TO HENRY LAURENS,PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, July 25th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
The treaties were received by the Spy on the 9th instant, I am glad to find that the 11th and 12th articles of the treaty of commerce appeared to Congress in the same light that they did to me. The Committee of Foreign Affairs, in their letters to the Commissioners here, of May 14th and 15th, made nearly the same observations that I did to Dr Franklin, in my letter to him on that subject.
I have not however the satisfaction of knowing whether the part I have acted has been approved of, or even whether any of my letters got to your hands, as I have not been favored with a line from you since your arrival in Congress. I shall not complain, but follow Dr Franklin’s maxim in his letter of January 29th, which is, “to suppose our friends right, till one finds them wrong, rather than to suppose them wrong, till one finds them right.” It is possible that my letters to you, and yours to me, may have been lost or stolen. The tricks that were played with Mr Lee’s letters, and the public despatches, that were sent by Folger, will justify any suspicion. I shall take it for granted, that if you have written, your letters have miscarried, or if you have not written, that you were prevented by business of greater importance. It is however very unfortunate, and you cannot but be sensible how mortifying it must be to me, who have been engaged in distress and trouble, in consequence of mydoing my duty to the public, not to find attention and support from a quarter, where I had every reason to expect it.
I had just written thus far when Mr Adams sent me your letter of May 19th, which was enclosed to him; and I thank you heartily for the very friendly expressions contained in it. You mention, that you intended to write me more fully by the same opportunity; but as that letter is not come to hand, I suppose it was too late for the conveyance. I am very anxious to see it, and hope to find by it that my proceedings have met with your approbation. The ratification of the treaties by Congress has put the ministry and the whole nation into as good spirits, as our countrymen were put by them. Except the parts which I have mentioned to you, they seem to be very fair and equitable, and I really believe that if a certain gentleman had thought less of his infallibility, they might have been made unexceptionable. The ministry made no objection to the alteration respecting the molasses, and I most sincerely wish, that Congress in their hurry had not passed over the other articles, which I am convinced will occur to them, when perhaps it may not be so easy to get them altered as at present.
The war in Germany is already begun. The King of Prussia, finding that his negotiations proved fruitless, has marched his forces into Bohemia, and that unhappy country, the constant seat of misery, will in all probability experience more calamities than ever. The wisdom of the Congress, and the valor of our countrymen, will I hope soon remove the war from our continent, and I pray to God that the blessings of peace may be at no great distance.
I cannot help expressing to you my astonishment, upon reading the account given of the interview between the Commissioners here andM. Gerard, on the 16th of December, printed in the Yorktown Gazette of May 4th. The part I allude to is the following. The French Plenipotentiary, speaking of the King, says, “he should moreover not so much as insist, that, if he engaged in the war with England on our account, we should not make a separate peace for ourselves, whenever good and advantageous terms were offered to us.” This account I understand was given to Congress by the Commissioners, and therefore it must be presumed to be true. How then can it be reconciled with the 8th article of the treaty of alliance? Suppose England should offer to acknowledge the liberty, sovereignty, and independence of America, upon condition that she should make a separate peace. The question is, can we in honor do it? Monsieur Gerard, Royal Syndic of Strasbourg, and Secretary of his Majesty’s Council of State, informed the Commissioners on the 16th of December,by order of the King, that the only condition his Majesty should require and rely on would be this, “that we, in no peace to be made with England, should give up our independence, and return to the obedience of that government.” The 8th article of the treaty of alliance declares directly the contrary, although the second says expressly,Le but essentiel et direct de la présente alliance défensive, est de maintenir efficacement la liberté, la souveraineté, et l’indépendance des Etats Unis. I most ardently wish for peace; at the same time the preservation of our national honor must be attended to. The virtue and wisdom of the representatives of our country in Congress will be shown, if this question should ever be agitated.
