TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Nantes, February 14th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
The enclosed book is esteemed a work of genius, and as such I have thought it proper to be sent to you. We were acquainted with the author in Paris, who is a man of very high character and so strongly our friend, that I have no doubt if the want of his second volume, which is not yet published, should render any explanation necessary, he will give it with pleasure.
Since I had the honor of writing yesterday, Mr Thomas Morris has informed me of the agreement, which he has just concluded with the Farmers-General for all the tobacco that shall arrive here on your account, at seventy livres a hundred. It was probably in contemplation of this, that they refused to sign the treaty with us, after they had pledged their word for it. Our object was to interest government here through them in our commerce, so much as to secure their utmost protection of it; to insure the exports of our produce, which we apprehended the scarcity of shipping and sailors would render impracticable in our own bottoms, and to command a considerable advance of ready money for a full supply of arms, ammunition, rigging, &c. which we might convey with more certainty under their protection. To compass these objects we were induced to offer them such tempting terms. The price they have now agreed to give is certainly a good one, but I fear it will not retrieve us from our difficulties, as there is no advance stipulated, and the difficulty of exportation seems to increase daily.
Our latest intelligence from England informs us, that a bill is now passing for granting letters of marque against you, or rather for repealing so much of their former act, as confined it to the navy. The press there still continues very violent, but not equally productive; that, together with the great preparations of France and Spain, seems to render the continuance of peace for many months impossible. From every thing that I can learn, their armaments against you will be very late, if the situation of Europe will suffer them at all; but it is best to prepare for their plan, as if it would be executed in its fullest extent, for it is impossible to have such reliance upon the politics of Europe, as would justify the hazarding much upon their issue.
I believe you have not yet been apprized of what it may be material for you to know, which is, that the British government offered to deliver the prisoners, taken on Long Island, to the East India Company to be sent to their settlements, if the Company would send for them to Gibraltar. This proposition is upon record in the Company’s books, a general court having been held expressly upon it.
I have the honor of being, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
FROM JAMES GARDOQUI TO ARTHUR LEE.
Madrid, February 17th, 1777.
Sir,
My person and house, in the commercial way, are well known in the American Colonies, not only on account of our long standing correspondence of thirty to forty years, but also on that of the true affection with which we have endeavored to serve them. I am lately arrived at Madrid on some particular affairs, which have occasioned my treating with the ministers of State, who have honored me with their especial favors and trust, and of course this has led me into the bottom of the principal affairs of Europe, among which I have talked about your coming from Paris to Spain, undoubtedly with the design of treating on the subject of the Colonies, as I judge they have already done, and continue doing at Paris. But I have heard that in such a small place as Madrid it would be absolutely impossible to remain incog, either by your own or any other name, and you would of course be spied by the gentlemen here who have a real interest therein, and consequently you could not treat with the ministers without hurting theColonies in the highest degree by your own doings; and, besides, you would set this Court at variance without success. I judge you will improve the opportunity which offers by chance, and I think is an excellent one, and have therefore no objections to hint it to you; being fully assured that it will cause no displeasure here.
The Marquis of Grimaldi intends to set out soon for Biscay, and I propose to do the same for my house at Bilboa, all which we shall so manage as to meet one and the other at Vitoria, where we shall tarry under some good disguise until our mutual arrival; and as this noble minister has had to this day the entire direction of all affairs, and is of course fully acquainted with his Majesty’s intentions, I believe he is the most proper person with whom you may treat either in said place, or some country house that might be picked up for the purpose, and thereby avoid the inconveniences which must inevitably follow by your coming to Madrid. By the aforesaid belief I have given you a further proof of my attachment to the Colonies, and I must also add with all truth, that the principal persons here are of the same opinion, although the present state of affairs obliges them to make no show thereof. In short, Sir, I hope you will approve of my proposed method being the safest and most natural to carry on the views of both parties, I beg you will give me an answer through the same hands, as will deliver the present to you, not doubting that you will tarry at Vitoria until we get there, and you will also observe that you will be at full liberty to proceed to Madrid if you should judge proper, after you have talked over the matter with the said nobleman.
I have the honor to subscribe myself, &c.
JAMES GARDOQUI.
P. S.Having considered upon the properest place for our meeting, we have settled it on that of Burgos instead of Vitoria, which pray note accordingly, and I hope to meet you there.
