THE CORRESPONDENCE OF RALPH IZARD.
INSTRUCTIONS TO RALPH IZARD.
Philadelphia, July 1st, 1777.
Sir,
Herewith you will receive a Commission from the Congress of the United States of North America, authorising and appointing you to represent the said Congress, as their Commissioner at the Court of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. You will proceed with all convenient expedition to the Court of the Grand Duke, and will lose no time in announcing in form the declaration of Independence made in Congress, the fourth day of July, 1776. The reasons of this act of independence are so strongly adduced in the declaration itself, that further argument is unnecessary.
As it is of the greatest importance to these States, that Great Britain be effectually obstructed in the plan of sending German and Russian troops to North America, you will exert all possible address to prevail with the Grand Duke to use his influence with the Emperor and the Courts of France and Spain to this end.
You will propose a treaty of friendship and commerce with the said Grand Duke, upon the same commercial principles as were the basis of the first treaties of friendship and commerce proposed to the Courts of France and Spain, by our Commissioners, and which were approved in Congress, the seventeenth day of September, 1776, and not interfering with any treaties, which may have been proposed to or concluded with the Courts abovementioned. For your better instruction herein, the Commissioners at the Court of Versailles will be desired to furnish you, from Paris, with a copy of the treaty originally proposed by Congress to be entered into with France, together with the subsequent alterations, that have been proposed on either side.
You are to propose no treaty of commerce to be of longer duration, than the term of twelve years from the date of its ratification by the Congress of the United States. And it must never be forgotten in these commercial treaties, that reciprocal and equal advantages to the people of both countries be firmly and plainly secured.
There being reason to suppose, that his Royal Highness makes commerce an object of his attention, you will not fail to place before him, in the clearest light, the great advantages, that may result from a free trade between Tuscany and North America.
You will seize the first favorable moment to solicit, with firmness and respect, an acknowledgment of the independence of these States, and the public reception of their Commissioner as the representative of a sovereign State.
The measures you may take in the premises, and the occurrences of your negotiation, you will communicate to Congress, by every opportunity.
It may not be improper to observe, that these instructions, and all others, which you may receive from time to time, should be kept as secret as circumstances will admit.
JOHN HANCOCK,President of Congress.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, October 6th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of receiving by the Independence, Captain Young, a commission and instructions from Congress, the objects of which I shall use my utmost endeavors to accomplish.
The powers of Europe seem to be waiting for the determination of the Court of Versailles, respecting the acknowledgment of the independence of America. As soon as she sets the example, it will I believe be followed by all those whose interest makes them wish for the diminution of the power of England. In this description may be comprehended every State, that can be of any service to us. It is very much the interest of most of the powers of Italy, that the strength of the British navy should be lessened; some of their ports, particularly those of Naples, and Civita Vecchia, have been frequently insulted, and all of them are liable to be so, by a nation not remarkable for its moderation. I think, therefore, that they must be disposed to afford assistance to the States of America, privately, either by subsidy or loan. Congress will be pleased to honor me with their instructions on this point; and, in the mean time, I shall endeavor to procure every information on the subject in my power.Should the proposition be approved of, they will furnish me with proper powers. If I should be so fortunate as to succeed in procuring money, I should be glad to know how it should be disposed of, whether in the purchase of such articles as are wanted, or remitted in specie.
I hope to be frequently favored with the proceedings of Congress, and with the state of affairs in America, which will be of importance to me, and cannot fail of giving weight to the appointment they have honored me with.
I have the honor to be, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
P. S.The Committee will be pleased to direct their despatches to me, to the care of Dr Franklin, or whatever Commissioner may be resident at the Court of France.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, December 18th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
Since my letter of the 6th of October, I have cultivated an intimacy with the Tuscan Minister, resident at this Court. He is a man of honor, of considerable abilities, and extremely friendly to our country. I proposed to him, that I should immediately set out for Italy, and desired his opinion and advice. He dissuaded me from executing my intentions for the present, assured me of the good disposition of the Grand Duke towards us, and promised me to use his utmost endeavors to promote our interest with him. He thought, that my presence at this time might produce some embarrassment at his Court, which would not long be the case. He is since gone to Florence, and I am convinced, that no services that he can render the States will be withheld.