You will find by my letter to the Committee of this day’s date, that the situation of affairs has not allowed me yet to go into Italy. Myown inclinations, if they alone had been consulted, would have carried me there long ago. Mr William Lee was right in going to Vienna. That Court acts from its own opinion without control, and might possibly have been prevailed on to receive him publicly. The event has not proved answerable to our wishes. The conduct of the Empress Queen has certainly been occasioned by a resentment against the Court of France, for not contributing, contrary to their own interest, to the aggrandisement of the House of Austria. A resentment so ill founded and unreasonable may perhaps not continue long; in the mean time, however, it is exceedingly provoking to me, as I am living at the public expense, without having it in my power to fulfil the objects of my commission. Perhaps, indeed, my having been in Paris may not prove altogether useless; and I hope the papers I have transmitted to you may not be thought unworthy the attention of Congress. After having had the facts stated to them relative to the situation of affairs in Europe, they will judge what instructions are proper to be sent to me. If they are positive, at all events they shall be followed; if discretionary, I shall act to the best of my judgment.
You are so good as to assure me in your letter of the 19th of May, that you will upon all occasions have at heart my honor and interest, and that you will by every opportunity keep me acquainted with the state of affairs. I feel very sensibly these friendly assurances, and promise you that amidst the troubles and vexations in which I have been engaged, I derive considerable comfort and satisfaction from them. You say nothing of your son. I heartily rejoice at his promotion. He must have informed you, that he was very desirous of going into the Prussian army. I dissuaded him from it, and advisedhim, if he was determined upon becoming a soldier, to take Marshal Saxe and the Chevalier Foland’s Commentaries upon Polybius into his hands, and go to America, where an ample field would be open to him. I am happy to find, that he has had no cause to repent of having followed my advice.
My wife offers you her compliments, and joins me in desiring that they may be presented to him. We have heard nothing very lately from his family in England; by the last accounts Mrs Laurens was well, and the child very much improved.
I am, dear Sir, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
FROM THE ABBÉ NICCOLI TO RALPH IZARD.
Translation.
Florence, July 28th, 1778.
Sir,
Although M. Favi, who knows my attachment for you, regularly informs me concerning you, yet I was very much pleased with receiving a letter directly from yourself, dated the 11th instant, and to find thereby that the gout had left you at last, and that your little family were well. I beg you to embrace them for me.
I have often wished for you all at Florence, during my stay here, and to partake with you the delights that are to be enjoyed beneath a fine sky, and under the protection of good laws. I have tortured myself to find some means to induce you to come here; my conscience and honor have always dictated the counsels I have given you, so contrary to my inclinations, but most conformable to your situationand the circumstances you are placed in. I wish very much that the order you have received to effect a loan in Italy might furnish you with a plausible reason to make me a visit, but I see so many difficulties in this design, that I dare not flatter myself with hopes. You will permit me to mention those, which present themselves on the part of Tuscany. Tuscany, which has been deprived for upwards of two centuries of an active commerce, is but just emerging out of the languishing and exhausted state into which she was plunged. There has indeed been for some years a large quantity of cash in circulation, but although my countrymen are convinced of the solvency of the United States, of their honesty in keeping their word, and that they consider their independence as established, they will not however lend their money, because they can employ it in a much more lucrative manner under their own eyes. To give you an evident proof of it, I send you the extract of an edict of his Royal Highness. You will find the inducements to be infinitely superior to anything the United States can offer.
I propose also to send you shortly an abridgment of the immunities, privileges, and liberties granted for fourteen years past by the Grand Duke to his subjects. You will see in it his system of administration, and you will judge whether, in a State favored as ours is, it can be reasonably expected to amass money to put it out to interest. I will moreover give you a proof of what has happened under his administration, and of which I am an eye witness. Cultivation of land has increased double, and landed property, if there is any for sale, is purchased at double the price it sold for before. The Grand Duke, who has reimbursed almost the half of the State debts, which he found at his accession, has the consolation to see the manner in which this money has been employed.
I confine myself, Sir, to one single point, to show you the little probability there is of accomplishing your object in Tuscany, leaving it to you to judge whether in the present circumstances government would not be blamed, should it permit a loan to be opened here for the United States. I know not whether they would permit such a thing for the Emperor.