[In a letter dated at Burgos, 28th February, 1777, Mr Lee replied to the above as follows. “I have the honor of yours of the 17th, and agreeable to your request will wait for you at this place.”]
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Bordeaux, February 18th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
On my arrival here, on my way to Madrid, I found a letter dated February 2d, from a confidential correspondent, which contains the following passages. “Ten thousand Germans are already engaged, and ships sent to convey them; the number of British cannot exceed three thousand, and those very indifferent; but much is expected from their being sent early. Boston is certainly to be attacked in the spring. Burgoyne will command. Howe will probably attack Philadelphia. The government expect great advantage from dissensions in Pennsylvania.”
Finding that our commerce here labors under great difficulties from the heavy duties laid on fish, oil, wax, &c., I have directed an account of it to be transmitted to your Commissioners at Paris, together with an estimate of the imports and exports during the last year from the United States, that they may be better enabled to negotiate an alleviation or removal of the duties, which were originally intended to discourage the British commerce.
I had the honor of stating to you a year ago, that tobacco was the most weighty political engine we could employ with the French Court. It is absolutely necessary to the Farmers-General, and the Farmers as absolutely necessary to government.
Mr Delap informs me that there are several more cargoes belonging to the Congress, in the hands of merchants in Spain, the proceeds of which cannot be obtained. I have written to Mr Morris, at Nantes, begging the favor of him to send me a proper account of them, that I may complain of those merchants at the Court of Spain. There is a ship at Nantes, totally deserted by her crew, which has been lying there many months unregarded, at an expense to the Congress of one hundred dollars per month. I have advised Mr Schweighauser to consult with Mr. Morris about selling her, which ought to have been done as soon as her crew quitted her.
The ship too, which was intrusted to Mr Myrkle, is lying here at a considerable charge, and no appearance of her return.
I enclose you Captain Cleveland’s account of Mr Myrkle’s conduct, which he wishes may be offered in his justification. I have referred him to Dr Franklin for advice.
I have the honor of being your obedient servant,
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS.
Vitoria, February 26th, 1777.
Dear Sirs,
I am thus far safe on my journey, which by the spur of six pistolesmore I am to finish two days sooner than was at first agreed. Therefore, if no accident happens, I shall reach my destination the 6th of next month. In the Committee’s letter of the 23d of October to me, it is said, “we are to negotiate with other nations agreeable to certain plans and instructions transmitted to Mr Deane.” I have none with me, nor do I remember to have seen any, but those which relate expressly to France, and that plan has already been transmitted where I am going. Nothing is more likely than my being asked what I have to propose, particularly relative to this meridian. This question was put to us on our first visit to —— ——.[11]But the same answer will not serve here. I must entreat you, therefore, to favor me with your ideas upon this particular. What alteration would you think proper in that plan, when applied to this country? It is best to be prepared for every favorable moment that may offer. This must plead my pardon for urging as speedy an answer as possible. It would grieve me to be put to the alternative of letting a favorable opportunity pass unembraced, or of hazarding a measure of so much moment to the public, upon my weak judgment and very limited information.
With my best wishes for your health and success, and begging to be remembered kindly to our friends, I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, dear Sirs, your obedient servant,
ARTHUR LEE.
MEMORIAL,
Delivered by Arthur Lee to the Marquis de Grimaldi.
Burgos, March 5th, 1777.
Upon maturely weighing what his Excellency the Marquis de Grimaldi had the goodness to communicate from his Majesty, Mr Lee feels himself obliged (notwithstanding his earnest wish to coincide with his Majesty’s views, and conciliate his amity to the United States) to beg his attention to the following considerations.
1st. Were it the question now, whether Mr Lee being at Paris should come to Madrid, he might do it or not without any material consequences, but it being known, that he was deputed upon that business, and upon his way, his return without going to Madrid will beget an opinion, that Spain has renounced the States of America, in refusing to receive their deputy. For the fact of his return being notorious, and the reasons for it necessarily secret, it will make the same impression as if no such reasons existed.
This opinion will very materially injure the credit of the States in France and Holland, and it may have a very unfavorable effect in America. For it must be considered, that the fact will reach America by a thousand channels, while the reasons for it can pass through one only, and that too from the situation of things in obscure hints.