This gentleman is a great favorite, and I am well assured is more in the confidence of the Grand Duke than any of his Ministers. I flatter myself, therefore, that I have acted according to the wishes of Congress, in conforming to his advice. I have repeatedly pressed him on the subject of the German troops, recommended to me by Congress, and he has done every thing I could wish him to do. I have the satisfaction to learn, that the King of Prussia has refused to let a body of Germans, intended for America, pass through his dominions, and it is said, that he was induced to take this step at the desire of the Emperor. I expect letters very soon from Florence, which will regulate my conduct. Every thing in my power has been done to execute the trust that has been reposed in me by Congress; and it will make me extremely happy, whenever an opportunity offers of rendering any service to my country.
The irresolute and indecisive state of the politics at the Court of France, has for some time kept all Europe in suspense. The late success of our arms against General Burgoyne has given a fortunate turn to our affairs in this kingdom, and the conduct of the French Ministry has confirmed me in an opinion I have long had, that the establishment of our liberties must depend upon our own exertions. One successful battle will gain us more friends, and do our business more effectually, than all the skill of the ablest negotiators. I repeat my request, that I may be furnished from time to time with the proceedings and resolutions of Congress, and likewise with the state of affairs in America, which will be highly useful to me.
I am, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
ARTHUR LEE TO RALPH IZARD.
January 28th, 1778.
Sir,
You may if you please mention to the other Commissioners, that I have asked your opinion of the proposition of setting all our exports to the French Islands, against the molasses imported from them, in a perpetual exemption from duties. If your arguments should convince them, I am still ready to co-operate in preventing the article from taking effect, and think there is yet time. But a day may render it irrecoverable.
I am, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Paris, January 28th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
Mr Lee has asked my opinion on an article, which he informs me has been under the consideration of the Commissioners, viz, whether an exemption from duty on molasses is an equivalent for a total exemption from duty of all the exports of North America to the French West India Islands?
In answer to this question I am clearly of opinion, that it is not, and if that article should be agreed to by the Commissioners, without an absolute necessity, I cannot help thinking it will be a sacrifice of the general interests of America to those provinces which import molasses. I shall not be suspected of partiality, or of being actuated by any motives but those of the public good, when it is known that South Carolina, the province in which all my property lies, imports a considerable quantity of molasses for distillation.Should the article in question be agreed to, the French might lay what duty they pleased upon their European exports, and even upon their sugar, coffee, and other productions of their Islands, without our having any check upon them whatever. For if, in consequence of any such duty imposed by them, a duty were to be laid by America on any of her exports to France, the French vessels would have nothing to do, but to clear out for the West Indies, and sail directly for Europe, or touch first at one of their Islands. This will certainly at least open a door for smuggling, and may occasion a discontinuance of that friendship and harmony, which ought to subsist between the countries. This article seems the more extraordinary to me, as I do not think there is the least probability of any duty being ever laid by the French upon molasses, as the distilling it into rum would materially interfere with their brandy, and therefore a duty would endanger a diminution of the consumption of it.
I am very sensible, that the decision of this business is committed entirely to the Commissioners at this Court. At the same time I cannot help thinking it my duty, not only as a gentleman of considerable property in America, but likewise as one whom Congress has thought proper to honor with a commission similar to your own, though at another Court, to endeavor to prevent the execution of an article, that I think injurious to the interests of my country. I prefer this application to you singly as a friend, to one addressed to all the Commissioners, and I hope the latter will be unnecessary.