This is enough respecting Tuscany. As to the other States of Italy, I see none in a condition to comply with your views excepting the Republic of Genoa. In this State, being strictly connected with France, you may not meet with the same difficulties on the part of the government, and as the Genoese have almost all their property in ready money, and are accustomed to lend to every body, I am persuaded you may find it with them, especially if the Ministry of France interposes favorably. I imagine that they will demand large interest, with security, perhaps, and guarantied by the King of France. You will do well, before you open this negotiation, directly to speak about it to the Count de Vergennes; and he should speak to the Marquis Spinola, the Genoese Envoy. If you have not this recourse, I know not how you can fulfil the commission of Congress, because all Europe being in a convulsed state, money becomes scarce and dear. You know that the Empress Queen has opened a loan in her States of Brabant; perhaps, should the troubles not cease, she will open one likewise in Milan. Thus, my friend, you have my opinion; I am sorry that I cannot furnish you with some better hints, and more conformable to your wishes and mine. I say nothing respecting myself, and I know not yet what the Grand Duke will do with me; whenever he shall determine, you shall not be among the last who are informed ofit. Communicate always good news of your country to me, and be assured of the perfect and sincere attachment with which I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
NICCOLI.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
Paris, August 25th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
In a letter, which I have lately received from Florence, and which I have had the honor of laying before you, it is recommended that an endeavor should be made to interest the Ministry in favor of any loan, that may be attempted in Genoa for the United States, as it is probable the Genoese may require the security of the Court of France for the payment of such sums, as they may have it in their power to lend. The Ministry must be convinced of the ability of America, in a few years after the establishment of peace, to discharge any pecuniary engagements she may at present have occasion to enter into, and the connexion, which subsists between the two countries, will, I hope, induce them to afford us every assistance in their power. I shall be glad to know whether you think I ought to apply to Count de Vergennes on the subject, or that the application should be made first by you; in either case, I shall be ready to co-operate with you, or act in any manner that shall appear most likely to produce the desired effect.
Captain Woodford, who has lately arrived in this city from Leghorn, informs me that there are some merchants there inclined to enter into the American trade. He is to command a vessel from that port, and is apprehensive of meeting some of the cruisers belonging to the Statesof Africa. This danger will probably deter many Americans from entering into the Mediterranean trade, and if possible it should be removed. The King of France, in the 8th article of the Treaty of Commerce, has engaged to employ his good offices and interposition with the Emperor of Morocco, and with the Regencies of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, and every other power on the coast of Barbary, in order to provide as fully as possible for the convenience and safety of the inhabitants of the United States, and their vessels and effects against all violence, insult, attacks, or depredations, on the part of the said Princes and States of Barbary, and their subjects.
You will be so good as to inform me, whether any steps have been taken by the Court of France, for the security of the inhabitants of the United States, in consequence of the above article.
I have the honor to be, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
FROM THE COMMISSIONERS TO RALPH IZARD.
Passy, August 25th, 1778.
Sir,
We have the honor of your letter of this date, and shall give the earliest attention to its contents.
We apprehend there would be no impropriety at all in your application to his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, concerning the subject of a loan in Genoa, and we wish that you would apply. As we wish however to do everything in our power to procure you success, we shall do ourselves the honor to propose the subject to his Excellency thefirst time we see him, which will probably be tomorrow, when we shall make an application to him also upon the other subject of your letter, the interposition of His Majesty with the Emperor of Morocco, and with the Regencies of Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and every other power on the coast of Barbary.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,ARTHUR LEE,JOHN ADAMS.
P. S. August 27th.Since writing the foregoing, we have spoken of the Genoese loan to Count de Vergennes, who gave us no encouragement to hope that France would engage for us in that affair. The other matter will be the subject of a proposed written memorial.
TO THE ABBÉ NICCOLI.