Mr Lee therefore hopes, that his Majesty will weigh these reasons before he determines finally upon a measure, which may be deemed ungracious to the Congress, and highly detrimental to their interests.
2dly. Mr Lee cannot conceive on what pretence of reason, right, or law,the English Ambassador, or his Court, can take exception to his Majesty’s receiving a deputy from the United States, since the right of a neutral Court so to do is clearly established by the unquestioned practice of all times, and recognised by the best writers on the laws of nations. Neither has the English Ambassador at Paris, or his Court, taken any exception to it there.
3dly. That it will be so far from preventing the execution of any gracious intentions his Majesty may have of assisting the States, that the best and safest channel of conveying that aid is from one from which Mr Lee’s being at Madrid will rather divert than direct the attention of England. Next to an immediate declaration, a supply of money to support the credit of the States, and pay for what is necessary, is the most effectual aid. The support of this contest calls upon the Congress for considerable funds. The means of establishing them by the export of their produce are slow and uncertain. This obliges them to have recourse for assistance to the powers that are friendly to their cause; among whom they have the greatest reliance upon his Majesty the king of Spain. This purpose will be answered by his Majesty’s ordering his Ambassador at the Hague, to authorise Sir George Grand of Amsterdam to pay the sum destined to this use to the order of B. Franklin, Silas Deane, or Arthur Lee. Sir George Grand is fixed upon as one, who has been already trusted by the Court of France in this business, and on whose attachment they can depend.
Mr Lee must beg leave to wait his Majesty’s pleasure at Burgos, or Vitoria, not at Bayonne, because he is persuaded, upon reflection, that he should incur the highest displeasure of his constituents, if he were to leave Spain without a definitive answer to the object of his mission.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Burgos, March 8th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
A person of high rank having been sent to confer with me here, I am authorised to assure you, that supplies for the army will be sent to you by every opportunity from Bilboa. I can say with certainty, that a merchant there has orders for that purpose; he is now here with me to have a list from me, and to contract for blankets, which are manufactured in this part of the country. I am also desired to inform you of ammunition and clothing being deposited at New Orleans and the Havanna, with directions tolendthem to such American vessels as may call there for that purpose.
I am trying to get a sum of money put into our hands immediately, that we may the more assuredly answer your bills, should you find it necessary to draw, and may pay for some ships of war in Europe. It will also be my endeavor to procure some able veteran officers from the Irish brigades in this service.
From the best authority here I am told, that the German agreement is for seven thousand recruits, and eight hundred Hessian Chasseurs. They are to sail from some German port towards the end of this month.
News is just arrived here of the death of the king of Portugal. Considerable bodies of troops have been for some time marching from Madrid towards the frontiers of that kingdom.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
MEMORIAL,
Presented to the Court of Spain.
Burgos, March 8th, 1777.
The present state of the dispute between America and Great Britain does not seem to be so fully understood, as to render a clear representation of it unnecessary.
America has declared herself independent, and has defeated all the efforts of Great Britain to reduce her during two campaigns. In this resistance she has hitherto stood alone and almost unassisted. Her infant and unprepared state has been compensated by her ardor, her indignation, her enthusiasm.
Great Britain, however, is determined to redouble her efforts to make this campaign decisive of the fate of America. In this situation, America offers her commerce and her friendship, which she has withdrawn from Great Britain, to Spain and France. This offer ought to be deemed of double value, because it takes from their rival and foe, what it gives tothem. It is, therefore, taken for granted, that this is an object of the first magnitude, and worthy of the highest attention of both these Courts. It is also taken for granted, that Spain and France do not wish Great Britain should prevail in the contest, or regain America by conquest or conciliation. There remains, therefore, but this single question; whether it be more politic for the two powers to declare immediately, or to wait the event of the next campaign?
To judge of this, it will be necessary to consider what will be the probable event of the next campaign. As Great Britain is resolved toput forth her utmost strength, it is probable that the event will be, either the total reduction of America, or an accommodation founded upon a mutual conviction of each other’s strength; and this accommodation must be hastened by America being left destitute of any material assistance from Europe.