It is very painful for me to write to you in the language of complaint, but I feel myself hurt, and it is proper that I shouldtell you of it. It does not appear to me to be possible, that any inconvenience could have arisen, if you had mentioned to me the proposition of an exemption of all duties on our exports, as a compensation for the exemption of the duty on molasses alone. When I had the pleasure of seeing you last at my house, I spoke to you in general about the treaty, and particularly about the article of molasses, and expressed my fears, that the French Ministry would not consent to have such a restraint put upon their power, as was contained in the article of the original treaty. I asked you whether you were under any injunctions of secrecy, which prevented you from satisfying me. You replied, that certainly secrecy was necessary to be observed, but that as I was myself a Commissioner, you thought that you might without any impropriety talk with me on the subject, and informed me that the objection, which I apprehended, had been made, and that the article was to be given up. Not a word was mentioned about an equivalent. As you thought at that time, that my being a Commissioner entitled you to speak to me on the subject, I cannot conceive what impropriety there could possibly have been in your doing it, when so material an alteration was under consideration.
The instructions sent to me by Congress came through your hands, and it will be hardly necessary to remind you, that though the conclusion of the treaty with this Court is intrusted to you, and the other gentlemen joined with you in the Commission, I am directed by the same authority under which you act to apply to you for a copy, not only of the original treaty, but likewise of “every subsequent alteration, that has beenproposedon either side.” It appears therefore to me, that as soon as the alteration wasproposeditought to have been communicated to me. Had you made such communication, I should have thought it my duty to have called your attention to the principles of the treaty, and should have requested you to consider whether you were not going to act in direct violation of them. My reason for thinking so is, that I am instructed to “propose to the Court of Tuscany a treaty on the same commercial principles as are the basis of the treaty, which you are directed to propose to the Court of France.” What this basis, and these principles are, is clearly explained to me in the following instructions. “It must never be forgotten in these commercial treaties, that reciprocal and equal advantages to the people of both countries be firmly and plainly secured.” This matter gives me a great deal of uneasiness, and I am extremely anxious to know, if there be yet a possibility of stopping the execution of the article. You will therefore excuse my requesting, that you will favor me with an answer to this letter as soon as possible.[63]
I have the honor to be, with great regard, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
RALPH IZARD.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO RALPH IZARD.
Passy, January 29th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I received yours late last evening. Present circumstances, which I will explain to you when I have the honor of seeing you, prevent my giving it a full answer now. The reasons you offer had before beenall under consideration. But I must submit to remain some days under the opinion you appear to have formed, not only of my poor understanding in the general interests of America, but of my defects in sincerity, politeness, and attention to your instructions. These offences, I flatter myself, admit of fair excuses, or rather will be found not to have existed. You mention, that youfeel yourself hurt. Permit me to offer you a maxim, which has through life been of use to me, and may be so to you, in preventing such imaginary hurts. It is, “always tosupposeone’s friendsmay be right, till onefindsthem wrong, rather thanto suppose them wrong, till onefindsthem right.” You have heard and imagined all that can be said or supposed on one side of the question, but not on the other.
I am, nevertheless, with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient and humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Paris, January 30th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I was yesterday favored with your letter, containing a maxim, which though a very old one, I am bound to thank you for, and can assure you, that so far from disapproving it, it has been one of the constant rules of my life. If you will be pleased to recollect the most extraordinary inattention, to say the least of it, with which I have been treated during the six months I have been in Paris, you will I hope think I have profited by it. You will be pleased likewise to recollect, that after having borne this for a considerable time,I complained to you of it. Forced as I was into this complaint, it was, however, not made without studying how it should be done in a manner least likely to give you offence. I should have been extremely glad, if you had attended to the maxim yourself yesterday. Had you done so, I should not have been supposed to have formed an opinion, that you had a poor understanding in the general interests of America, or that you were insincere. My letter had no such meaning, neither can any such construction be fairly put upon it.