Paris, September 1st, 1778.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 28th of July affords no very flattering prospects to us from Tuscany. My expectations and hopes from that quarter were high, and I confess that I am disappointed. All Europe appears to me to be interested in the success of our cause, and Italy will certainly receive no inconsiderable share of the benefits resulting from the establishment of the independence of the United States; it is, therefore, not a little to be wondered at, that she should refuse to stir a finger towards the accomplishment of that event. I am well aware, that the revenues of the Grand Duke are not equal to those of the King of France; something, however, is certainly in his power; and we are taught by Scripture to set a proper value on a single mite, when it is proportioned to the ability of the donor.
The Grand Duke, you say, has discharged almost half the debt with which he found the State encumbered at his accession. This is a proof of the wisdom and good government of his Royal Highness, and shows how well founded the opinion is, which the world has entertained of that excellent Prince. It shows also, that his State is in a very flourishing condition. I have been lately informed, that his Royal Highness intends shortly to discharge another part of his debt, to the amount of three millions of French livres. If this payment could be postponed, and the money lent to the United States, it would be of considerable service to them. You will excuse me for pressing this subject with earnestness, as I have the greatest desire to execute the business, which the Congress have done me the honor of putting into my hands.
Captain Woodford has lately arrived here from Leghorn; he informs me that some merchants at that port are determined to enter into the American trade, and that he is to command a vessel from thence bound to Virginia, which he thinks will be ready to sail in the course of a few weeks. He is a man of a very good character, and I hope he will succeed, which will probably induce many others to follow his example. He has charged himself with the delivery of this letter, and I do not doubt but that you will give him any advice or assistance in your power to facilitate the execution of his plan.
My wife and family join in offering you their compliments, and I am, dear Sir, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, September 2d, 1778.
Sir,
I am directed by the Congress to endeavor to procure a loan of money in Italy, and have in consequence done everything in my power to obtain proper information on the subject. My correspondent in Tuscany gives me no hopes of procuring any there, as that country is just beginning to emerge from a state of languor, under which it has suffered for two centuries.
No other part of Italy seems to afford a more agreeable prospect except Genoa, and I am told, that even there, the security of the Court of France will probably be expected, for any sum which the inhabitants of that Republic may have it in their power to lend to the United States. The value of the paper currency of America has sunk, on account of the great sums which it has been absolutely necessary to issue in the prosecution of the war against Great Britain. If the loan can be obtained, the Congress will be enabled to reduce the quantity in circulation, and at the same time raise and establish the credit of the remainder. This will be of such important service to our country, that I am induced to hope your Excellency will be so good as to afford us your assistance in it, and speak to the Marquis Spinola, the Envoy from Genoa, on the subject. I shall be extremely happy to have it in my power to inform the Congress, that by your Excellency’s assistance, I have been enabled to execute the trust which they have committed to me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
TO HENRY LAURENS,PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, September 12th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
My last letter to you was dated the 25th of July, and yours of the 19th of May still continues the only one I have been favored with from you. My letter of the 28th of June was accompanied by several papers, which appeared to me proper that you and every other friend of our country should be acquainted with. Five sets of them were sent to you, and it will be very unlucky if one of them does not get safe to your hands.
The molasses business would certainly have proved the source of continual disputes if it had not been altered, but the mischief, which might have been expected from that, is beyond comparison less than what is pointed out in my letter to Mr Lee of the 18th of May. My apprehensions on this subject were communicated to the Commissioners at this Court, but I am sorry to say that they made no impression upon them. Mr Lee alone seemed to think it possible I might be right; the other two gentlemen were perfectly satisfied. Dr Franklin’s usual consciousness of infallibility was apparent, and Mr Adams insinuated, that the business of the treaties was put entirely into the hands of the Commissioners at this Court, and nobody else had any right to give their opinions about them; that he understood that I had objected to the 11th and 12th articles of the Treaty of Commerce respecting molasses, but he believed I should find myself greatly mistaken in that matter; that he did not doubt but those articles would be extremely popular in Congress, and that they wouldbe very angry when they were informed that I had objected to them. I answered, that I was sensible the conclusion of the treaties was committed solely to the gentlemen he mentioned, but that the principles in which I had been educated militated against the other part of his opinion; that I had thought it my duty to oppose the proceedings of the King and Parliament of Great Britain when they were injurious to my country, that the same motives had occasioned my opposition to the articles in question; that I had submitted my objections to the treaty to the President, and hoped he would make them known to Congress; that if they thought I had acted wrong, I should of course be informed of it by him; that I should in that case look upon myself to be no longer fit to be employed, when my opinion differed so totally from that of my employers, and should request the favor of the President to procure the leave of Congress for me to return into my own country.