It is manifest, that the neutrality of Spain and France leaves the field open to the operations of the British force, and to the production of one of those events, either of which must be highly prejudicial to both nations and advantageous to their enemy. If Great Britain should be victorious, America will become a powerful instrument in her hands, to be wielded at her will against these countries; and that it will not remain long unemployed, no one will doubt, who knows that the Court of Great Britain is well informed of the countenance, at least, given to what they call a most dangerous rebellion, and that the head of that Court is of a temper that never forgives or forgets.
If an accommodation should produce a reunion, the same advantages will be lost, and almost all the same consequences are to be feared. The end of the campaign cannot, therefore, promise so favorable a moment for the interposition of Spain and France as the present; and in all human probability it will be then fruitless.
In truth, what moment can be wished more favorable than the present, when Great Britain is so equally matched by what were her Colonies, that the scales hang doubtful? Nor can it be questioned, that the interposition of Spain or France, and much more of both, would make that of America decidedly preponderate, and separate her from Great Britain forever. And what object can be more important, than to deprive her of this great and growing source of her commerce and her wealth, her marine, and her dominion?
There is nothing of which the Court of Great Britain is more persuaded, than that the loss of America would be the inevitable consequence of a war in Europe; nor is there a man in the nation that is ignorant of it; hence it is, that the king finds himself obliged, in all his speeches, to assure his Parliament of the tranquillity of Europe, that they may be emboldened to support his war against America. Hence it is, that they have labored to prevent a rupture between Spain and Portugal, and have, at length, renounced the latter. It is therefore certain, that Great Britain would endure any insult, short of an open and outrageous act of hostility, rather than engage in a European war during her contest with America.
During the last war, America contributed twelve thousand seamen, and twenty thousand troops to the assistance of Great Britain. These are now tripled against her. The commerce of America, according to the declaration of Mr Pitt, who conducted it, carried Great Britain triumphantly through it. The full tide of that commerce is now turned against her. From America, all the expeditions against the islands of Spain and France were then supplied. Now these supplies are ready to assist in seizing her islands.
Deprived of all those aids, which ministered to her success and her triumphs during the last war, what could prevent her now from experiencing the bitter reverse of her former fortune? What policy can withhold two Sovereigns, whose prosperity is incompatible with her power, to let slip such an opportunity of humbling her as may never return?
If Great Britain should be again united to America by conquest orconciliation, it would be in vain to menace her with war. America has been felt like Hercules in his cradle. Great Britain, knit again to such growing strength, would reign the irresistible, though hated arbiter of Europe. This then is the moment in which Spain and France may clip her wings and pinion her forever. One of the most respectable bodies in England told their Sovereign some two years since, with a kind of prophetic spirit, that his Ministers were precipitating his dominions into a situation in which their existence would depend upon the forbearance of their enemies. That situation is now certainly occurred. The rest as certainly remains in the arbitration of Spain and France.[12]
ARTHUR LEE.
ANSWER,
To the Memorial, by the Marquis de Grimaldi at Vitoria.
You have considered your own situation and not ours. The moment is not yet come for us. The war with Portugal,—France being unprepared, and our treasure from South America not being arrived,—makes it improper for us to declare immediately. These reasons will probably cease within a year, and then will be the moment.[13]
TO THE COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA,MINISTER TO THE KING OF SPAIN.
Vitoria, March 17th, 1777.
Mr Lee wishes to state to his Excellency, the Count de Florida Blanca, what he has understood from his Excellency, the Marquis de Grimaldi, to be the intentions of his Majesty relative to the United States of America.
That for very powerful reasons his Majesty cannot at this moment enter into an alliance with them, or declare in their favor; that nevertheless, they may depend upon his Majesty’s sincere desire to see their rights and liberties established, and of his assisting them as far as may be consistent with his own situation; that for this purpose the house of Gardoqui at Bilboa would send them supplies for their army and navy from time to time; that they would find some ammunition and clothing deposited for them at New Orleans, the communication with which would be much secured and facilitated by their taking possession of Pensacola; that their vessels should be received at the Havanna upon the same terms with those of France, and that the Ambassador at Paris should have directions immediately to furnish their Commissioners with credit in Holland. The Marquis added, that his Majesty would do these things out of the graciousness of his royal disposition, without stipulating any return, and that, if upon inquiry any able veteran officers could be spared from his Irish brigade, the States should have them.