I shall give you another proof of my attention to your maxim, by not being offended at your assertion, “that I have heard and imagined all that can be said or supposed on one side of the question, but not on the other.” You may depend upon it, you have adopted an erroneous opinion, and what that is I will inform you when you favor me with the explanation promised in your letter. You will do me the justice to remember, that it has been my constant endeavor to accommodate the differences, that I found prevailing to a very great degree upon my arrival here. I shall be extremely sorry, and think it a misfortune, if I should be drawn into any with a gentleman of whom I have so high an opinion as I have of you, and for whom I feel so strong a disposition to continue an esteem and friendship. This I hope will not be expected to be done at too great an expense; by my being silent when I think it my duty to speak.
I cannot conclude without again requesting, that you would reconsider the article, which was the subject of my last letter. If it is determined, that it shall stand in its present form, can there be any inconvenience in its not being finally concluded, till it hasundergone the consideration of Congress? If this proposition is inadmissible, I sincerely wish, that the treaty may be for a term of years only, which is very customary in treaties of commerce, that if the mischiefs, which I apprehend, should not prove imaginary, they may have some limitation, and not be entailed on us for ever.
I have the honor to be, with great regard, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO RALPH IZARD.
York, February 5th, 1778.
Sir,
Your letter from Paris, of October 6th, last year, being read in Congress, afforded much satisfaction, as it signified your acceptance of the commission, which had been sent by Captain Young, and also held up a prospect of your obtaining a loan of money in Italy. Our apprehensions of danger to our liberties are reduced to the one circumstance of the depreciation of our currency, from the quantity which we have been obliged to issue. The different States are sinking their own emissions, and going largely into taxation for continental purposes; but it will require more time than we wish, before the good policy of taxation can have full effect upon the currency; therefore Congress have given, in regard to you, the same instructions as to the gentlemen at the Courts of France and Spain, and we doubt not of your best exertions.
We wish you success in the business of the enclosed resolves, as well as in every other undertaking for the good of the public, for your own personal felicity. We must leave you very much from time to time to receive intelligence of our affairs from the other Commissioners, to whom we shall have a more ready channel of conveyance, than to you.
We are, with much regard, &c.
J. WITHERSPOON,J. LOVELL.
TO HENRY LAURENS,PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, February 16th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I mentioned in my last letter what good effects the successes of the American arms had produced here. Nothing could have happened more seasonably. Our affairs were in a very unpromising state, and had our military operations failed, our Commissioners would not have found themselves more acceptable here than at St James’s. This, however, affords a very satisfactory reflection to every American who loves his country; which is, that she owes her liberty and happiness to her own virtuous exertions.
The Commissioners will by this opportunity send to Congress the treaty of commerce, which was signed here a few days ago. This treaty has not been much altered from the one agreed upon by Congress, in September, 1776, and transmitted to the Commissioners to be proposed to the Court of France. The principal alteration is that respecting molasses. The 12th article in the original treaty requires, that “no duty shall be imposed on the exportation of molasses from any of the Islands of The Most Christian King, in the West Indies, to any of theUnited States.” When this proposition was made to the French Ministry, it was objected, that this would be laying the king under a disagreeable restraint, and would be in fact making him not master in his own dominions; but that the States might be perfectly easy on that point, as it was inconsistent with the policy of France ever to lay a duty on molasses. One of the Commissioners still discovered a great inclination to have the article inserted in the treaty, and the Ministry believing from this circumstance, that Congress had made a point of it, thought it a good opportunity to secure an exemption of all duty upon tobacco exported to every part of the French dominions, and proposed it as an equivalent. The Commissioners objected to any particular article being selected, lest it might be complained of as a partiality, and offered to exempt from duty not only tobacco but every other production of the United States, that should be exported to the West Indies, provided molasses should be exempted from duty. This was so advantageous a proposal, that it was immediately accepted by them.
While this matter was depending, it appeared to me, that a very disadvantageous bargain was about to be made on our part, and I did every thing in my power to prevent it. Mr Lee, and his brother, who is Commissioner for the Court of Vienna, agreed with me perfectly in opinion. The execution of the treaty being left entirely to the Commissioners at this Court, neither Mr William Lee nor I had any vote in the business. Dr Franklin and Mr Deane continuing determined to have the molasses exempted from duty, the article was agreed to, and now forms part of the treaty. I understand, however, that if Congress objects to it, there is a verbal promise on the part of France, that it shall be expunged.