I have had the satisfaction, however, of finding that Mr Adams, as well as his countrymen, Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, have been mistaken in their expectation, that Congress would be inattentive to the interests of nine States of America to gratify the eaters and distillers of molasses. I am yet to learn whether the arguments made use of in the abovementioned letter of the 18th of May have had any weight with you, and the other gentlemen to whom I desired you to submit them, but I am very sorry to inform you that my apprehensions were too well founded. The letters, which Mr Lee has lately received from Spain, leave not the least room to doubt what the expectations of that Court are respecting the Floridas. For my own part, no such additional proof was necessary after having compared the 5th article of the Treaty of Alliance with the 9th article of the original treaty, transmitted by Congress.
The conduct of Spain has been full of ambiguity; she has been arming with all possible diligence, and at the same time sent an Ambassador to London, who has hitherto made use of no other language but that of peace and mediation. England, who seems to have lost her common sense at the same time that she parted with her humanity, does not appear to suspect that the delays of Spain may possibly be intended only to make her blow more certain and effectual. Some politicians believe, that the delays of Spain have been occasioned by her being averse to the independence of America. Nothing can be more absurd than such an opinion. Spain can have nothing to apprehend from us alone, equal to what she had reason to fear from the united strength of Great Britain and America. When the present war is ended, I hope the blessings of peace will be long enjoyed. Should Spain be suffered to get possession of the Floridas, perpetual causes of quarrel may be expected, and therefore I hope the wisdom of Congress will guard against this evil.
When my apprehensions on this subject were communicated to the Commissioners at this Court, a proper explanation I believe might have been obtained from the Ministry under their hands, as the ratification of the treaties was not arrived, and it is certain they were very much alarmed about them, and expected they would have undergone a much severer scrutiny than they did. The limits, which Congress have prescribed in the 9th article of their original treaty, are such as I am convinced we ought to have, and I hope that nothing will happen to make it necessary that they should be altered. Mr Lee will, I suppose, inform Congress of the contents of his letters fromSpain on this subject. It appears of so much consequence to the Southern States, that I think they should be consulted separately on the subject of ceding the Floridas to Spain, before the question is brought before Congress.
In my letter to the Committee of Foreign Affairs, of the 25th of July, I enclosed them two letters, which I had written to the Abbé Niccoli at Florence, on the subject of money. I now send you his answer, by which you will find that there is no very flattering prospect of obtaining any there. I send you likewise enclosed several other papers, which will show you that I have done everything in my power to fulfil the wishes of Congress; nothing has been left unattempted to promote the success of what I have had constantly at heart. I have had an interview with Count de Vergennes, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and endeavored to prevail upon him to offer the security of the Court of France for any money, which might be borrowed in Italy for the use of the United States. He refused affording any assistance in the matter. I then wrote him the enclosed letter of the 2d of September, without promising myself much hopes of success from it. The King of Prussia during the last war received a subsidy from Great Britain, of between seven and eight hundred thousand pounds sterling. The object to be obtained was certainly much less considerable, than what France has already got by the dismemberment of so great a part of the dominions of her natural enemy, and yet the States of America, her allies, whose exertions have procured so desirable an event for her, have no subsidy, and even her assistance in effecting a loan is refused. France has certainly great demands for money herself; she might, however, havebeen more liberal than she has been, and I am of opinion she would have been so, had things been properly conducted by those who ought to have thought less of themselves and more of the public.