These most gracious intentions Mr Lee has communicated to the Congress of the United States, in terms as guarded as possible without mentioning names, so that the source of those aids, should thedespatches fall into the enemy’s hands, can only be conjectured from the matter, not determined from the manner in which they are mentioned. And for further security, the captain has the strictest orders to throw the despatches into the sea should he be taken.
Mr Lee is sensible that these intentions are measured by the magnanimity of a great and opulent prince, and becoming the character of so illustrious a monarch as the king of Spain. He is satisfied they will raise the strongest sentiments of gratitude and veneration in the breasts of those whom they regard. At the same time he trusts, that the Spanish nation will receive no inconsiderable retribution from the freedom of that commerce, the monopoly of which contributed so much to strengthen and aggrandize her rival and her foe; nor can anything give more lasting satisfaction to the royal mind, than the reflection of having employed those means which God has put into his hands, in assisting an oppressed people to vindicate those rights and liberties, which have been violated by twice six years of incessant injuries and insulted supplications; those rights which God and nature, together with the convention of their ancestors and the constitution of their country, gave to the people of the States. Instead of that protection in these rights, which was the due return for the sovereignty exercised over them, they have seen their defenceless towns wantonly laid in ashes, their unfortified country cruelly desolated, their property wasted, their people slain; the ruthless savage, whose inhuman war spares neither age nor sex, instigated against them; the hand of the servant armed against his master by public proclamation, and the very food which the sea that washes their coast, furnishes, forbidden them by a law of unparalleled folly and injustice.Proinde quasi injuriamfacere id demum esset imperio uti.Nor was it enough that for these purposes the British force was exhausted against them, but foreign mercenaries were also bribed to complete the butchery of their people, and the devastation of their country. And that nothing might be wanting to make the practices equivalent to the principles of this war, the minds of these mercenaries were poisoned with every prejudice, that might harden their hearts and sharpen their swords against a people, who not only never injured or offended them, but who have received with open arms and provided habitations for their wandering countrymen. These are injuries which the Americans can never forget. These are oppressors whom they can never again endure. The force of intolerable and accumulated outrages has compelled them to appeal to God and to the sword. The king of Spain, in assisting them to maintain that appeal, assists in vindicating the violated rights of human nature. No cause can be more illustrious, no motives more magnanimous.[14]
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Vitoria, March 18th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of writing to you on the 8th from Burgos, since which I have had another conference at this place for greater secrecy and despatch.
In addition to the supplies, which I informed you were to be furnishedthrough the house of Gardoqui by every opportunity, and the powder and clothing which are at New Orleans, and will be advanced to your order, I am assured of having credit from time to time on Holland, and that orders will be given to receive your vessels at the Havanna, as those of the most favored nation, the French, are received. They have promised to examine whether there are any veteran Irish officers fit for your service, and if there are to send them.
I have avoided stipulating any return on our part.
As to an immediate declaration in your favor, they say this is not the moment, and for reasons, which, if I might venture to commit them to this paper, I think you would deem satisfactory. The same reasons render an explicit acknowledgment of your independency, and a treaty of alliance with you, inadmissable at present; but I am desired to assure you of their taking a sincere and zealous part in the establishment of your liberties, which they will promote in every way consistent with their own situation.
I cannot help thinking that the postponing of a treaty is happy for us, since our present situation would raise demands, and perhaps enforce concessions, of which we might sorely repent hereafter. I am sensible, that in consequence we shall be obliged to make greater exertions, and to search deeper for resources within ourselves; but this must in the end be highly beneficial to a young people. It was in this manner the Roman republic was so deeply rooted; and thenmagis dandis, quam accipiendis beneficiis, amicitias parabat. The liberties and benefits which are hardly earned will be highly prized and long preserved.
In conformity with the above arrangement, I have settled with M. Gardoqui, who now is with me, and from whom I have received everypossible assistance, to despatch a vessel with all possible expedition, laden with salt, sail and tent cloth, cordage, blankets, and warlike stores, as he can immediately procure, and an assortment of such drugs as I think will be necessary for the three prevailing camp diseases. Those who furnish these supplies are very desirous of an expedition being ordered against Pensacola, in order that the possession of that place may render the communication between the Southern Colonies and New Orleans, from which they would wish to succor you, more sure and secret. The captain has my directions to make for Philadelphia, or any port to the southward, and wait your orders. At Mons. Gardoqui’s desire, I have given him a recommendation to all the American captains, who may sail from Bilboa, whether in public or private service, to receive such stores as he shall send them for your use.