Mr Lee has received a commission for the Court of Madrid; and the successes of America have once more put the French Ministry into good humor, so that our affairs will I hope now go well. My gout, which has been very severe, is a great deal better, and as soon as the weather grows a little milder, I intend setting out for Italy.
Ships have been despatched to America, without the least notice given to me, that I might get my letters ready; intelligence received from Congress, whatever the nature of it, has never been communicated to me but by report, and when the important news of General Burgoyne’s surrender was received, Dr Franklin and Mr Deane did not think proper to give me any information about it, though I was confined to my bed. It did not seem decent, that such an event should be communicated to me from any other quarter. These circumstances you will allow to be not very agreeable. I was determined, however, not to quarrel; it seemed to me better to bear with them, than to risk an addition to those animosities, which I have already mentioned, and which I am convinced have been very prejudicial to our public affairs. That there might, however, be no excuse for the continuance of such conduct, I wrote a note to Dr Franklin, appointed an interview, and with studied moderation, mentioned such parts of his conduct as I disapproved of. He acknowledged everything, apologized for everything, and promised, that in future I should have no reason to complain. He has not thought proper to be so good as his word, and his proceedings since have been more exceptionable than before. As far as he and Mr Deane have had it in their power, they have concealed from Mr William Lee and me every proceeding respecting thetreaty of commerce, which has for some time been negotiating, and I heartily wish they had carried it through without my having occasion to interfere. I thought it my duty so to do, and have sent you my letter to Dr Franklin on the subject, with his trifling answer, and my reply.[64]This is all that has passed between us on the business, and the only satisfaction that I have in the matter is, that the French Minister has, in consequence of this correspondence, given the verbal promise already mentioned.
Should Congress be informed by either of the Commissioners, that there would have been danger of the miscarriage of the treaty if this article had not been inserted, you may depend upon it, that is not true. The Ministry were very willing to have the article respecting the molasses left out, and likewise that, which has been agreed to by the Commissioners as an equivalent. The instructions from Congress, which accompanied the treaty, did not authorise them to offer any equivalent. Congress seemed not to be much interested in the fate of the article, and the Commissioners, instead of being empowered to offer such a sacrifice in favor of the New England Provinces, were expressly enjoined to give up the article, if any objection was made to it, taking it for granted, I suppose, that it never could enter into the heart of a Frenchman to lay a duty on a commodity, that without the American market would be totally useless to them. These are the words of their instructions. “The twelfth and thirteenth articles are to be waved, if you find that the treaty will be interrupted by insisting on them.” How those gentlemen could take it upon them to act so directly in opposition to this instruction, Icannot conceive. It is true, they were both born in New England, but it is not to be supposed, that they could be so forgetful of their duty to the public, as to suffer themselves to be biassed by any such motives.
I understand they mean to exert themselves in support of what they have done, and that they expect their arguments will prevail upon Congress to approve of the article. For my part I am convinced, that the article is injurious to America, and, therefore, I have not only given myself but you a great deal of trouble about it, and bespeak your attention to it, and hope, that if you agree with me in opinion, you will not only oppose it yourself, but likewise make all the interest you can to get it expunged.
If you are acquainted with Mr Duer, I should be glad that you would communicate the contents of this letter to him, as I shall not be able to write to him by this opportunity. Every thing seems to bear the strongest appearance of war in this country, and every Frenchman seems to be desirous of it. England on her part is making great preparations, and in all likelihood there will be a very bloody contest, as the two nations are exasperated against each other to a great degree. England entered foolishly into this business at first, and she does not yet seem perfectly convinced of her error, as she is going to plunge deeper into misfortune, without men, money, or allies. Russia and Portugal are the only connexions that she has. One of these powers is in such a state as rather to require than afford assistance, and the other will have enough upon her hands from the Turks. Holland has manifested very unfriendly dispositions towards her, and the King of Prussia has given the most explicit andunequivocal assurance, that he will be the second power in Europe to acknowledge the independence of America.
