highland levies have twice mutinied, so that there is little probability of that country, however hostile, supplying any more troops.
Ireland is nearly in the state we were in six years ago. The people are supplying themselves with arms, meeting and exercising, and the government not venturing to interpose. They have entered into a nonimportation agreement, and their spirit is in a train towards independency, which nothing but the most wise and healing measures will stop. General Clinton has thrice demanded his recall, and Lord Cornwallis will probably command in his place.
On the contrary, there is not the smallest abatement of the hostile intentions against us in the king and his Ministers. Nor will a change, if the king should be forced to it, make any difference, butthat probably those intentions would be carried into execution with more wisdom. Our alliance with France has united all parties, in the resolution of prosecuting the war against us to the last extremity. Almost the whole of the French commerce, having fallen a prey to their privateers, has really enriched the nation and rendered the war popular. Their late successes, especially in India, have given them credit for this year and resources for the next, great and unexpected; the peace in Germany will supply them with men. Lord Shelburne’s plan is, and he will make a point of it should he come in, to prevail upon Prince Ferdinand to take the command in America; trusting that his abilities, with the confidence and graciousness of his character among the British, as well as the German soldiery, will overcome all difficulties.
But what they rely upon most is the derangement of our finances, the depreciation of our paper, the divisions and discontents excited among us by the bad ambition of some, the criminal intrigues of others, and the unbounded avarice of many. They flatter themselves, that what has happened in all countries and at all times will be our fate, that public defaulters will, by the weight of their acquisitions, obtain an ascendency which will either bring us to ruin by the prevalence of the evil, or betray us to our former domination, in order to keep possession with impunity of what they have acquired. If, by these instruments, they can loosen the ties, which by knitting the people and their leaders together have hitherto rendered them invincible, and withdraw their confidence from those who originally planned and have ably conducted them through this wonderful revolution, they hope to effect what they hitherto have attempted in vain,—to subjugate thoseQuos neque Tydides, nec LarissæusAchilles, non anni domuere decem, non mille carinæ. As far as I can learn, there is no probability of this Court’s supplying any money. But of this you will be better informed by your Minister. This letter I expect will go by the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who succeeds M. Gerard. M. de la Luzerne’s family is among the best and most honorable of this country. He has been Minister to the Court of Munich, and is a gentleman of honor and ability, insomuch that the Court of Versailles seems to me in nothing to have shown its wisdom more, than in sending at this important moment a Minister, whose conduct is likely to correspond with his rank and character, and who will not descend to anything that may either dishonor himself or disturb us.
The secretary to the embassy, M. de Marbois, is also a gentleman respectable for his character and abilities.
The sums of public money, which I have received for my expenses (my two journies included) from the bankers Sollier and Grand, from the 16th of December 1776, to the 20th of April 1779, amounts to 119,018 livres, 17 den. 17 sols. I observe that Mr Deane, in a summary laid before Congress on the 12th of October 1778, lumps a sum received by the Commissioners for their expenses, &c. from Mr Grand, only to the 30th of April 1778, and states it at 244,285 livres, 15, 11. But as I have no concern with what Dr Franklin and Mr Deane received, I desire that the accounts of the bankers, and not that of Mr Deane, may answer for me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. May 22d.The treaty of peace in Germany was signed on the 13th. From some intelligence I have just received, though not from authority, I am inclined to believe we shall soon be satisfied with the conduct of Spain. Be pleased to enclose my letters, à Monsieur le Marquis de Malsherbe, Ministre d’Etat, Paris.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 31st, 1779.
Sir,
I beg the favor of your Excellency to lay my respects before Congress, with a repetition of my most earnest request to be recalled.
I should most willingly continue to sacrifice, as I have hitherto done, my private interests to the public good; but I am satisfied that the dissensions raised concerning me will be continued, by a continuance of my commission, and will be of more injury to the public than I can be of service; and as the public good was the sole motive of my accepting the commission, the same reason now induces me to desire most earnestly to resign it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO COUNT D’ARANDA.
Paris, June 7th, 1779.
Mr Lee has the honor to present his respects to his Excellency the Ambassador of Spain, and begs him to be pleased to transmit the letter accompanying this to his Court.
TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
Paris, June 6th, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a Memorial, which the opportunities I have had of knowing the temper and circumstances of Great Britain make me presume to submit to your consideration.
The earnest desire I have of rendering some service to Spain, and the common interest that must subsist in the success of the war, should it happen, are the motives and I hope will be the apology for what I offer.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
MEMORIAL TO THE COURT OF SPAIN.
Paris, June 6th, 1779.