I have in this, and some of my former letters, given you my opinion on such parts of the treaties as appeared likely to prove injurious to us. The Southern States are most affected by the articles, which have been already taken notice of. The 9th and 10th articles of the Treaty of Commerce contain matter which will, if I am not much mistaken, prove the subject of great uneasiness to the States of New England. The gentleman, whose presumption and self sufficiency I have already complained of, may in this instance, I believe, be acquitted of having any design. Whatever there may be improper in these articles can be only attributed to the want of information, and to their not being acquainted with the subject.
When the peace of Paris in 1763 was concluded, I was in London, and heard the subject of the fishery much discussed; the French pretended that by the 13th article of the treaty of Utrecht, they had an exclusive right to fish on all that part of the island of Newfoundland, which extends from Cape Bonavista to Point Riche. The English Ministry would not admit of any such explanation of the article, and accordingly the French have enjoyed no such exclusive right since. The words “indefinite and exclusive right” are not to be found either in the treaties of Utrecht or of Paris, yet they were inserted in the 10th article of our treaty of commerce, and that it may seem as if no innovation was intended, that right is claimed as having beendesignedby the treaty of Utrecht, and the whole is to be conformable (not to the words,) but to thetrue senseof thetreaties of Utrecht and Paris. I do not think that the States of New England would be very well contented, if they should find themselves excluded from the right of fishing on any part of the coast of Newfoundland. I have endeavored to get all the information I could on this matter, and am confirmed in my opinion that it is intended.
The discussion of this business will probably not be entered upon till the conclusion of peace, and that event I fear is not very near at hand. It is however of importance, that those persons who are likely to be affected by this matter should be acquainted with what I have written to you about it, that they may consider it and be prepared.
The commercial business of America in this kingdom continues still in confusion. You were fully informed on this point sometime ago, and I recommended Mr Lloyd strongly as a proper person to set these matters right. I believe him to be a very capable merchant, and I have the highest opinion of his integrity and attachment to the cause of America. These are qualities at all times to be valued, but in the present situation of our affairs, at the distance the commercial agent is placed from the seat of inquiry, the difficulty there is of preventing the plunder of the public money, and the detecting of it after it is done, are additional motives with me for wishing to see the commercial business of our country in his hands. He is going to America, and I expect that he will see you at Congress. Dr Franklin is still endeavoring to place his nephew in that office.[68]Whether he is a proper person I shall not take upon me to decide. Mr Lee thinks he is not, and I suppose will offer his reasons to Congress.
I have lamented exceedingly that the situation of affairs has not permitted my going into Italy. Perhaps my having been here, and the observations that I have sent you respecting the treaties, may not prove useless; should my countrymen think so, it will give me great satisfaction.
I am, dear Sir, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
P. S.I have communicated my sentiments to Mr Lee and Mr Adams respecting the fishery, and I hope they will write on the subject to their friends. It will, however, I think, be very proper for you to speak to the New England delegates about it, that they may have time to consider it, and consult their constituents.
THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO RALPH IZARD.
Philadelphia, October 28th, 1778.
Sir,
It is unnecessary to say anything to you about the particular foundation of the enclosed Resolve. We hope you will experience good consequences from it, in a point very interesting to you while in Tuscany. There, you certainly must depend greatly on our correspondents in France for American intelligence, which will be much more frequently sent from hence to them than to you. We shall enjoin it upon them to furnish you, and particularly upon Mr Adams, while he remains at Paris.
Mr A. Lee will communicate to you the purport of some papers, which are sent to him, and in which you are jointly concerned. It was not possible for us at this time to send you extracts from them.
You will be pleased at knowing that the British Commissioners are convinced of the folly of their errand to America, and are returning home. It is probable that the British army will follow them soon, or at least go to the West Indies. Of this, however, the Marquis de la Fayette, the bearer, may gain fuller information before he sails from Boston. Though a pressing load of other business has till this time prevented Congress from taking up the whole consideration of their foreign affairs, yet that must be the speedy consequence of their appointment of Dr Franklin Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of France. All the papers of this Committee are on their table, and we shall despatch packets upon any material decision.