When this is arranged, I am to return to Paris, where the business of the credit upon Holland is to be settled, and of which you shall have notice by the first opportunity.
In my former letters from Bordeaux and Nantes, I took the liberty of remarking upon the deranged state of your commerce. I find here that you have not sent any vessels to Bilboa, though as being the most convenient, it is most frequented by private vessels. It is a free port, has no custom-house, and therefore business is despatched with more secrecy and expedition. Rice, indigo, tar, pitch, and turpentine, bear a good price there, and fish in Lent. By the provincial laws of Biscay, tobacco is prohibited, but it may be landed at the port of St Sebastian, some fourteen leagues distant; and it sells well in Spain; but it must be strong Virginia tobacco for this market. The house of Gardoqui has promised to collect from other places, such things as Ihave informed them will be proper for your service. As Mons. Montandauine and Mons. Schweighauser at Nantes, and the Messrs Delaps at Bordeaux, are the best and most respectable merchants, so the Gardoquis are at Bilboa. Their zeal and activity in our cause were greatly manifested in the affair of the privateer; they are besides in the special confidence of the Court, and one of them has been employed as interpreter in all our business.
If touching upon commercial subjects, which are somewhat out of my province, should be of any use, that will be my excuse; if not, I hope the expectation of its being useful will plead my pardon. I mentioned in my last, that the Germans, intended to be sent the latter end of this month through Holland, were to consist of seven thousand recruits and eight hundred Hessian chasseurs; but from the best accounts I can get, they will neither be so forward nor so numerous as was intended. To retard them the more, I have proposed to the Commissioners at Paris, to remonstrate with the States-General against granting them a passage, which is to expedite their embarkation, and I have written to Holland to have the account of the captivity of their countrymen and the refusal to exchange them and settle a cartel, destributed among the troops, in German, before they embark.
I have sent copies of General Washington’s letter, and such an account as I could collect from the newspapers, of the success of your arms all over Europe; since that, I find by the enclosed Gazette, that the Court of Great Britain have already published their account of it. It is lamentable to observe, to what unworthy means of flattering the vices of princes the human mind will stoop. The Carletons, the Howes, and thePerceys call themselves honorable men; yet, because they know nothing pleases the king of England more than the grossest abuse of the Americans, they let slip no opportunity of accusing and traducing them. That these charges may not fall into the hands of future historians uncontradicted, I could wish, since it has now become a public accusation by General Howe, that General Washington might write him a letter, stating the injustice of the charge, and mentioning the instances, such as the burying Captain Leslie with the honors of war, in which the troops under his command have manifested a disposition directly opposite to that of which he has accused them; this would go down to posterity as an authentic vindication. I am as jealous of the honor of our name as desirous of the success of our arms.
I mentioned in my former letters their plan of sending out cutters of twelve and fourteen guns, commanded by lieutenants of the navy, to cruise on your coast, chiefly in the Gulf, and that the West India ships were to be armed. On the other hand we are assured, by both France and Spain, that such a disposition of their fleets and forces will be made as ought to persuade England, that she cannot sustain the war against you as she has planned. Your wisdom will direct you how far to trust to these assurances, or their expected consequences, when our stake is so precious, that the most ardent and unremitting exertions cannot be too great; not that I suspect the sincerity of these assurances, but the effects they are to produce; for I know the nature of the king of England to be such, that nothing but personal fear, which the quietism of the people is not likely to produce, will restrain him from the most desperate attempts to injure and enslave us; besides, the state of Europe is such as to render it morally certain,that a war in Europe will relieve you from these extraordinary exertions before a year has passed away. The death of the king of Portugal is too recent for any certain judgment to be formed of its consequences; probably however it will produce an accommodation with Spain, but should it extinguish this spark of a war, it will leave Spain more at liberty to aid us, and awe, if not attack Great Britain. The situation of the enemy seems to be this. Great Britain and Ireland exhausted, the difficulties of recruiting for the ensuing campaign, from Germany, great and notorious, though the demand was proportioned to the prosperous state of their affairs; from this quarter therefore they have little more to hope; to Russia alone they may apply if the cloud that is rising from Constantinople should blow over, without which it is impossible they should have any aid from thence; but if this should happen it will be our endeavor, and I hope we shall succeed in raising the opposition of other European Powers to that measure. I mean to propose on my return to Paris, the sounding both of the emperor and the king of Prussia on this subject. The one wishes to promote the port of Ostend, the other of Emden, and by these we may perhaps work them up to our wishes.