The death of the Elector of Bavaria was a circumstance, that occasioned some alarm here, as it was feared that France might be forced into a continental war, in support of the succession of the Elector Palatine. This, however, in some degree has passed over, and I hope the German Princes will be left to settle their differences by themselves.
In one of my letters I informed you, that Congress had neglected to furnish Mr William Lee and me with funds to support us in the characters they had done us the honor of investing us with. We were informed, that the Commissioners at this Court were possessed of a very large sum of money belonging to Congress, and therefore applied to them for a letter of credit on their banker, to the amount of two thousand louis d’ors, each of us, on the public account, which they gave us.
You will see how improper it will be for me to depend upon these gentlemen for information respecting the proceedings of Congress, and the state of affairs in America. You will I hope take care, that they be regularly transmitted to me, as it will be of great importance to me not to be neglected.
I am, dear Sir, with great regard, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO RALPH IZARD.
Passy, March 27th, 1778.
Sir,
The bearer says he is a native of Charleston, South Carolina, and he wants a pass to go into Italy. I do not well understand the account he gives of himself. He seems to be lost and to want advice. I beg leave to refer him to you, who will soon be able to discover whether his account is true.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Paris, March 29th, 1778.
Sir,
I have seen the person you referred to me, and who is desirous of my recommending him to you for a passport to go into Italy. He says that he was born in South Carolina, but has been so long out of it, that he neither knows anybody there, nor does anybody know him. He left London with an intention of going to Italy, and came to Paris to see the world, before he settled with a merchant, to whom he is engaged as a clerk, at a place he hears is called Livorno. As this account did not appear very satisfactory, I desired him to excuse my troubling you with any recommendations, until he put it in my power to do it with propriety.
You will give me leave to remind you, that I had the honor of addressing you on the 30th of January, in reply to yours of the 29th, and requested the favor of you to reconsider the article in thetreaty then negotiating, respecting the exports of North America, which had given me much uneasiness, and in which I think myself greatly interested. From your letter of the 29th I had reason to hope, that in a few days you intended to give me an explanation on certain points, wherein I thought myself injured, and to show me that I was mistaken. In vain have I expected this satisfaction. I am very desirous of receiving it, and when the dates referred to are considered, I hope I shall not be thought too importunate, in requesting that it may be soon. At the same time, you will be so good as to inform me, why no answer has been given to my letter to you, and the other Commissioners at this Court, of the 5th of this month, and whether I am to expect any.
I have the honor to be, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO RALPH IZARD.
Passy, March 30th, 1778.
Sir,
From the account you give me of the man who pretends to be of Carolina, as well as from my own observation of his behavior, I entertain no good opinion of him, and shall not give him the pass he desires.
Much and very important business has hitherto prevented my giving you the satisfaction you desired, but you may depend upon my endeavoring to give it to you as soon as possible. An answer was written to your letter of the 5th of this month, and signed by us all, which I thought had been sent to you till Mr Lee informed me that having communicated to you the contents, you told him it would not besatisfactory, and desired it might be reconsidered, and he had accordingly stopped it for that purpose. We have not since had an opportunity of reconsidering it, and as the end is now answered by the communication of the treaty, perhaps it is not necessary.
I condole with you sincerely on the great loss sustained in Charleston by the fire in January last, said to have destroyed six hundred houses, valued with the goods at a million sterling.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Paris, March 31st, 1778.
Sir,
I received yesterday the treaty of alliance, and the alterations that have been made in the treaty of commerce proposed by Congress, from the hands of your grandson, and likewise a letter from you, which informs me that much and very important business has hitherto prevented your giving me the satisfaction respecting your conduct which I desired, but that I might depend on your endeavoring to give it to me as soon as possible. While you were engaged in settling the treaty, I avoided giving you any additional trouble, especially as I am persuaded that the satisfactory explanation you have promised will require no uncommon exertion of your abilities. I conceive you have acted unjustifiably; you think that I am mistaken, and I shall be heartily rejoiced to find myself so. You will excuse my requesting that the explanation I have desired may be given soon.