In the mean time we wish you every success, and are with much regard, Sir, your friends and humble servants,
RICHARD H. LEE,JAMES LOVELL.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, January 28th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I have had the honor of informing Congress, that the political state of Europe has prevented the Grand Duke of Tuscany from receiving me in the character of their representative, and as I thought it would be injurious to them if I had resided at his Court in any other character, I have remained in France, ready to embrace the first opportunity of obeying the orders of Congress, if any change of circumstances should put it in my power to do so.
In consequence of a resolution of Congress, “that the Commissioners at the other Courts in Europe be empowered to draw bills of exchange from time to time, for the amount of their expenses, upon the Commissioners at the Court of France,” I drew a bill of exchange on the 12th instant for five hundred louis d’ors, on the Commissioners at this Court, and I waited on them at Passy with it myself for acceptance. I presented it to Dr Franklin, as eldest, who refused to accept it. He said the two thousand louis d’ors, which I had already had, were so extravagant a sum, that he was sure I could not have spent it, and if I had, he saw no reason why Congress should support my family. Congress will be pleased to recollect, that my commission is dated the 1st of July, 1777, and that I received it the September following. Dr Franklin added, that the resolution of the 7th of May, 1778, to which I referred him, directed that the Commissionersatthe other Courts of Europe should draw bills for the amount of their expenses, but as I was notatFlorence, he was determined not to consent that any more money should be paid me, and I might protest the bill if I pleased. I desired that he would favor me with his reasons in writing, which he promised to do; but though I wrote to him eight days after about it, and received a repetition of his promise under his hand, he has not to this day paid the least regard to it. Congress will judge, when they consider the differences, which have for some time past unhappily subsisted between us, by what motives Dr Franklin has been actuated in the conduct, which I have just stated, and will, I hope, take such measures as will for the future prevent any such unjustifiable proceedings.
As the Commissioners at the other Courts of Europe are directed to draw bills of exchange for their support, on the Representatives of Congress at the Court of France, the situation of the former will be very deplorable, if the latter are allowed the liberty of disobeying those orders of Congress, whatever may be the pretence for such disobedience. At the time of Dr Franklin’s refusal to accept my bills for five hundred louis d’ors, there were in the hands of the public banker between two and three hundred thousand livres. Dr Franklin is not empowered to judge of the propriety of my going into Italy, or staying in France. I consulted him however about it, and it was his opinion, that the situation of affairs did not admit of my going to Florence. After Dr Franklin had refused to accept the bill, I presented it to Mr Lee and Mr Adams, who accepted it immediately. It is with reluctance that I lay this matter before Congress, but it is my duty to do it, as it is an evil that requires an immediate remedy. Our disagreements are much to be lamented by every friend to our country; I can, with the most perfect truth declare, that I have done every thing in my power to prevent them, but I have found it impossible. I have a most grateful sense of the goodness of Congress to me, in appointing me one of their Representatives in Europe; it has been my constant wish to prove myself worthy of the confidence with which they have honored me, and I consider it as my greatest misfortune, that I have not had it in my power to render them any service.
As there does not appear to be any prospect of my being received in my public character at Florence, nor any other means of my being of service, I am desirous of returning to America. I should take the first opportunity of doing so, but do not think myself at liberty to leave Europe without the permission of Congress; you will verymuch oblige me if you will be so good as to obtain that permission for me, and send me copies of it by several opportunities.
I have the honor to be, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, March 4th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of writing to you on the 28th of January, and have since received your letter of the 28th of October, informing me of the appointment of Dr Franklin to be Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of France, and enclosing a resolution of Congress of the 22d of the same month. The respect, which I owe to the Representatives of my country in Congress, would make me follow any advice which I might receive from them. I am most perfectly convinced, that the cultivation of harmony and good understanding between the Ministers, Commissioners, and Representatives of Congress, is necessary for the honor and interest of the United States, and I have acted to the utmost of my power in conformity to that opinion.
Congress will be enabled to judge how far their other servants have done so, from the papers which have already been, and will be, laid before them. I beg leave to repeat again the high sense I have of the honor that Congress did me, in appointing me one of their Representatives in Europe, and to request that you will be so good as to obtain their leave for me to return to America, as I see noprospect of my having it in my power to render them any service in this part of the world. I should embrace the opportunity of going under the convoy of the Alliance frigate, but do not think myself at liberty to leave Europe without the permission of Congress.