It is upon this view of things, that I found my hopes of the next campaign being the last struggle of any importance, which the enemy can make against us. The distress of their finances and the difficulty of raising the supplies are great. It is certain, that the Dutch, on whom they so much depend, withhold their money as far as they can find Spanish paper to vest it in. The degree of their alarm from France and Spain may be seen from their embodying the militia; and their expensivepreparations by sea; that this alarm will not be suffered to subside I believe. Their divisions at home are apparent from the suspension of the habeas corpus act, which will probably realise their apprehensions of domestic troubles.
I find that in consequence of my application to the Count d’Aranda in Paris, he had written to his Court here concerning the detention of the proceeds of some of your cargoes, by the merchants of Cadiz. As soon as I can get an accurate statement of that affair from Mr Thomas Morris, it will be put in a train of certainly obtaining justice. There are some, I am informed, in the same situation at Lisbon, and I think we may feel the pulse of the new government there, by applying to that Court for justice.
I subjoin an estimate of the current prices of several American articles at Bilboa, and have the honor of being, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
Flour 16 pistareens per hundred weight.—Rice from 20 to 22 do. per do.—Fish 22 to 30 do. per quintal.—Beeswax from 212 to 215 do.—Fine common Sugars from 49 to 54 do. per do.—Large brown Cocoa 6 bitts per lb.—Indigo from 7 to 10 pistareens per lb.—Masts, Yards, and Spars in great demand. Furs the same. Tobacco lower in Spain than lately in France.P. S.As well as I can collect from the foreign papers, they have passed a bill in England to enable the King to commit toanyprison such persons as hesuspectsof favoring America, and to fix the crime of piracy on all those who are taken at sea with your commission. In some former resolution, you declared that retaliation should be made onthose, who were suspected of favoring the measures of the British Government in the States; and hitherto the American privateers have permitted the subjects of Great Britain to depart in peace. Our enemies are determined to show how unworthy they are of such lenity, as several individuals besides Captain Ross have done. They will compel you to make it a war of revenge, not of redress.It would not, I think, be difficult to negotiate a loan of money for the States of Virginia and South Carolina, through the Havanna; if you think this would be useful, please to give your directions in it by the first opportunity. The present disposition to oblige us may not last forever.
Flour 16 pistareens per hundred weight.—Rice from 20 to 22 do. per do.—Fish 22 to 30 do. per quintal.—Beeswax from 212 to 215 do.—Fine common Sugars from 49 to 54 do. per do.—Large brown Cocoa 6 bitts per lb.—Indigo from 7 to 10 pistareens per lb.—Masts, Yards, and Spars in great demand. Furs the same. Tobacco lower in Spain than lately in France.
P. S.As well as I can collect from the foreign papers, they have passed a bill in England to enable the King to commit toanyprison such persons as hesuspectsof favoring America, and to fix the crime of piracy on all those who are taken at sea with your commission. In some former resolution, you declared that retaliation should be made onthose, who were suspected of favoring the measures of the British Government in the States; and hitherto the American privateers have permitted the subjects of Great Britain to depart in peace. Our enemies are determined to show how unworthy they are of such lenity, as several individuals besides Captain Ross have done. They will compel you to make it a war of revenge, not of redress.
It would not, I think, be difficult to negotiate a loan of money for the States of Virginia and South Carolina, through the Havanna; if you think this would be useful, please to give your directions in it by the first opportunity. The present disposition to oblige us may not last forever.
A. L.
FROM B. FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.
Passy, March 21st, 1777.
Dear Sir,
We have received your favors from Vitoria and Burgos.