I have the honor to be, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
TO HENRY LAURENS.
Paris, April 1st, 1778.
Sir,
I am but this moment informed by report, that Mr Gerard, who is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary from this Court to Congress, is immediately going to set out for America. It would have been improper that this should have been publicly known, as the Court of England might have endeavored to intercept him. Dr Franklin and Mr Deane were, however, acquainted with it, and as usual concealed it from Mr Lee and myself.[65]I shall make no comment on this behavior. If it does not upon the bare recital of it strike you as unjustifiable, and disrespectful to Congress, in not acquainting us whenever they knew of proper opportunities to write, nothing that can be said will make you think so.
I congratulate you most heartily on the presentation of the three Commissioners at this Court, as representatives of a sovereign and independent State. This happened on the 20th of March. I should immediately after have left this city for Italy. My inclinations lead me most strongly to do it, but I am sorry to inform you that a little longer delay is become absolutely necessary. I am assured from Florence, of the favorable dispositions of the Grand Duke towards us, and I had no doubt but immediately after the acknowledgment of our independence here, the example would have been followed in Tuscany.
Most unfortunately the death of the Elector of Bavaria has thrown all Germany into convulsions. The claims of the House of Austria to partof that Electorate, and the coldness lately shown by France towards the Emperor on that account, are likely to dispose the latter towards England in the approaching war. I say likely, for nothing is certainly known yet respecting these matters. My letters, however, from Florence give me reason to fear, that my reception there in a public character will depend upon the proceedings of the Court of Vienna. I have acted hitherto without paying the least regard to my own inclinations, in perfect conformity to what I have thought the wishes of Congress, and I shall continue to act in the same manner to the best of my judgment. It will make me very happy to be assured of the approbation of Congress.
Mr Deane, I understand, accompanies Mr Gerard, and has received a present from the French Ministry. This is a thing of course; he may, however, make use of it with Congress as a reason why he should return. I shall avoid entering into particulars respecting this gentleman, and shall only in general give you my opinion of him, which is, that if the whole world had been searched, I think it would have been impossible to have found one on every account more unfit for the office into which he has, by the storm and convulsions of the times, been shaken.[66]I am under the fullest persuasion, that the Court of France might long ago have been induced to stand forth in our favor, if America had had proper representatives at this Court. I must repeat what I have done in some former letters, that whatever good dispositions were shown by Mr Lee, they were always opposed and overruled by the two eldest Commissioners.
If Congress are desirous of having a representative in Italy, it may be proper to send a commission for the Court of Naples. It would be agreeable to me to have such a commission, so that I might be either there or in Tuscany, as occasion might require. This I only mention to you in case of such a thing being thought of. I wish not to solicit any thing for myself, neither do I desire my friends to trouble themselves much about me. Whenever they think of me without any application on my part, I look upon myself as the more obliged to them.
I am, dear sir, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Paris, April 4th, 1778.
Sir,
It is with reluctance, that I find myself compelled to be again troublesome to you. Your conduct has given me great uneasiness. I have repeatedly complained to you, and you have several times verbally and by letter promised me an explanation of it. It is of great importance that I should have this satisfaction, and that it should be no longer delayed; you will therefore be so good as to write me by the gentleman, who is the bearer of this, when I may expect you to comply with your promise. I must also request that you will give me in writing the reasons, which at Chaillot you told me induced you to think, that Congress did not intend I should have the alterations proposed in the treaty of commerce communicated to me. This you assured me, at the time, should be done within a day or two, and though several weeks have elapsed, I have heard nothing from youon the subject. I mention this matter to you now, because I believe my conversation with you has been misrepresented. If this has been done by mistake, I am desirous of having it corrected.