It is experience that teaches wisdom. The misfortunes of our friends carry this good with them, that they are a warning to us.
The present war between France and England has been conducted chiefly by the privateers of the latter. They have made a prey of almost the whole commerce of France. This, while it really enriched England, rendered the war popular. It has deeply wounded France in the loss of her sailors as well as of her property.
The cause of this misfortune is manifest. France permitted her trade to go on as in time of peace, as individuals pleased, and without convoy. It was thought better to employ their ships of war in cruising for the privateers, than in convoying and defending theirvessels against them. It was not considered, that privateers always go single, that they are swift and small, that it is difficult to find a small and single ship at sea, and that an East or West India prize is worth fifty privateers. The consequences have been proportioned to the plan. France has captured some little privateers of England, the English the large and rich East and West India ships of the French. This is a misfortune, from which I would wish to warn and guard Spain.
The English have greater expectations of rich and numerous prizes in a Spanish than in a French war. If they are disappointed in this, such a war would soon become unpopular and unmaintainable. Now the means of disappointing their expectations are, as I conceive, these. To lay an embargo on all the merchant vessels of Spain, both in Europe and America, at the commencement of hostilities. Not to suffer their merchantmen or galleons, which are the great objects of English avidity, to go out of their ports but with strong convoys. So secured, they could not be captured but by a fleet or strong squadron of the enemy. But fleets and large squadrons hardly ever make prizes; nor from their nature and circumstances can they do it. Privateers, frigates, and single ships of force, are those only which cruise with effect against merchantmen. Defended from these, the commerce of Spain will go safe and secure, the hopes of the enemy will be disappointed, they will sustain all the burthen of the war without reaping any of its expected benefits.
Such a war must soon become unpopular; and the wisest Ministers in the best of times cannot long sustain an unpopular war in England, much less can it be sustained in times of great and manifest difficulty and distress, and by Ministers who have not given the mostdistinguished proofs of their wisdom. There is no human event more sure than that Spain, if she secures her commerce from the depredations of the enemy, must soon reduce Great Britain to whatever equitable terms she pleases. Add to this, that if while the fleet of France keeps that of England in check in the channel and in the bay, the fleet of Spain should completely block up the Mediterranean, so as to intercept all communication with Gibraltar and Minorca, these strong holds must inevitably surrender in a few months.
I may, therefore, be now permitted to repeat with more confidence than ever, that it is in the power of Spain to clip the wings of Great Britain, and pinion her for ever.
ARTHUR LEE.
JOHN ADAMS TO ARTHUR LEE.
L’Orient, June 10th, 1779.
Dear Sir,
I have the honor of your letter from Paris, of the 5th of this month, in which you inform me, that by advices from America your enemies are determined to impeach your attachment to our country and her cause, and in which you request my opinion on that point, from the knowledge I have had of your conduct, while we acted together in commission.
At the same time, that I lament the necessity of giving my testimony to a point, that ought to be so well established in every part of the world, I have great pleasure in declaring, that from my first knowledge of your fame to this hour, I have never entertained one moment’s suspicion of your attachment to our country and her cause, but on the contrary through the whole course of that period, which I think is more than ten years, I have seen frequent proofs of yourfidelity and zeal in it, oftentimes at a great expense of labor and care at least, and at great hazard; and particularly through the space of time I had the honor to serve with you in commission, I never saw or heard anything which gave me the least suspicion of the sincerity, fidelity, or zeal of your devotion to the sovereignty of the United States, but on the contrary, constant evidence of a warm affection for their honor, dignity, and prosperity.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, June 21st, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform Congress, that Spain has declared against Great Britain, and that their respective Ambassadors are recalled. A part of the Spanish fleet has joined that of France, which makes it outnumber that of England, amounting to thirtythree sail of the line, under Admiral Sir Charles Hardy, so that it is not very probable the latter will long hold the dominion of the sea.
Two motions in the House of Commons, one for offering us peace, the other for withdrawing all their force from America to withstand the House of Bourbon, have been negatived since the Spanish declaration was known to the Ministry of England. The ministerial arguments were, that neither they nor any other Ministry could consent to the independence of America, nor to the withdrawing their troops, without previous offers on our part. That the number of Americans in the King’s service was equal to General Washington’s army, with seventhousand of our sailors volunteers in his service. Lord George Germain said he knew, from undoubted intelligence, that Congress was divided into parties, and that it was only the fear of the army, that withheld a part of Congress from immediately offering terms to Great Britain. He added, that as the prohibitory act empowered the Crown to receive bodies, or individuals of America into the King’s protection, and to grant pardons, this was sufficient. The majority of the House received this with acclamations of applause.