I have the honor to be, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO RALPH IZARD.
Philadelphia, July 17th, 1779.
Sir,
Your letter of March 4th was read in Congress three days ago, being then only first received by the Committee of Foreign Affairs. We should have been very happy to have received it before the 8th of June,[69]as it would, undoubtedly, have founded a resolve of Congress more agreeable to us to communicate officially, than that to which we must now refer you in their journals, printed authoritatively by David C. Claypole, and which are in the hands of Doctor Franklin, or Doctor Arthur Lee, at Paris.
We have till now omitted to forward to you that resolve for your recall from the Court of Tuscany, as we daily expected a settlement of a definite recompense for your services to these United States. But the modes of doing business in such an assembly as Congress will not warrant our detaining, until such settlement, some important papers committed to us to be sent to the Court of France.
I am, with sincere regard, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,For the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, September 29th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I have lately been favored with your letter of the 17th of July, referring me to a resolution of Congress of the 8th of June, by which I find that they have been pleased to recall me. It has long been my wish to resign a commission, which did not put it in my power to be of any service to America; and, therefore, if Congress had had the goodness to have expressed their resolution in such a manner as not to have conveyed a censure, which my conscience tells me I have not deserved, it would have given me a great deal of pleasure.
You say that if my letter, of the 4th of March, had been received before the 8th of June, it would have founded a resolve of Congress more agreeable to you to communicate than the one referred to. I have received, likewise, the resolution of Congress of the 6th of August, respecting the allowance to be made to the Commissioners. Upon my applying to Dr Franklin to know if he had received any directions from Congress to pay me any money, and whether he thought himself authorised by that resolution to do it, he answered me, that he had received no orders about it. “On the other hand, (said he) there is a part of it which directs, that every Commissioner, who has been intrusted with public money, shall transmit without delay his accounts and vouchers to the Board of Treasury in order for settlement. Till such settlement is made, I conceive it cannot be known what, or whether anything, is due to you.” I was in hopes, thatafter what I had already written to Congress on this subject, it would have been unnecessary to trouble them any more about it. Their resolution of the 7th of May, 1778, directs, “that the Commissioners appointed for the Courts of Spain, Tuscany, Vienna, and Berlin, should live in such style and manner at their respective Courts, as they may find suitable and necessary to support the dignity of their public character, keeping an account of their expenses, which shall be reimbursed by the Congress of the United States of America.” I have repeatedly informed Congress of my reasons for not going into Italy. Had those reasons not been satisfactory, they would doubtless have signified their pleasure to me on the subject, which should have been the rule of my conduct.
I do not conceive that the resolution of the 6th of August, which directs that those who have been intrusted with public money shall transmit their accounts and vouchers to the Board of Treasury to be settled, can have any reference to me. I have received two thousand five hundred louis d’ors of the public money, exclusive of the clothes and education of my children. This latter circumstance I should not have mentioned, had not Dr Franklin told me, that he saw no reason why Congress should maintain my family. I cannot believe, that Congress intended any such distinction when they sent me a commission, nor when they entered into the resolution of the 7th of May, 1778; neither can I think, that, by calling for the accounts and vouchers of those who have been intrusted with public money, their intention is to enter into an examination of my butcher’s, baker’s, or apothecary’s bills. I hope they will be satisfied with being informed, that my expenses during the two years, that I have had the honor of being in their service, have amounted to sixteen hundredlouis d’ors a year. The resolution of the 6th of August set forth, that thereasonable expensesof the Commissioners shall be paid. It is impossible for me to tell what ideas may be affixed to those words; but I am sure, that whatever Congress may think reasonable will be perfectly satisfactory to me, let the sum be what it will. All I desire is, that I may not be subjected to be ill treated by a man, who is become my enemy, because I have done my duty to the public.
I have the honor to be, &c.
RALPH IZARD.