The Congress sitting at Baltimore despatched a packet to us the 9th of January, containing an account of the success at Trenton, and subsequent events to that date, as far as they had come to knowledge. The vessel was obliged to run up a little river in Virginia to avoid some men of war, and was detained there seventeen days, or we should have had these advices sooner. We learn however through England, where they have news from New York to the 4th of February, that in Lord Cornwallis’s retreat to New Brunswick two regiments of his rear guard were cut to pieces; that General Washington having got round him to Newark and Elizabethtown, he had retired to Amboy in his way to New York; that General Howe had called in the garrisons of Fort Lee andFort Constitution, which were now possessed by our people; that on the New York side, Forts Washington and Independence were retaken by our troops, and that the British forces at Rhode Island were recalled for the defence of New York.
The Committee in their letters mention the intention of Congress to send ministers to the Courts of Vienna, Tuscany, Holland, and Prussia. They also send us a fresh commission, containing your name instead of Mr Jefferson’s, with this additional clause, “and also to enter into, and agree upon a treaty with His Most Christian Majesty, or such other person or persons as shall be by him authorised for that purpose, for assistance in carrying on the present war between Great Britain and these United States.” The same clause is in a particular commission they have sent me to treat with the Court of Spain, similar to our common commission to the Court of France;[15]and I am accordingly directed to go to Spain; but as I know that choice was made merely on the supposition of my being a little known there to the great personage for whom you have my letter, (a circumstance of little importance) and I am really unable through age to bear the fatigue and inconveniences of such a journey, I must excuse myself to Congress, and join with Mr Deane in requesting you to proceed in the business on the former footing, till you can receive a particular commission from Congress, which will no doubt be sent as soon as the circumstances are known.
We know of no plans or instructions to Mr Deane but those you have with you. By the packet, indeed, we have some fresh instructions whichrelate to your mission, viz. that in case France and Spain will enter into the war, the United States will assist the former in the conquest of the British sugar islands, and the latter in the conquest of Portugal, promising the assistance of six frigates manned, of not less than twentyfour guns each, and provisions equal to 2,000,000 dollars; America desiring only for her share, what Britain holds on the continent; but you shall by the first safe opportunity have the instructions at length. I believe we must send a courier.
If we can, we are ordered to borrow £2,000,000 on interest. Judge then, what a piece of service you will do, if you can obtain a considerable subsidy, or even a loan without interest.
We are also ordered to build six ships of war. It is a pleasure to find the things ordered, which we were doing without orders.
We are also to acquaint the several Courts, with the determination of America to maintain at all events our independence. You will see by the date of the resolution relating to Portugal, as well as by the above, that the Congress were stout in the midst of their difficulties. It would be well to sound the Court of Spain on the subject of permitting our armed ships to bring prizes into her ports, and there dispose of them. If it can be done openly, in what manner can we be accommodated with the use of their ports, or under what restrictions? This government has of late been a little nice on that head; and the orders to L’Orient have occasioned Captain Wickes some trouble.
We have good advice of our friend at Amsterdam, that in the height of British pride on their summer success, and just before, they heard of any check, the ambassador, Sir Joseph Yorke, had been ordered to senda haughty memorial to the States, importing that notwithstanding their promises to restrain their subjects from supplying the rebels, it was notorious, that those supplies were openly furnished by Hollanders at St Eustatia; and that the governor of that island had returnedfrom his fort the salute of a rebel ship of war with an equal number of guns; that his Majesty justly and highly resented these proceedings, and demanded that the States should by more severe provisions restrain that commerce; that they should declare their disapprobation of the insolent behavior of their governor, and punish him by an immediate recall; otherwise his Majesty, who knows what appertains to the dignity of his crown, would take proper measures to vindicate it; and he required an immediate answer. The States coolly returned the memorial with only this answer, that when the respect due to sovereigns was not preserved in a memorial, it ought not to be expected in an answer. But the city of Amsterdam took fire at the insolence of it, and instructed their deputies in the States to demand satisfaction by the British Court’s disavowal of the memorial, and the reprimand of the ambassador. The States immediately demanded a number of men of war ships to be in readiness. Perhaps since the bad news has come, England may be civil enough to make up this little difference.
Mr Deane is still here. You desire our advice about your stopping at Burgos. We are of opinion that you should comply with the request. While we are asking aid, it is necessary to gratify the desires and in some sort comply with the humors of those we apply to. Our business now is to carry our point. But I have never yet changed the opinion I gave in Congress, that a virgin State should preserve the virgin character,and not go about suitoring for alliances, but wait with decent dignity for the applications of others. I was overruled; perhaps for the best.
With the greatest esteem, I am ever, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.