Parliament is to be prorogued on the 24th, having voted another million for this year’s service.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
Paris, June 27th, 1779.
Sir,
Your Excellency will permit me to lay before you, a statement of the late proceedings of the English in the southern parts of the United States of America, which, in their consequences, may be as injurious to his Catholic Majesty’s possessions in that quarter as to those of the States. Should the measure proposed to prevent their success appear to your Excellency to be advisable, it cannot be executed too soon; because every day gives the enemy new strength in their stations, and enables them to do additional mischief by destroying whatever they can approach.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
MEMORIAL TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
Paris, June 27th, 1779.
The English, having taken possession of Savannah in Georgia, are extending themselves in that State so as to form a connexion with, and establish an influence over, the Indian nations that border all that country. They design also to possess themselves of Port Royal in South Carolina, and if possible, of Charleston.
These acquisitions, if they are suffered, with their contiguous possessions, will give them such a command upon that coast and in the Gulf, as well as such means of exciting the savages, and seconding their enterprises against the neighboring territories of Spain, as may be difficult to resist if they are not prevented.
What renders it impracticable for the Americans to repel the enemy, is their superiority at sea, which, at the same time that it supports their posts on land, enables them to make diversions in various quarters so as to keep up a general alarm, and prevent our force from being united in any one point. With this view, they have very lately invaded the State of Virginia, in the Bay of Chesapeake, to withhold the aid which that State would send to South Carolina and Georgia.
In this situation it is in his Majesty’s power to give very effectual assistance to the invaded States, and prevent the enemy from making such dangerous establishments and such an augmentation of their power. The naval force of the English in Georgia and South Carolina will consist of a fifty gun ship, the Experiment, lately sailed, and three frigates. In the Bay of Chesapeake, there are a sixtyfour and a fortyfour gun ship, with some armed tenders.
A small squadron, therefore, of three or four large ships and a few frigates, sent from the Havanna, would destroy the enemy’s ships in Georgia, South Carolina, and Chesapeake Bay, and deliver their troops into the hands of the Americans.
The state of the enemy’s fleets in Europe and the West Indies, will not permit them to augment their force on the coast of America. The squadron, actually sailed under Admiral Arbuthnot to New York, consists of four ships of the line and one frigate, viz. the Robust seventyfour, the Russel seventyfour, the Europe sixtyfour, the Defiance sixtyfour, and the Guadaloupe twentyeight. As this squadron must support the operations of their main army, and protect Halifax, Rhode Island, and New York, it is not probable they will detach any additional force from thence to the southward, so that their armament there, if not withdrawn, must necessarily fall a sacrifice to the Spanish squadron.[47]
ARTHUR LEE.
COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.
Philadelphia, July 16th, 1779.
Sir,
Two days ago several of your letters came to hand, the latest being of April 6th; it is much to be regretted that this one in particular did not earlier arrive. The copy of its contents was sent immediately to Governor Trumbull, but alas, too late. Fairfield had been destroyed by the fire of the enemy. We are mistaken, however, if that enemy does not shortly find the unprofitableness of this kind of warfare towards their main purpose. America must be dead indeed to all proper spirit, if such doings will not render her both as vigilant and active as in the beginning of the contest. It is matter of much conjecture, why you have not been able, for some months back, to give us interesting accounts from Spain. All we know is through M. Gerard. We have sent so many sets of the journals of Congress, that you will doubtless get one. They are chiefly directed to Dr Franklin. You will find the parts in which you are personally interested to be under the following dates, viz.; April 6, 15, 20, 21, 22, 26, 28, 30; May 3, 22, 24, 25, 27; June 8.
We shall speedily write again; in the meantime be assured that we are with much regard,Your humble servant,
JAMES LOVELL,For the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
P. S.September 16th.It is probable, that all the papers sent by you, up to May 21st, have come safe, either in originals, duplicates or triplicates.
COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Madrid, August 6th, 1779.
Sir,
I duly received the two letters, which you were so kind as to write to me, dated the 7th and 25th of June last, in which you detail the critical circumstances of the affairs of England, and the system which you think suitable for the powers at war with her, and on this occasion you likewise mention some points relating to the present situation of the United Provinces of America.
I can assure you, Sir, that I read with the greatest pleasure your very wise and prudent reflections, of which I shall make a suitable use.
I avail myself of this opportunity to assure you of the perfect respect, with which I have the honor to be, &c.
COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, August 10th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
Not being permitted to know whether there is any certain opportunity of writing, I must send you by every probable way an account of the present situation of affairs, which is extremely interesting.