I am, Sir, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO RALPH IZARD.
Passy, April 4th, 1778.
Sir,
If I continue well, and nothing extraordinary happens to prevent it, you shall have the letter you so earnestly desire some time next week.
I am, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO HENRY LAURENS.
Paris, April 11th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I send copies of my letters whenever I hear of an opportunity, in hopes of some of them getting safe to your hands.
Mr Adams arrived in Paris two days ago, and it is no small disappointment to me, that he has brought me no letters from you. I was at first afraid that my despatches by the Benjamin, which Mr Folger had the charge of, had been stolen, as well as Mr Lee’s, but am very glad to find, by a letter from Mr Lovell to Dr Franklin, that all my letters got safe. What a very extraordinary piece of villany this must have been. I have the strongest suspicion who the person is that was at the bottom of it, but will not take upon me to mentionhis name. I most sincerely hope, whoever he is, that he may be discovered and brought to light. It is much to be feared, that this will prove a difficult matter, as the person, who could be capable of it, must be sensible how dangerous it must be for him to be discovered, and, therefore, without doubt, the utmost cunning and precaution have been employed to conceal himself.
I think myself much obliged to my friends in Congress, who have assigned me the department of Tuscany; I prefer it to any of the Courts except France or England. The former, it is probable, will be filled by one of the present Commissioners. Should England in two or three years acknowledge the sovereignty and independence of the States, it would be very agreeable to me if Congress thought me worthy of being their representative at that Court. I flatter myself with the hopes of having your approbation; at the same time, I must repeat what I have mentioned in a former letter, that I would wish to be as little troublesome to my friends as possible.
It is particularly distressing to me, as I am living at the public expense, to be obliged so often to inform you, that it still continues improper for me to go to Florence. I have consulted this Court on the subject, and they are of opinion, that I should wait here until a more favorable opportunity offers. In following this advice, I think that I am acting according to the wishes of Congress, and you may depend upon it, that I shall upon all occasions continue to do so to the best of my judgment. I have not written lately to the Committee of Foreign Affairs. As I have written to you by every opportunity, I thought it unnecessary, and I should be obliged to you if you would give that reason to them. I have never had any instructions on this point from Congress, and whenever you receiveanything from me, which you think necessary to be laid before those gentlemen, I should be obliged to you if you would be so good as to communicate it to them. You will be so good as to let me have your opinion on this point, whether it will be necessary for me to write to the Committee, or if it will be sufficient for me to write to you only.
The Commissioners at this Court have not yet been received into theCorps Diplomatique, because they have not had proper letters of credence from Congress. When those letters are sent to them, you will be so good as to let them be sent to me and also to Mr William Lee. The title of Commissioner is not at present used, as formerly, at the Courts of Europe. I will venture to give you my opinion privately on this subject, which is, that the representatives from the States of America at the Courts of France and Spain should be Ambassadors, and at the others Ministers Plenipotentiary. The last title is in general use; the persons possessed of it take rank below envoys, and therefore I would prefer it because it will probably prevent all disputes. I mention this solely to yourself, and you will either make use of it or not, as you think proper.
Mr William Lee has a commission not only to the Emperor, but likewise one to the King of Prussia. This is a very unlucky circumstance, as those two princes are, in all probability, on the point of going to war with each other. Mr Lee is gone into Germany, without being fully determined which Court he should present himself at first. I am inclined to think, that it will be that of Berlin. Congress, in the commission which was sent out for the Court of Vienna, forgot to mention the Empress Queen. This was a great mistake, as she is duringher life the sovereign of all the hereditary dominions of her family, and the Emperor is only head of the German Empire. I do not know whether Mr Lee has mentioned this in his letters to Congress, but it is of considerable importance, and should be attended to whenever a new commission is sent out.
I have the honor to be, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
P. S.The seal, that I shall make use of in all my letters to you, will either be my coat of arms, which is on this; or a rattlesnake with this motto, “don’t tread on me.”