After a long delay through unfavorable winds, the Spanish and French fleets joined off Cape Finisterre the 26th of last month. On the 6th of this, they were off Ushant, making for the English channel. A courier that arrived yesterday left them in the same position, with the wind contrary on the 7th. The combined fleet consists of fifty ships of the line, with thirty odd frigates, bombs, and fire ships, under the command of the Count d’Orvilliers. The Spanish and French ships are mixed together, the former twenty and the latter thirty. Don Cardova commands a separate fleet of sixteen Spanish ships of theline, which attends the grand combined fleet as acorps de réserve. Don Ulloa cruises off the Canaries with four of the line, and six more block up the Bay of Gibraltar, while a Spanish army invests the town by land.
Between thirty and forty thousand French troops are ready to embark at Havre de Grace and at St Malo to invade England, the moment the combined fleet appears to protect them. Besides this, large corps of troops are assembled at Brest and Dunkirk, and transports preparing for them, so that they may be ready to support the others, according to the exigency of events and the place where they land.
The West India fleet, and that from the Baltic, got safe into the English ports to the amount of three hundred sail, the first of this month. This may enable them in a few weeks to add ten sail to their grand fleet, which at present consists of thirtyfive sail under Sir Charles Hardy, and is retiring up the channel. But it is to be hoped, they will feel some decisive blow before that augmentation.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Paris, August 14th, 1779.
Sir,
A decent time having now elapsed since the Declaration of his Catholic Majesty against the King of Great Britain, it seems proper to apply to the Spanish Court to know whether they are inclined to enter into the alliance, which Congress have agreed to. At the same time, it appears to me that to ask Count de Vergennes’ opinion of such a step, before I take it, would be an agreeable and useful markof confidence in this Court. But as I think such an application cannot with propriety be made to his Excellency, by any one but you as minister here, I must beg you to take the trouble of consulting Count de Vergennes, both upon the propriety and manner of my applying upon this subject to the Court of Spain; and that you will have the goodness to communicate to me his opinion. I would very willingly apply myself, were I not persuaded that it would be a trespass against the deference due to your situation, and that the observance of this order in our proceedings will contribute to the attainment of the public object I have in view.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, August 24th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of writing you on the 10th, to inform Congress of the junction of the fleets of France and Spain, the disposition of the troops and ships of the latter for the blockade of Gibraltar, and the security of their commerce, with the preparations here for invading England. Since that, adverse winds have continually kept the combined fleet from entering the channel, and of course the embarkation for the invasion waits its approach and protection.
I am informed and believe, that the Empress of Russia has offered her mediation between the belligerent powers in Europe. Her partiality for England is certain, and it is to be feared, that from a partialmediatrix she may become a powerful ally, and draw with her perhaps Sweden and Denmark, with whom she is upon good terms, and who may not think it their interest to let the naval power of the House of Bourbon acquire such an ascendency, by the destruction of that of Great Britain, as will destroy the balance and rivalship in Europe, so as to set up an unquestioned sovereign of the seas.
Our enemies are so much pressed and kept in check at present, that I do not see a possibility of their sending any further force against you for the next campaign, nor a probability of their being able to continue that which is already at New York and Rhode Island. But as the interposition of other powers is an event always to be kept in view, and that interposition will not only render the issue of the war uncertain, but place the day of peace far distant, I cannot help signifying my most earnest hope, that the wisdom of Congress will employ that respite in so arranging and reforming the administration of the public finances, and strengthening the country both by sea and land, as to be able to maintain the sovereignty and independence of the United States, in spite of any European combination, that may be formed against it.
The English papers tell us, that theCount d’Estaingof ten guns and fourteen swivels, with despatches from Congress, was taken the 14th of July off Cape Finisterre, and that the despatches fell into their hands.
The uncertainty of what will be the final resolution of Congress regarding me upon the review of foreign affairs, and after all the licentious means, that I perceive have been employed to injure my character, has determined me to wait their ultimate commands at this place. These will either save me from an ineffectual journey toMadrid, or fortify me with full instructions and a reassurance of that confidence, which it has been the endeavor of my enemies to withdraw from me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. August 26th.The combined fleet was as far up the channel as Plymouth on the 18th, and had taken the Ardent of sixtyfour guns. This being a proper time of the moon for the embarkation of the troops, it is probably executing at this moment, and our enemies will soon taste of those miseries, which they have so wantonly visited upon us.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, September 10th, 1779.
Sir,
I have seen in the Journals of Congress, transmitted to me by the Committee of Foreign Affairs, that Mr Paca, Mr W. H. Drayton, and Mr Carmichael have been permitted to lay before you intelligence and information concerning me,[48]and that at a moment in which Congress were to decide without hearing me, on what materially concerned my honor and reputation, both in America and Europe.
I may venture to say, Sir, without fear of contradiction, that this is a new mode of judicial proceeding in a country contending for liberty and justice; a mode of which every man in or out of Congress would complain if applied to himself; and under which it isimpossible that any man’s character can be safe from the attempts of malice and falsehood.
Congress will permit me to request, that they will order copies of that intelligence and information to be transmitted to me, that I may be able to do myself, though late, the justice of answering them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, September 19th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of receiving your letter of the 16th of July, with the Journals of Congress, in which I see with sorrow the proceedings with regard to those, who in no moment of their lives ever neglected to do the utmost in their power for the public good.[49]
For myself I trust, that time and maturer consideration will alter the opinion of those gentlemen, who appeared desirous of fixing upon me a most public mark of suspicion and censure, with some little precipitation, they will permit me to say, as it was before I had been heard. Among those gentlemen there are some, whose education and profession should, in a peculiar manner, have taught them, that it is laid down as a fundamental maxim of justice, that he who gives judgment, the one party being heard and the other not, though he should happen to be right in his decision, commits an act of injustice.
I should have expected, that not only Congress but every member ofit, my accusers excepted, would have been my advocates, because your records are filled with proofs of my early and unremitting endeavors to serve the public. Congress will bear with me while I express my surprise, that the delicacy observed in wording Mr Deane’s recall was reversed in the proceedings against Mr Izard, my brother, and myself; unless it were intended to hold us up to the world as persons, who had been proved guilty of offences against their country; which, if it were, may God in his infinite mercy forgive.
I am fully persuaded, that time and riper information will show you, that as nothing could have given a deeper wound to the honor and interests of the United States, than harmony among your Commissioners in doing ill, there were use and merit in the suspicions and dissensions, that arose among them. In any event, they who consider, that suspicions and dissensions may and have existed among the best of men, will mix some moderation with the judgment they pass upon them. They who know with what long suffering and frequent forgiveness I endeavored to prevent them, will not impute the blame to me.
I will trouble Congress no more upon this vexed and unworthy business. Sensible as I was of the honor of your confidence, I was equally sensible of the sacrifice I made of my private affairs to the public service. I received your commission therefore not as a favor; I do not retain it as a favor; I will do my duty while I keep it, and resign it when it is your pleasure, without a moment’s regret. When times less critical will admit of less reserve, it will be my duty to prove to my country and to the world, as I have done to you, that your confidence in me was not misplaced. This I trust I shall be able to do by evidence, that will carry conviction to all, and confusion to many.
Congress will permit me to hope, that long before this, they have honored me with full instructions relative to the additional articles, and the boundary between the territories of Spain and the United States, on which I asked their commands as long ago as February and April, 1778. It is fortunate, that I have not yet been called upon on that subject. But it is impossible to say how long it will be delayed; and no heavier misfortune could befall me, than to be left uninstructed in a business of such moment.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.
Passy, September 30th, 1779.
Sir,
I received but yesterday morning, just as I was going out of town, the letter you did me the honor of writing to me, dated the 26th instant, respecting my supplying you with money for your support in Spain. As I cannot furnish that expense, and there is not, in my opinion, any likelihood at present of your being received at that Court, I think your resolution of returning forthwith to America is both wise and honest.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, October 13th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I have certain intelligence, that Admiral Rodney is to sail immediately from England, with five sail of the line, to take the command of the fleet in the West Indies. I am well informed, that the plan he proposed was by dividing his fleet into three divisions, with some landed forces on board of each, to block up and harass continually the whole of our coast. It is probable they have adopted his plan with him. His abilities and activity are great. Count d’Estaing is expected here in the winter with twelve ships, which will leave the enemy a decided and dangerous superiority. Our hope is, that by some mortal blow on New York before his departure he will in a great measure frustrate their intentions.
The combined fleet is ordered into the British channel, and the troops to prepare for the invasion of England. Upon the issue of this will depend the continuance of the war.
I have not yet received any instructions from Congress relative to Spain, nor any answer from that Court relative to my reception there. The public funds, which were in my hands, being nearly exhausted, and Dr Franklin having positively declined supplying my expenses at that Court, I must beg Congress to take some immediate order in this business, so that it may not remain in the power of any individual to counteract their intentions, and drive gentlemen away from Europe, who are so unfortunate as not to be in his good graces.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.